EDUCATION REPARATION: AN EXAMINATION OF BLACK TEACHER RETENTION
Malika Melesse Hollinside B.A., California State University, Sacramento, 2004 M.A., California State University, Sacramento, 2013
DISSERTATION
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
in
EDUCATIONAL LEADERSHIP
at
CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO
SPRING 2017
Copyright © 2017 Malika Melesse Hollinside All rights reserved
ii
EDUCATION REPARATION: AN EXAMINATION OF BLACK TEACHER RETENTION
A Dissertation
by
Malika Melesse Hollinside
Approved by Dissertation Committee:
______Dr. Lisa Romero, PhD. ______Dr. Lisa William, PhD. ______Dr. Frank Lilly, PhD.
SPRING 2017
iii
EDUCATION REPARATION: AN EXAMINATION OF BLACK TEACHER RETENTION
Student: Malika Melesse Hollinside
I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this dissertation is suitable for shelving in the library and credit is to be awarded for the dissertation.
______, Graduate Coordinator ______Dr. Lisa Romero, Ph.D. Date
iv
LIVICATION
To Jaiden Williams: Miracles happen. We will pray for yours until it comes.
All praise unto the Most High for giving me the strength, wisdom, and perseverance to accomplish this endeavor. I give eternal thanks for the countless blessings and pray that others may be so fortunate. With every cell in my being I will never cease the fight for the liberation, justice, and evolution of humanity.
To my Ancestors: All honor, respect, and gratitude. My struggles pale in comparison to your tribulations; I pray my efforts are worthy of your legacy.
To my Granny Lydia and Grandma Frances: You are thought of everyday. I pray that I have made you proud…
To my mother Nitza: This lifetime is not long enough to share with you and pay you back for all you have given. All that I am is because of you. This is for you.
To the young adults who I have watched grow up too soon - Nile, Satta, Abi,
Sundullah, Ausaru, and Nsheema: I was blessed the day each one of you came into my life. My love for you is eternal. You are my source of pride, inspiration, joy, and hope. I don’t expect that you carry my mission, but I do expect that you carry the same love of life, compassion for humanity, and drive to accomplish whatever you set your mind to.
Never forget that you are all the favored children of the Most High, and that you have great purpose to serve. Be fearless…you are always protected…and greatly loved…
v
To Lakim: My king, my comrade, my best friend. You have stood beside me through countless journeys, and I will stand by you in return. We found each other again in this lifetime, as we will eternally. I thank Pam for bringing you to earth…I love you with a love that transcends time and space…
To Bob: I thank God for bringing you into our life. You have been a rock for me and my children. I am truly grateful.
To my father Jeff: Thank you for giving me the gift of humor. To laugh is to feel alive…
To Carmen and Jolyn: My best friends for life. Your achievements have motivated and inspired me to be all that I am. How rare and special is it that the three of us would end up Dr. Johnson, Professor Johnston, and Dr. Hollinside. I am so thankful to have you in my life.
To my students: You have made me the richest woman on earth. Every struggle has been worth it because of you.
To my Cohort 8 compadres: I will forever cherish this experience with you. I pray for our collective health, happiness, success, and transformation.
To the participants of this study and to my fellow Black teachers: Thank you for all that you are and all that you do. You are my allies and comrades on this battlefield. I have the highest respect for you and all that you do. This study is for you.
vi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
In recognition of H.I.M. Haile Selassie I.
In recognition of all freedom fighters near and far- I salute you. Guidance and protection always.
In recognition of centuries of Black teachers and other teachers of color who risked their lives to uplift the people.
In recognition of the early Black teachers, who faced the most extreme forms of injustice with a class, poise, strength, and perseverance that I strive to manifest. I proudly and steadfastly carry on that legacy.
In recognition of the known and unknown Black activists and theorists of color, for providing us with frameworks that not only help us understand and articulate our realities, but present the solutions.
In recognition of Mr. Montes, the one teacher in my entire K12 experience who taught me that talking about race, culture, is necessary and empowering. You changed my life.
In recognition of Dr. Romero, for your devoted interest in this important topic. Thank you for always holding the highest expectations of me.
In recognition of Dr. Lisa William, for years of support and encouragement. You have set an example of professionalism, power, and intelligence that continues to inspire and motivate me.
In recognition of Dr. Lilly, for your positive energy and enthusiasm for this research. Your kindness will be remembered always.
In recognition of my EDD Professors, for assisting in my transformation.
vii
CURRICULUM VITAE
EDUCATION
Bachelor of Arts
Ethnic Studies, California State University, Sacramento, 2004
Master of Arts
Bilingual and Multicultural Education, California State University, Sacramento, 2013
Doctorate of Educational Leadership
California State University, Sacramento, 2017
PROFESSIONAL EXMPLOYMENT
High School English and Math Teacher, Heritage Peak Charter School, 2009-Present
High School English Teacher, Genesis Charter School, 2007-2009
Middle School English and World History Teacher, Rosa Parks Middle School, 2006-
2007
High School English Teacher, Luther Burbank High School, 2004-2006
FIELDS OF STUDY
Ethnic Studies, African Centered Pedagogy, Cultural Competency, Transformative
Leadership
viii
Abstract
of
EDUCATION REPARATION: AN EXAMINATION OF BLACK TEACHER RETENTION
by
Malika Melesse Hollinside
Black K12 teachers leave the profession at faster rates than any other ethnic group.
This exacerbates the disproportion of Black educators in the American teaching force. This study on the experiences of Black K12 teachers can inform the American school system of the workplace conditions that perpetuate their high turnover rates. The purpose of this study was to examine the workplace factors that positively and negatively impact Black
K12 teacher retention.
This study utilized a mixed-method approach to examine the qualitative and quantitative data. Qualitative data was collected through the interviews of ten Black K12 teachers in Northern California. The interview data was analyzed through open coding to identify existing and emerging themes. The findings confirmed existing research on
Black teacher retention and found several common positive themes including: connections with Black/Brown students, advocacy for Black students. resistance, and
Black teacher magic. The negative themes that were found included: administrative issues, overt/covert racism, professional barriers, cultural incongruity, and disenchantment.
ix
Quantitative data was generated from a 48 question Likert scale survey sent by email to Black teachers throughout the nation. An analysis of 98 teacher surveys found numerous positive and negative themes that impact Black teachers’ desire to remain in the field. The survey data was analyzed through a Multiple Regression to see which workplace factors, if any, predicted Black teacher retention. The quantitative data identified several workplace factors that have significant correlations with Black teacher retention including:
Administrative Characteristics, Decision Making Influence, Racial Issues, Upward
Mobility, Cultural Competency, Safety, and Resources. The regression found the workplace factor Administration Characteristics to be most influential predictor of Black teacher retention.
K12 administrators who are liberatory, transformative, supportive, respectful, and culturally responsive are more likely to retain their Black teacher populations. On the other hand, too many K12 school administrators do not support Black teachers professionally and culturally. K12 administrators who are oppressive, unsupportive, and culturally incompetent are more likely to drive Black teachers out of their schools.
Recommendations were made to inform the nation’s educational leaders of the federal, state, district, and school level transformations that can benefit Black K12 teacher retention.
x
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Livication ………………………………………………………………………………...v
Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………vii
Curriculum Vitae………………………………………………………………………..viii
List of Figures……………………………………………...………………………….…xv
List of Tables………………………………………………...………………….….…..xvii
Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………...1
Background of the Study…………………………………..……………………...6
Statement of the Problem……………………………...……………………...….16
Purpose of the Study……………………………………………………………..17
Significance of the Study………………………………………………………...18
Nature of the Study………………………………………………………………18
Theoretical Frameworks…………………………………………………………20
Critical Race Theory……………………………………………………..20
Organizational Culture Theory…………………………………………..24
Limitations……………………………………………………………………….27
Operational Definitions…………………………………………………………..27
xi
2. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE……………………………………………30
Historical Background………………………………………………………...…31
Black Teacher Retention and Attrition…………………………………………. 43
Theoretical Frameworks………….………………………...……………………55
Critical Race Theory………………………………………….……...... 55
Organizational Cultural Theory………………………………………….63
3. METHODOLOGY……………………………………………………….………….79
Research Design………………………………………………………….………79
Qualitative Research……………………………………………………..………82
Quantitative Research Design……………………………………………………84
Role of Researcher……………………………………………………………….85
Research Questions………………………………………………………………86
Setting, Population, and Sample…....……………………………………………88
Instrumentation…………………………………………………………………..88
Data Analysis……………………………………………………….……………93
Validity…………………………………………………………………………..94
Reliability……………………………………………………………………...…95
Protection of Participants………………………………………………………...95
4. QUALITATIVE DATA ANALYSIS………………………………….……………..97
Interview Participants…………………………………………………………....99
xii
Qualitative Research Questions……………………………….……….……….103
Qualitative Themes………………….………………………………………….103
Positive Themes………………………………………………………………...105
Negative Themes……………………………………………………………….123
5. QUANTITATIVE DATA ANALYSIS………………………………………..……141
Descriptive Statistics……………………………………………………………141
Retention Frequencies………...………………………………….……………..150
Workplace Factor and Retention Relationships……………………………...…168
Multiple Linear Regression Analysis…………………………...………………170
6. CONCLUSIONS…………………………………………...……………………….176
Triangulation………………………..…………………………………………..177
Key Findings……………………………………………………………………180
Theoretical Applications………………………………………………………..193
Critical Race Theory……………………………………………………………195
Organizational Culture Theory…………………………………………………203
Transformative Leadership Theory……………………………………………..212
Summary………………………………………………………………………..224
Limitations……………………………………………………………………...224
Implications……………………………………………………………………..226
Recommendations………………………………………………………………228
Future Research………………………………………………………………...233
xiii
Researcher’s Note………………………………………………………………234
7. APPENDICES………………………………………………………………………239
Appendix A: Informed Consent Form………………………………………….239
Appendix B: Informed Consent Form………………………………………….240
Appendix C: Qualitative Research Questions…………………………………..241
Appendix D: Quantitative Survey……………………………………………...242
Appendix E: Correlations of Retention and Workplace Factor ………….....….249
Appendix F: Means and Std. Deviations of Retention/Workplace Factors…….250
REFERENCES……………………………..…………………………………….…….251
xiv
LIST OF FIGURES
Figures Page
1. Teacher and Student Diversity Gap………………………………………… ………...7
2. U.S. Teacher Demographics By Race……………………………..…………………..9
3. Major Tenets of Critical Race Theory……………………………………………..…21
4. Black Teacher Attrition……………………………………………………………….44
5. Annual Teacher Turnover by Year…………………………………………………...45
6. Teacher Turnover Rates, 2012-13………………………………………………….....47
7. Organizational Perspective of Minority Teacher Shortage…………………...………48
8. Organizational Culture Model……………………………………………………….64
9. Retention Questions………..………………….……………………………………145
10. Black Teachers’ Intentions for Teaching…………………..………………………147
11. I Would Encourage Blacks to Enter Profession……………………………………147
12. Plans to Remain in Profession……………………………………………………..148
13. Black Teacher Retention Frequencies……………………………….…………….149
14. Reasons Teachers Might Leave the Profession……………………………………149
xv
15. Retention Variable Frequencies……………………………………………………153
16. Upward Mobility Frequencies...……………………………………...…...……….159
17. Qualitative Research Conclusions…………………………………………………176
18. Quantitative Research Conclusions………………………………………………..176
19. Quantitative Research Conclusions………………………………………………..177
20. Data Triangulation Diagram…………………………………………….…………178
21. Key Findings of Black Teacher Retention…………………………………………179
22. Liberatory and Oppressive Organizational Culture………………………….….…207
23. Barriers to Transformative Leadership……………………………………………..219
24. Black Teacher Retention Model……………………………………………...……223
vi
LIST OF TABLES
Tables Page
1. Participant Descriptions……………………….…………………………………….102
2. Qualitative Theme Frequency Chart…………………………………...……………104
3. Connections with Students, Parents, and Families…..…………………………….. 106
4. Extended Families………………………………………………………………….. 107
5. Connections with Communities………………………………………………….….108
6. Advocacy for Black and Underrepresented Students…………………………...……110
7. Creating and Implementing Liberational Pedagogy……………………………...…113
8. Resistance……………………………………………………………………………118
9. Black Teacher Magic……………………………….…………………………..……120
10. Warm Demanders…………………………….………………………..……………122
11. Overt and Covert Racism in American Schools……..……………………………..124
12. Overt and Covert Racism in American Schools……..…………………….………..125
13. Disconnection Between Schools and Black Students…………...…………………127
14. Disconnection Between Schools and Black Parents/Families/Teachers………..…128
xvii
15. Cultural Incongruities in American Schools………………………………….……130
16. Negative Critique of Administration and School Organization……………………132
17. Positive Critique of Administration and School Organization…………………….134
18. Disenchantment…………………………………………………………………….136
19. Barriers Within the Profession…………………...…………………………..…….138
20. Participant Frequencies………………………...…………………………………..143
21. Participant Frequencies…………………………………………………………….144
22. Intentions for Teaching Variable Frequencies…………………………………...…146
23. Retention Variable Frequencies Data Set………………………………….………151
24. Retention Variable Frequencies Data Set………………………………….………152
25. Administration Relationship Variable Frequencies…………………………………154
26. Decision Making Influence Variable Frequencies……………...………………….156
27. Upward Mobility Variable Frequencies……………………………………………158
28. Self and Cultural Identity Frequencies……………………………………………..160
29. Issues of Race, Racism, and Culture Frequencies…………………………………..162
xviii
30. Safety and Resources Frequencies………………………………………………….163
31. Racism and Discrimination Frequencies……………………………….…………..165
32. Racial and Cultural Needs Frequencies………………………….…….…………..167
33. Correlations of Workplace Factors with Retention Index………………...………..169
34. Workplace Factors (Independent Variables)………………………………...….…..171
35. Retention (Dependent Variables)…………………………….……………..………172
36. Multiple Linear Regression Model ……………………………………………….173
37. Liberatory Characteristics- Meaningful Professional Development…….……...….209
38. Liberatory Characteristics- Respectful School Culture…………………………….209
39. Liberatory Characteristics- Culturally Responsive and Competent………………..210
40. Liberatory Characteristics- Supportive of Teachers……………………….………210
41. Liberatory Characteristics- Investment in Community…………………………….210
42. Administrative Characteristic Chart……………………………..…………………211
43. Characteristics of transformative leadership……………………………………… 217
44. Feminist Vision of Transformative Politics………………………………………..219
45. Transformative Leadership Administrator Chart…………………………………..221
xix
46. Transformative Leadership School Chart…………………………...……………..222
47. Recommendations for Federal Educational Organizations……….…….………….229
48. Recommendations for State Educational Organizations……………………...... ….230
49. Recommendations for Offices of Education and School Districts…………...……231
50. Recommendations for School Administrators………………………..…...……….232
xx
1
Chapter 1
INTRODUCTION
Not everything that is faced can be changed, but nothing can be changed until
it is faced (James Baldwin, 1962).
Educational inequities have been embedded in American history for centuries
(Delpit, 2012, Ingersoll & May, 2011; Jackson, Green, Martin, & Fasching-Varner,
2016). In 2016, K12 schools throughout the nation are still struggling to confront issues of race, diversity, and injustice. One ongoing dilemma concerns the lack of diversity that plagues the American teaching force (Boser, 2016; Albert Shanker Institute, 2015;
Farinde, LeBlanc, & Otten, 2015; Ingersoll & May; 2011; Oakley, Stowell, & Logan,
2009). The problem has drawn Federal and state scrutiny; numerous studies have sought to identify the reasons why the educators who comprise the nation’s teaching force do not proportionately reflect the ethnic diversity of their students (Achinstein, Ogawa, Sexton,
& 2010; Albert Shanker Institute, 2105; Boser, 2016; Elfers, Plecki, & Van Windekens,
2017; Farinde, et al., 2015; Hrabowski & Sanders, 2015; Ingersoll & May, 2011; Kokka;
2016; Oakley, Stowell, & Logan, 2009; Sleeter & Thao, 2007). As students of color now comprise the majority of the nation’s K12 public school population, America has a
“demographic imperative” to address their need to experience professional reflections of themselves in their school environments (Achinstein, et al., 2010, p.72; Albert Shanker
Institute, 2015; Delpit, 2012; Farinde, et al, 2015, Gershenson, Hart, Lindsay, &
Papageorge, 2017; Ladson Billings, 1994). 2
The demographic imperative is predicated on fact that America’s K12 students
represent diverse racial, ethnic, and cultural backgrounds, yet they experience
predominantly White teachers in their classrooms (Farinde, et al, 2015; Force, 1986;
Gershenson, et al., 2017; Jackson, et al, 2016; Kokka, 2016). National Center for
Educational Studies, 2013; Oakley, Stowell, & Logan, 2009; U.S. Department of
Education, 2016; Villegas & Irvine, 2009). Studies show that teachers of color can benefit students of color by serving as role models, by upholding high expectations, implementing culturally responsive teaching, by sharing understandings and cultural
experiences, and by forming strong bridges with students’ families and communities
(Delpit, 2012; Irvine, 1988; Jackson, et al, 2016; Ladson Billings, 1994; Villegas &
Irvine, 2009; Villegas & Lucas, 2004).
While teachers of color are especially important for students of color, it is critical
that all students experience them (Boser, 2014; Albert Shanker Institute, 2015). The
Carnegie Forum (1986) argued that a majority White teaching force presents conflicting
messages to all students about professional opportunities for people of color. Students of
all ages need to see people of color in professional realms in order to counteract
stereotypes of intellectual capabilities and falsehoods of inferiority. Schools with no or
few teachers of color silently promote White supremacy (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015;
Irvine, 1988; Mercer, 1986; Mercer & Mercer, 1986; Waters, 1989).
Data suggests that teachers of color may help mitigate negative circumstances
such as the achievement gap for students of color (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015;
Egalite, Kisida, & Winters, 2013; Farinde, et al., 2015; Gershenson, et al., 2017; 3
Haycock, 2001; Kisida, & Winters, 2015). Emerging research suggests that teachers of
color may have an edge over White teachers in terms of boosting academic progress,
standardized test scores, and rates of attendance, retention, and college acceptance rates
for students of color (Casey, et al, 2015; Dee, 2005; Egalite, Kisida, & Winters, 2013;
Gershenson, et al., 2017; Haycock, 2001; Kisida, & Winters, 2015; Villegas & Davis,
2008; Villegas & Irvine, 2009).
A John Hopkins University and Institute of Labor Economics study on student
and teacher race-matching found even more intriguing results. The newly released data found that being taught by at least one Black teacher in grades 3-5 cuts Black students’ probability of dropping out of high school to 29% (Gershenson, et al., 2017). Being taught by at least one Black teacher in grades 3-5 reduces Black male students’ probability of dropping out of high school by 7 points to 39%, and increased Black male students’ interest in attending college up to 29% (Gershenson, et al., 2017). This study urged that just one year of exposure to a Black teacher had tremendous impact on Black students, and particularly on Black male elementary students (Gershenson, et al., 2017).
In addition to being underrepresented in the profession, however, Black teachers also experience higher rates of turnover or attrition (Achinstein, et al, 2010; Albert
Shanker Insitute, 2015; Delpit, 2012; Farinde, Allen, & Chance, 2016; Ingersoll & May,
2011; NCTAF, 2003). Attrition refers to the ways that teachers leave the profession to move to different educational positions, to different schools or districts, or to different professions altogether, and is identified as the prominent factor in the diversity gap of
teachers of color (Boe, Bobbit and Cook, 1993; Albert Shanker Institute, 2015; Ingersoll 4
& May, 2011). Black educators are identified as the segment of the teaching force that has the highest attrition rates, and that has failed to grow in numbers over the past thirty years (Achinstein, et al, 2010; Albert Shanker Institute, 2015). While they enter the field at consistently steady rates, they are more likely to leave, making attrition the biggest factor accounting for the disproportion of Black educators in the teaching force
(Achinstein, et al, 2010; Albert Shanker Institute, 2015; Farinde, et al, 2016; Ingersoll &
May, 2011). The imperative to retain Black teachers is an important issue; there is a need
for greater understanding of the perspectives that Black teachers possess about their
experiences in K12 schools in regard to their decisions to remain in or leave the
profession.
In her book Teaching to Transgress, author, educator, and social activist bell
hooks1 introduced the term “passion of experience”, a concept that she applied to Black
educators’ unique presence and power in the classroom. hooks (2000) asserted that Black
teachers possess privileged standpoints, or “unique mixtures of experiential and
analytical ways of knowing” (p.90). Their authentic foundations of knowledge are based
on lived experiences that connect them to their students in deep and meaningful ways.
These privileged standpoints have the potential to nurture cultural, historical, and social
knowledge in Black students, and to enhance their educational experiences by helping
them form positive self and group identities. Black teachers possess the “privilege” and
ability to teach Black students how to navigate a nation and a world rife with racial
inequity and injustice in ways that can impact their daily choices and potentially improve
1 The usage of lowercase letters in bell hooks’ name is the writer’s personal preference. 5
their life chances (Jackson, et al, 2016).
Moreover, the presence of strong Black teachers in U.S. classrooms and the
intentional “race-matching” of Black students and Black teachers has been shown to
boost student graduation rates, increase college interest, and encourage Black students to
want to become educators themselves one day (Egalite, Kisida, & Winters, 2013;
Farinde, et al, 2015; Gershenson, et al., 2017). Milner and Howard (2004) affirmed
“What people experience on a day-to-day effectuates how they view and vision the possibility of their lives” in argument that Black students need to see Black professionals
to envision themselves accordingly (p.8). The majority of Black students, however, are
unlikely to ever have a Black teacher in their entire K12 experience and will rarely, if
ever, benefit from the “passion of experience” in their classrooms.
Educational stakeholders must prioritize support for Black teachers and
acknowledge that highly qualified Black teachers have a positive impact with not only
Black students, but with all students in general (Delpit, 2012; Farinde, et al, 2015; Albert
Shanker Institute, 2015). As Baldwin (1957) professed, the issues surrounding the lack
of diversity in the teaching force must be faced to find resolution. This study will
analyze the perspectives of Black teachers to determine the specific circumstances that
lead their attrition or retention in the field of education.
6
Background of the Study
The U.S. Department of Education began collecting demographic data for newly desegregated schools for the first time in 1972, and found that while teachers of color
made up 12% of the teaching force, students of color comprised 22% of student
enrollment (Villegas, Strom, & Lucas, 2012). The issue of the teacher diversity rose to
national attention in the 1980’s when educational, political, and professional leaders
identified the racial gap in student-teacher demographics in K12 schools (Carnegie
Forum on Education and the Economy, 1986; Villegas, Strom, & Lucas, 2012). By 1982,
the diversity discrepancy had risen by 17 percent points, with teachers of color
representing 10% of the teaching force and students of color making up 27% of student
enrollment (National Education Association [NEA], 2003; U.S. Department of
Education, 2001; Villegas, Strom, & Lucas, 2012). The shortage of teachers of color
gained recognition as a national problem (Villegas, Strom, & Lucas, 2012).
The “demographic/diversity gap” refers to the disparity between the number of
teachers of color in relation to the number of students of color in America’s schools
(Achinstein, Ogawa, Sexton, & Freitas, 2010; Boser, 2016; Hrabowski & Sanders, 2015;
Sleeter & Thao, 2007). The demographic/diversity gap reflects that in more than 40% of
America’s public schools, students do not get to experience being taught by a teacher of
color (Boser, 2011, Hrabowski & Sanders, 2015). See Figure 1. 7
2013 Teacher and Student Diversity Gap 90% 82% 80% 70% 60% 50% 49% 40% 30% 23% 20% 16% 10% 7% 8% 6% 2% 0% Black White Latino Asian, Native American, Pacific Islander
Teachers Students
Figure 1. Teacher and student diversity gap. (National Center for Educational Studies, 2013; U.S. Department of Education, 2016)
“Minority” students now constitute the majority of America’s K12 public school population and account for more than 50% of public school students (Albert Shanker
Institute, 2015; NCES, 2015). This increase is due largely to the growth of the Latino student population; from 2003 to 2013 the percentage of Latino students grew from 19% to 25% (Department of Education [DOE], 2013; National Center for Educational Studies
[NCES], 2013; Common Core of Data [CCD], 2003 and 2013). Black students currently represent approximately 16% of public school students, White students comprise 49%,
Asian students represent 5%; and Native American students represent 1% (NCES, 2015).
As the Latino and Asian student populations are projected to continue increasing to 29% and 6% respectively by fall 2025, the number of non-white students is projected to reach approximately 56% of the total public school enrollment (DOE, 2016; NCES, Common
Core of Data, 2013-14). 8
The number of teachers of color are not increasing at the same pace as the number of teachers of color, signifying that the racial, ethnic, and cultural disparities between the
nation’s students and their teachers will become even greater (Albert Shanker Institute,
2015). In 2011, the Center for American Progress created a “Teacher Diversity Index”
(Boser, 2014) to rank states by the differences between their teachers of and students of
color. Using data generated from the 2012 Schools and Staffing Survey (SASS) and the
2011 Common Core of Data by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), the
Teacher Diversity Index found that: 1) the majority of states have a demographic gap;
2) the demographic divide between students and teachers is growing even larger; and
3) the Latino and Black demographic divides were larger than other ethnic groups (Boser,
2014; CA Department of Education, 2012-13).
While the numbers of teachers of color grew from 12% to 17% over the last 25
years, White teachers comprised approximately 82% of the national K12 public school
teaching force as of 2011-12 (U.S. Department of Education [DOE] 2016; Digest of
Education Statistics [DES] 2014). The teachers of color demographics were 7% Black,
8% Latino, 2% Asian, and less than 1% Native American and Pacific Islander (DOE,
2016; DES, 2014). (See Figure 2). The diversity gap was even larger in private schools, where teachers were 88% non-Hispanic White, 4% Black, and 5% Latino (DOE, 2013;
NCES, 2013). In 2012, Blacks represented about 7% of all new teachers, while Whites represented 79% (DOE, 2011-12). While fewer Black teachers than White teachers were hired in 2012-13, a higher percentage of them left the profession. In 2012-13, 10% of
Black teachers left the field, and 7.5 % of White teachers left (DOE, 2012-13). 9
US Teacher Demographics by Race 2007-08 0.2 0.5 0.9 Black teachers 2 8 7 White (non-Latino) teachers
Latino teachers
Asian teachers
Native American/Alaska 82 Native Pacific Islander
Figure 2. U.S. teacher demographics by race. (Department of Education, 2016; Digest of Education Statistics, 2014)
The demographic/diversity gap affects the nation as a whole, yet it is especially pronounced in California; approximately 73% of California’s students are non-white, while only 29% of the states’ teachers are non-white (Boser, 2014; CA Department of
Education, 2012-13). Out of the 6,236,672 students in California’s diverse public schools in 2012-13, 6% were Black, yet Black teachers made up only about 4% of California’s
295,093 teachers (CA Department of Education, 2012-13). Black males constituted roughly 1% of the total number of California’s teachers, and Black females represented
3% (CA Department of Education, 2012-13). Comparable to nationwide statistics, 64% of California’s teachers were White, with White females representing the majority (48%) of the profession (CA Department of Education, 2012-13).
10
There are multiple factors that contribute to the lack of diversity in America’s
teaching force. One factor is teacher turnover, or “the departure of teachers from schools,
including ‘movers’ who change schools, and ‘leavers’ who depart” from one year to the next (Achinstein, et al, 2010, p.75). Teachers of color and newer teachers are particularly susceptible; up to 50% turnover within 5 years (Achinstein, et al, 2010). A less discussed reason why Black K12 teachers leave the profession too soon is teacher displacement, or the systematic removal of Black teachers from schools throughout the nation under the guise of school reform. Delpit (2012) noted the process that displacement has forced thousands of Black teachers out of the profession throughout the nation while securing teaching jobs for young, predominantly White new teachers.
A pilot study conducted by the National Commission on Teaching and America’s
Future (NCTAF) found that “teacher turnover has significant learning and monetary costs for school districts” (Barnes, Crowe, & Schaefer, 2007, p. 4). When teachers leave, districts experience costs at the central office level as money is spent recruiting, hiring, processing, and training teachers. At the school level, schools spend money interviewing,
hiring, processing, orienting, and developing new teachers (NCTAF, 2016). The
nonfinancial costs that are incurred are even harder to calculate; it is extremely difficult
to measure the educational and social losses to schools, students, and communities when
valuable teachers transfer or leave the profession.
Initial attempts to quantify the cost of teacher turnover have been problematic and
limited. Industrial, noneducational models were initially used to assess costs in schools
(Barnes, et al., 2007). The complexity of the factors that exist in individual school 11
districts, the use of untested formulas to calculate turnover costs, and incomplete data on
actual costs have made the collection and analysis of accurate teacher turnover costs
difficult to achieve (Barnes, et al., 2007). The development of the School Turnover
Analysis (STA) and the Teacher Turnover Cost Calculator (TTCC) presented two standards for calculating teacher turnover (Barnes, et al., 2007; Shockley, Guglielmino,
and Watlington, 2006).
The NCTAF study examined teacher turnover in five locations representing both
large and small urban, suburban, rural large and small school districts. In both large and
small school districts, data found the costs of teacher turnover to be substantial: $4,366
per teacher in the small district (New Mexico); $15,325 in an average size school district
(Milwaukee); and $17,872 per teacher in the largest school district (Chicago) (Barnes, et
al., 2007). In California, teachers have higher rates of turnover than any other public
service workers; approximately 1/3 of teachers in the state leave the profession before 5
years, representing a 5-year turnover rate of 30% (Kan, 2014). In 2008-09, roughly
18,777 teachers out of 310,004 left the profession, costing the state of California between
$81,960,046 and $178,396,884 (Ingersoll, 2009).
Teacher turnover wastes billions of American dollars annually (Barnes, et al.,
2007; Ingersoll, 2009; Watlington, Shockley, Guglielmino, & Felsher, 2010). In an analysis of the 2008-09 Schools and Staffing Survey (SASS) Ingersoll (2009) estimated teacher turnover costs for states at $1 billion to $2.2 billion per year. The US Department of Labor estimated that teacher attrition costs employers 30% of the employee’s salary
(Barnes, et al., 2007; Watlington, et al., 2010). A national analysis of teacher attrition 12
conducted by the Alliance for Excellence in Education (AEE) in 2005 estimated that the national cost for replacing public school teachers who leave the field is $2.2 billion annually, and that the cost for replacing teachers who move from one school or district to another raises the turnover cost to $4.9 billion per year (AEE, 2005; Barnes, et al., 2007;
Watlington, et al., 2010).
Teacher turnover rates are higher at low performing, high minority, and high poverty schools, signifying that the schools with the least resources waste the most money on attrition (Barnes, et al., 2007). While the rates and costs of teacher turnover are startling, data points to solutions in the form of: induction programs designed to counteract attrition; comprehensive retention strategies in at-risk schools; and the implementation of upgraded tracking systems to hold school districts accountable for their attrition rates (Barnes, et al., 2007; Watlington, et al., 2010). Watlington, et al.
(2010) created a cost benefit algorithm to help educational entities calculate the
“breakeven point between the savings of reducing teacher attrition versus the cost associated with district induction programs” (p. 33). This tool can help school districts quantify the cost benefit of designating $100,000 towards the implementation of new teacher induction programs and professional development proven to promote teacher retention and demonstrates how the increase in teachers retained pays for the costs of those programs (Watlington, et al., 2010). Further application of cost effective solutions to teacher turnover will be expanded upon in Chapter 5.
Turnover is the most significant factor attributing to the lack of teacher diversity, and teachers of color report workplace conditions that lead to high levels of job 13
dissatisfaction as a reason for their turnover (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015; Egalite,
Kisida, & Winters, 2015; Hudson, & Holmes,1994; Ingersoll & Connor, 2009; Ingersoll
& May, 2011; Madkins, 2011; Milner & Howard, 2004). While turnover plays a large role in the diversity gap of teachers of color in general, research identifies disturbing
statistics pertaining to the decreasing presence of Black teachers in America’s K12 public
schools (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015; Delpit, 2012; Egalite, Kisida, & Winters, 2015;
Hudson, & Holmes,1994; Ingersoll & May, 2011; Madkins, 2011; Milner & Howard,
2004).
Black teachers in particular identify that a lack of support from colleagues and
administrators, low salaries, and racism are important factors that influence their
decisions to remain in or leave the teaching profession (Farinde, et. al., 2016).
Furthermore, opportunities for Black teachers to obtain tenure and promotion are
impacted by discriminatory microaggressions that persist in America’s schools, leading
many educators to leave the classroom (Lukes & Bangs, 2014). Although many states
have enacted minority recruitment policies and programs to address the diversity gap, the
numbers of Black teachers have continued to decline at a rate faster than any other ethnic
group (Education Commission of the States, 2003; Ingersoll and May, 2011; Villegas,
Strom, and Lucas, 2012).
Mabokela and Madsen (2007) affirmed that an awareness of the importance of
diversity in schools is not enough to solve the diversity gap, and urged researchers
engage in examination of organizational workplace issues for Black teachers. Too many
Black teachers leave the field because of dissatisfaction with organizational/workplace 14
conditions (Achinstein, et al, 2010; The Albert Shanker Institute, 2015; Farinde, et al,
2016; Ingersoll & Smith, 2003 Ingersoll & May, 2011; Mabokela & Madsen, 2007).
Several adverse workplace conditions are identified as performance pressures that negatively impacted the experiences of Black educators. Those conditions include:
1) administration, or the levels of support, relationships, and management styles that
teachers experience with their school administration (Achinstein, et al, 2010; Albert
Shanker Institute, 2015; Ingersoll & May, 2011); 2) decision making influence, or the amount and type of influence a teacher has over curriculum, pedagogy, discipline. etc.
during decision making processes in the school (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015); 3)
autonomy, or the amount of freedom a teacher has to choose and/or implement
curriculum, pedagogy, discipline, etc. (Achinstein, et al, 2010; Albert Shanker Institute,
2015); 4) career advancement, or the availability of opportunities for upward mobility such as promotion, specialist positions, professional development, etc. in the school
(Farinde, et al, 2016); 5) cultural responsiveness, or the ways that administration and faculty at the school confront and address racial issues through dialogue, experts, professional training, etc. (Mabokela & Madsen, 2007); 6) identity, or the impact of a
teacher’s sense of self-identity on relationships, reputation, perseverance within the
school (Mabokela & Madsen, 2007); 7) school climate, or the norms, values, processes,
and overall characteristics of the school (Achinstein, et al, 2010); 8) discrepant characteristics, or the ways that teachers feel they are treated unequally or differently because of race/ethnicity/culture (Mabokela & Madsen, 2007); 9) automatic notice, or the
experiences associated with standing out in the educational workplace because of 15
racial/cultural differences (Mabokela & Madsen, 2007); 10) symbolic consequence and
isolation, or the ways that teachers face repercussions and exclusion for expressing
themselves culturally, religiously, or radically (Mabokela & Madsen, 2007); and 11) cultural incongruity, or the discrepancies that occur when the overall school culture is not aligned with the racial and cultural needs of the students and teachers (Mabokela &
Madsen, 2007). More research and action is crucial to further define and rectify the
specific elements of workforce conditions that disengage Black educators.
The dearth of qualified Black educators, leaders, and scholars has serious
implications (Delpit, 2012; Farinde, et al, 2015; Gershenson, et al., 2017; Jackson, et al,
2016). Their lack of presence in American K12 schools sends a strong message about
power structures and professional roles for all students (Hudson & Holmes, 1994).
Gordon (1990) asserted that the work, experience, expertise, and ideas of Black educators and scholars have been intentionally marginalized and are overlooked as effective pedagogy and intervention in the education of Black students. The Common Core State
Standards (CCSS), implemented in 2010 as a solution to No Child Left Behind’s (NCLB)
failure to close the achievement gap for Black and Latino students, is the latest example
of America’s ongoing attempt to equitize the educational playing field and boost
academic outcomes for underrepresented students. Without inclusion of input and
expertise from professional Black perspectives, however, these movements are destined
to prolong inequity (Gordon, 1990).
The retention of Black teachers is critical for many reasons: they improve the
performance of Black students (Dee, 2005; Egalite, Kisida, & Winters, 2013; 16
Gershenson, et al, 2017; Kisida, & Winters, 2015; Kokka, 2016); they help all students
and communities as well see representation of Black men and women in the professional realm (Achinstein, et al, 2010; Farinde, et al, 2015); their employment improves the
economic conditions for Black families and communities; they represent role models for
Black students (Ingersoll & May, 2011); they bridge relationships between students, families, communities, and schools; they help identify the presence of institutional racism
(Jackson, et al, 2016; Ladson Billings & Tate, 1995; Tillman, 2004); and they represent
an American commitment to and value of diversity. Moreover, Black teachers are critical
in their role as activists who acknowledge and combat the widespread effects of
oppression and White supremacy on the lives of Black children and other children of
color (Jackson, et al, 2016). The history of Black teachers in America represents an
astounding legacy of power and empowerment that must be restored and protected.
Statement of the Problem
The high attrition rate of Black teachers perpetuates the diversity gap and is the
greatest obstacle to increasing their numbers in schools (Achinstein, et al, 2010; Casey, et
al, 2015; Farinde, et al, 2016; Gershenson, et al, 2107; Ingersoll & Smith, 2003; Ingersoll
& Connor, 2009; Ingersoll and May, 2011; Mabokela & Madsen, 2007: NCTAF, 2003).
Black teachers report that negative workplace factors which stifle their autonomy,
empowerment, and voice are the major factors affecting their retention (Milner and
Howard, 2004; Conner, 2011; Kokka, 2016; Simon, Johnson, & Reinhorn, 2015). There
should be a national imperative to recruit, support, and retain a diverse teaching force and
to address the workplace conditions that impact Black teacher retention. Efforts towards 17
diversifying the teaching force to increase educational equity for students of color
warrant the need for such research and action (Achinstein, et al, 2010; Gershenson,
2017). There is a gap in the data about the specific workplace factors that support and/or
inhibit Black teacher retention.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to illuminate the organizational/workplace factors
that influence Black teachers’ decisions to remain in or to leave the profession. The narratives of Black teachers pinpoint aspects of the educational workplace that support or impede their experience as teachers, and provide insight to the problem of Black teacher attrition and retention. This information may be used by administrations, credentialing programs, and other educational organizations to develop standards of workplace excellence. A consideration of Black teachers’ perspectives can create more inclusive and culturally responsive work environments. This study aims to open channels of expression for historically underrepresented voices whose experiences must be validated if we are to truly advance our nation’s schools to higher levels of diversity, representation, and respect (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
This study also serves to identify practices in American educational systems that may
consciously or unconsciously reflect systemic and institutionalized racism existing in
K12 schools. The data gathered may influence policy and practice in K12 public schools to create inclusive, advanced, equitable, and successful educational systems.
18
Significance of the Study
The retention of Black teachers is important for many reasons. If stakeholders in the nation’s districts and schools are made aware of the work conditions that hamper
Black teachers’ ability to thrive and hence to remain in the profession, then they have an opportunity to assess their own schools and identify which, if any, aspects of practice need to be changed in effort to retain America’s critical Black teaching force. Moreover, if the conditions of American schools change their policy and practice to promote inclusiveness and cultural responsiveness, perhaps more potential Black teachers will be attracted to the profession, leading to higher rates of recruitment as well.
Nature of the Study
This study examines the experiences of Black teachers in the nation’s K12 schools to determine how workplace factors have impacted their decision to remain in or leave the teaching profession. The research seeks to identify and clarify issues pertaining to the Black teacher experience based on data gained through interviews and surveys.
The following research questions will be address the issue of disproportion of Black teachers in America’s teaching population:
Research Question One: What are the workplace factors that Black teachers perceive to positively or negatively impact their retention rates in K12 schools? (Qualitative)
Research Question Two: Are there significant relationships among the following variables regarding the retention of K12 Black teachers throughout the nation?
(Quantitative and Qualitative) 19
• Administration Characteristic- The characteristics of school
administrations in relation to their interaction with Black teachers
(support, management, evaluation)
• Decision Making Influence-The amount and type of influence a teacher
has during decision making processes in the school. (influence over
curriculum, pedagogy, discipline)
• Upward Mobility-Opportunities for upward mobility in the school.
(promotion, specialist positions, professional development)
• Addressing Race and Culture-The ways that administration and faculty at
the school confront and address racial issues. (dialogue, experts,
professional training, etc.)
• Self and Cultural Identity- The impact of a teacher’s sense of self-identity
within the school. (on relationships, reputation, perseverance)
• Safety and Resources- The ways that schools provide teachers and
students with policy and resources to ensure their safety.
• Different Treatment- The ways that teachers may feel they are treated
differently because of race/ethnicity/culture.
• Overt/Covert Racism-The ways that teachers may experience overt and/or
covert racism and discrimination. 20
• Standing Out at Work- The ways that Black teachers may feel that they
stand out in schools.
• Repercussion and Isolation- The ways that teachers experience
repercussions and exclusion for expressing themselves culturally,
religiously, or radically.
• Cultural Competency- The ways that teachers feel their schools address
and support their specific cultural needs (pedagogy, curriculum, training,
policy).
Research Question Three: To what extent are workplace factor variables able to predict
Black K12 teacher retention? (Quantitative)
The research will be based on the interviews and surveys of Black educators who are teaching in public K12 schools throughout the U.S.
Theoretical Framework
Critical Race Theory
Critical Race Theory (CRT) originated in the 1970’s from the studies of law professor Derrick Bell, known as the “intellectual father figure” of the movement, Alan
Freeman, and other legal scholars and activists who acknowledged that the anticipated progress of the Civil Rights movement had not actualized (Bell, 1980; Delgado &
Stefancic, 2012). Bell (1992) argued that the shortcoming of Critical Legal Studies
(CLS) was its neglect of issues concerning race and racism, and ignited the development 21
of a new theory that would explain and combat racial injustice in American society
(Ladson-Billings, 1998; Yosso, 2005).
Social Differential constructionism racialization- leades to viewing ethnic fallacious groups as good or concepts of race bad is harmful Interest convergence: the Identity is ruling class will more likely support layered and causes that benefit hard to define them as well
Racism is Critical Voices-of-color endemic and are essential to embedded in communicate American Race realities of racism society Theory and injustice
Figure 3. Major tenets of critical race theory. (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012; Ladson- Billings & Tate, 1995).
The basic tenets of CRT are: 1) racism is endemic to and ingrained in American society, making it extremely difficult to change or eliminate; 2) change is difficult to achieve because powerful members of society tend to address social issues only to their benefit; 3) social constructionism is responsible for societies’ fallacious concept of race in spite of the lack of scientific proof or justification; 4) differential racialization, or the tendency of the ruling class to view ethnic groups as good or bad depending on the social or economic climate is dangerous; 5) identity is layered, complex, and seldom easy to define; and 6) the voice-of-color thesis which posits that the voices of ethnically oppressed people are essential vehicles for communicating the realities of racism, 22
prejudice, inequity, and injustice (Bell, 1980; Delgado & Stefancic, 2012; Jackson, et al,
2016; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; McGee & Stovall, 2015). (see Figure 3)
The major principles of CRT that can be utilized to inform theory, research,
pedagogy, curriculum and policy are: an intercentricity of race and racism; a challenge to
Eurocentric ideology; a dedication to social justice; the importance of experiential
knowledge; and the integration of interdisciplinary approaches (Bell, 1992; Jackson, et al,
2016; Ladson-Billings, 1998; McGee & Stovall, 2015; Solórzano, 1997 & 1998; Yosso,
2005). The overarching themes of Critical Race Theory that inform this study include:
Voices of Color; Interest Convergence, Racial Realism; and Revisionist History (Bell,
1980; Delgado & Stefancic, 2012).
Interest convergence holds that civil rights or social progress for Black people only comes about with an alignment to the “self-interests of elite whites” (Bell, 1980;
Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p.18). There is a distinct need to gain an understanding of the ways in which to converge the needs of Black educators and students with the attention and support of a nation “where change only occurs when it is to the benefit of those in power” (Jackson, et al, 2016, p. 1). Racial realism asserts that ways that racism is evident and identifies the many levels on which it has a stronghold in our world. There exists a need for analyses of “the nexus between racial realism and education, which suggests that educational systems are designed in a way to preserve the status quo, keeping Blacks oppressed and suppressed” (Jackson, et al, 2016, p. 1). As such, this study aims to interpret the phenomenon of Black teacher workplace experience through CRT’s tenet of racial realism. Revisionist history draws from the lived experiences of oppressed peoples 23
to create a version of history that counteracts the dominant or Master story. The ways
that these themes impact the issue of Black teacher retention will be further expounded
upon in the literature review of Chapter 2.
CRT is a relevant and compelling framework for interpreting Black educators’
experiences because it has the potential to inform and educate the perpetuators of
oppression themselves (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995;
Jackson, et al, 2016). Because the dominant group in society often suffers from
“dysconscious racism” (King, 1991) or the inability to see the ways that certain racial
groups benefit at the expense of others, it is imperative that they hear, see, and feel the
truth as told from the ones who experience their oppression to confront it. Ladson-
Billings and Tate (1995) asserted that “the voice of people of color is required for a
complete analysis of the educational system” (p.58). This justifies the need for dialogue
and interview of Black educators to determine their perspective on the negative
organizational conditions that lead to their attrition, as well as the factors that retain them
in schools (Delpit,1988). The interviews will serve as CRT’s notion of “counter-
narratives”, or stories told by historically and systematically marginalized people of color
that paint a different perspective of the experience and that expand knowledge on the
issue (Milner, 2012). CRT is particularly appropriate in the analysis of the Black
educator experience in America in that it “supports reflection and action to promote
psychological well-being, organize collective action, and develop a liberating education”
(McGee & Stovall, 2015).
24
Organizational Culture Theory
Organizational culture is understood as the integration of “values, beliefs, language, rituals, and ideologies that are explicit and implicit through day-to-day practices within an organization” (Wolfe & Dilworth, 2013, p.671). Organizational
culture is founded in the assumptions, values, and interpretive frameworks of employees
(West & Turner, 2013). Organizational Culture Theory (OCT) was developed by
Pacanowsky and O’Donnell-Trujillo (1982) who promoted that organizations should be
viewed through a cultural lens based on the communication of its members. The theory
emphasized the complexity of organizational life and stressed the importance of an
analysis of the ways that organizational members act, think, talk, and feel (Pacanowsky &
O'Donnell‐Trujillo,1982).
Organizational Culture Theory (OCT) holds that organizational norms and values
are established and enforced by the predominant or majority culture with the expectations
that minority employees will conform and assimilate (Cox & Finely-Nickelson, 1991;
Mabokela & Madsen, 2000). Accordingly, the hiring and promotion processes of
educational organizations often seek the types of teachers who can fit in to the
characteristics of the majority group (Cox, 1993). Biases and prejudices towards
minority employees based on their differences are examples of organizational
discrimination that can result in barriers excluding teachers of color from groups and
opportunities for upward mobility within the workplace (Cox, 1993). This often results in
the marginalization of minority voice and empowerment, and the limitations that minority
professionals feel in relation to their ability to assert their cultural perspectives, expertise, 25
and beliefs.
Mabokela and Madsen (2000) analyzed the impact of organizational culture of
predominantly White schools on the experiences of Black teachers. They argued that the
Eurocentric normative theory on which American schools are based conflicts with the
cultural perspectives and needs of Black educators, and negatively impacts their decisions to remain in the field or to leave. Their study identified three major themes that affect
Black teachers who work in schools where they represent the minority of the faculty including: 1) performance pressures and defense mechanisms that Black teachers use as coping strategies (Mabokela & Madsen, 2000); 2) conflicts between Black and White pedagogical approaches (Ladson-Billings, 1994); and 3) the “entrapment” or limiting of
Black teachers’ expertise and input to predominantly minority issues and glass ceilings
(Mabokela & Madsen, 2000).
The experiences of Black teachers in majority culture educational environments were analyzed through Cox’s (1994) study of group identity in the workplace. Concepts of group identity play an integral role in organizational behavior and attitude toward cultural diversity (Cox, 1994; Mabokela and Madsen, 2000). Cox (1994) asserted that in majority culture organizations, employees with phenotype identities, or differences that are physically and visibly different than the dominant group, are subject to higher levels of negative experiences and career dissatisfaction. Accordingly, Black teachers are more likely to feel isolated, scrutinized, excluded, and sabotaged in the workplace by colleagues who represent the majority culture (Mabokela and Madsen, 2000; Morrison,
1996). 26
The research used to develop an analytical framework of Black teacher experience was based on the work of Cose (1993), whose study of Black workers in majority culture workplace environments found that racism in the workplace impaired their well-being and often led to their decision to leave their jobs. Another major foundation of research included Kanter's (1977) identification of workplace performance pressures that will be expounded upon in Chapter Two. Kanter also distinguished three perceptual tendencies that underpin how minorities are viewed and treated in majority culture environments as: 1) tokenism, or the ways that highly visible minority workers are subject to higher levels of scrutiny and pressure than majority workers;
2) polarization, or the ways that the presence of minority workers create awareness of differences and commonalities in majority workers; and 3) assimilation, or the ways that stereotypical assumptions about minorities entrap them in roles (Mabokela and Madsen,
2000).
Limitations
The limitations of this study were that the interview participants comprised a relatively small number of teachers (10) in Northern California whose experiences may not reflect those of the larger Black teaching force of the state or of the nation as a whole.
Furthermore, the surveys did not reach teachers who had completely left the profession, or who represent the teaching experience of the nation in general, resulting in more regional or narrow information. Another limitation of this study was that it was conducted for a short period of time instead of multiple points in time. The delimitations 27
of this study included the researcher’s 13 years of experience in California school
districts.
Operational Definitions
Attrition- When educators leave the teaching field. Attrition can be temporary, as when
teachers leave and come back to the profession, or it can be permanent, as when teachers
do not re-enter the field again (Kirby & Grissmer, 1993).
Black/African American- Any person born in America or elsewhere with Black or
African ancestry. These terms are used interchangeably throughout this study.
Black Educational Leader (BEL)- A Black teacher, administrator, education professional, or scholar.
Black Power- A sociopolitical movement and sentiment shared by Black people who promote self-determination, justice, equity, human rights, and nationality.
Critical Race Theory- A theoretical perspective stemming from legal studies that
analyzes how issues of race and racism affect people of color in law, in education, in
society as a whole (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995)
Culture- The shared behaviors particular to a group of people that encompass their
beliefs, social practice, values, interpretations, religion, worldviews, language, traditions,
food, style of dress, music, and art (Banks, Banks, & McGee, 1989; Center for Advanced
Research on Language Acquisition, 2016) 28
Culturally Responsive- Professional practice that develops intellectual, social, emotional, and political learning by using cultural resources to teach values, knowledge, skills, and attitudes
Demographic Gap- The discrepancy between the number of teachers of color and students of color in American schools (Boser, 2016; Hrabowski & Sanders, 2015; Sleeter
& Thao, 2007).
Diversity- Differences in race, ethnicity, gender, culture, language, religion, sexual orientation and identity, and social class (National Education Association, 2015).
Diversity Gap- The discrepancy between the number of White teachers and teachers of color in American schools (Boser, 2016; Hrabowski & Sanders, 2015; Sleeter & Thao,
2007).
Eurocentric- Reflecting a tendency to interpret the world in terms of European or
Anglo-American values and experiences. (Merriam-Webster).
Eurocentrism- A discursive tendency to interpret the histories and cultures of non-
European societies from a European (or Western) perspective.
Liberatory- That liberates; liberating.
Racism- Culturally sanctioned beliefs which, regardless of the intentions involved, defend the advantages Whites have because of the subordinate positions of racial minorities
(Wellman, 1977). 29
Teacher of color- Teachers who represent non-White ethnicity; specifically Black,
Latino, Asian, Native American, and Pacific Islanders.
Turnover- What occurs when a teacher leaves his or her position at a school for one at a different school or district (migration or moving), or when a teacher leaves the profession altogether (attrition or leaving).
White Supremacy- The belief that White race is inherently superior to other races
and that White people should have control over people of other races. (Merriam-
Webster) 30
Chapter 2
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
A pertinent tenet of Critical Race Theory focuses on historical events as
told through the narratives and perspectives of typically marginalized or ignored
voices. Revisionist history is applicable in an analysis of the Black teacher
experience in America as it draws from the lived experiences of oppressed
peoples to create a historical perspective that counteracts the dominant or “master
story” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001; Ladson Billings & Tate, 1995; Milner &
Howard, 2013). As racism is “an essential component of American culture, and culture lies at the center of schooling” an examination of the oppressive conditions that have prevailed for Black educators, from their perspective, is in order (Barnes, Germain, & Valenzuela, 2016, p.5).
This review of literature will integrate, through the lens of Critical Race
Theory, a revisionist view of the Black teacher experience based on counternarrative that highlights evidence of interest convergence. Interest convergence is based on a critique of the motives behind White support for the concerns of Black people. As Bell (1980) asserted, “The interest of blacks in achieving racial equality will be accommodated only when it converges with the interests of whites” (p. 523). Under this premise, the, “remedies” of racial injustice will be granted by courts and policymakers only if or when they “will 31
secure, advance, or at least not harm societal interests deemed important by middle and upper class whites” (Bell, 1980, p. 523). Bell argued that Black people had been appealing for educational equality in America for a century prior to Brown vs. Board and critically questioned the motive for the nation’s sudden concession to integration in 1954; he attributed America’s “change of heart” about segregation to national and international political and economic interests.
An understanding of the numerous instances of such interest convergence is best generated by an exploration of Black teachers’ experiences throughout this imperative era in American history. Their trials and triumphs set the precedent for and, in many ways, still mirror the experiences of Black teachers in 2016.
Historical Background
These dear souls came not to Sabbath school because it was popular to do
so, nor did I teach them because it was reputable to be thus engaged…I
taught them, because it was the delight of my soul to be doing something
that looked like bettering the condition of my race (Frederick Douglass,
1846).
Almost two centuries ago, this profound sentiment was expressed by a Black activist and educational leader who represented for his people a pillar of bravery, hope, liberation, and self-determination. In Douglass’ lifetime, the very act of teaching and/or learning was unquestionably a life-risking endeavor; prominent anti-education laws included the Slavery Code of 1740 (Rasmussen, 2010) which explicitly prohibited both 32
the teaching and learning of reading and writing, and the Virginia Revised Code of 1819
(Ritchie, 1819) which stated that schools where Black people were taught reading and writing were deemed as unlawful assembly subject to terrible punishment. The fear of educated Black people pushed states to great lengths to ensure that the teaching of slaves was considered a criminal act. Nevertheless, heroic individuals defied retribution and death in order to provide the gift and power of knowledge. The narratives of Black educators and educational activists throughout the past 150 years illuminate the Black quest for knowledge and dignity as an integral component of American history.
Kyi (1991) wrote “It is not power that corrupts but fear. Fear of losing power corrupts those who wield it and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those who are subject to it” (p. 180). During the Reconstruction Era, the majority of Whites in the
South vehemently objected to the education of Blacks because they resented paying taxes for it, they worried that educated Black people would no longer accept laborious field labor and degrading domestic service, and they were afraid to compete for jobs with newly educated Blacks (NHLP, 2000; Rable, 1984; Trelease, 1971). The basis of White opposition to Black education was widespread panic and terror that the education of
Black people would mean an end to White supremacy (NHLP, 2000; Rable, 1984;
Trelease, 1971). Consequently, education under Jim Crow was used a system to
“subordinate and control Blacks and perpetuate a separate and unequal social order grounded in White fear and greed” (Morgan-Kouser, 1986, p.74).
Many White southerners reluctantly accepted Black education on the precept that it would result in “a trained yet subservient, industrious but contented, work force” 33
(Andersen, 1988, p.100). Interest convergence in this case was blatant; support for Black education emerged and expanded after emancipation as White southerners needed a means to appease the freed Africans’ hunger for change while still benefitting economically from them (Collins, 2010; Watkins, 2001). In the decades after the abolition of slavery Blacks were fleeing the South in search of more desirable living conditions and work opportunities in the North, jeopardizing the southern economy that relied so heavily on their labor. Investment in the creation of schools for Black students did not primarily serve as altruistic contribution for the good of the people, but as incentive to keep Blacks in the South, thus preserving the economy. These early examples of interest convergence set the precedent for White social/political/educational/economic advocacy towards Black progress. As identified in
CRT, Whites’ support for Black cause coincides with their ability to gain or profit from the effort (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012).
The African American quest for education during Reconstruction exploded fervently. Hahn (2003) noted that by 1866, there were hundreds of schools serving more than 90,000 students throughout the former slave states. Support for Black advancement through education was overwhelmingly driven by Black parents and the Black church, who viewed education as the key route to being able to participate in society with dignity and the best way avoid White racist restrictions (Anderson,1988). Often through the collaboration with and financial support of White allies, Black schools were headed by
African American educators who by 1867 represented approximately one-third of the teaching force in the freedmen’s schools (Hahn, 2003). Murrell (2002) wrote that during 34
the postbellum period, the “illiteracy rate among southern Blacks declined more rapidly than among Whites” (p.28). At the turn of the 20th century, approximately 70,000 Black teachers comprised nearly half of the Black labor force of the time (Foster, 1997; Milner
& Howard, 2004).
In light of immense opposition, Black educational activism has been a critical component in the economic, social, political, and educational progress of Black people in
America since the 1860’s (Walker, 2000, 2001; Tillman, 2003). The role of Black educators as educational activists cannot be understated; their efforts set early precedent for education movements for the next century to come. Collective organized advocacy for Black teachers catalyzed in Georgia in the late nineteenth century as Black educators began engaging in the fight for equality in issues such as school funding for Black students (Butchart, 2010; GTEA, 1966). The National Association for Teachers in
Colored Schools (NATCS) was formed in 1903 to study and create solutions for Black educational issues such as resources, schoolhouses, and teacher salaries (Fultz, 1995;
Perkins, 1989). The Georgia Association for the Advancement of Education (GTEA,
1966) emerged in 1917 under the leadership of Henry A. Hunt with the initial focus of fighting for issues concerning Black educators such as teacher salary and work contracts.
The collective nature of Black educational organizations was paramount. Black organizations existed as shields of protection for Black teachers who were subject to personal and professional persecution if they were recognized as individuals who opposed injustice (Walker, 2013). The collective voice of Black educational organizations served as the channel to bring Black concerns and demands to local and 35
national attention. While Black educators were effective in their ability to mobilize parents and communities around educational issues on local levels, however, they needed much more support to influence state and federal legislature and to bring those issues to national attention. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
(NAACP) would serve as a critical ally to present and confront the problems on higher political levels.
The NAACP was founded in 1909 in New York City by both Black and White intellectuals who united to fight for racial equality and to address issues of racism in the wages, work, and education of Black people (Walker, 2013). In 1917, Field Secretary for the NAACP James Weldon Johnson was successful in the development and growth of southern chapters. The first southern meeting of the NAACP was held in Atlanta, GA in
1920, spurring new relationships between educational leaders, who were often members of Black teacher organizations from local areas, and NAACP members from the North.
Within the next two decades, the NAACP was present in 43 northern and southern states, had a membership of 90,000, and was recognized as the national voice of Black interest and progress (Walker, 2013). The networking of Georgia’s Black educational organizations with the NAACP created a symbiotic relationship between the two in which the broad principles articulated by the NAACP benefitted from the knowledge and inclusion of specific issues identified from local education organizations, and local education organizations benefitted from the higher levels of national advocacy and power that the NAACP provided (Walker, 2013). 36
At times, the Black educational organizations’ agenda shifted from that of the
NAACP. For example, in the 1920’s the focus of the NAACP was predominantly on membership, anti-lynching legislation, and political fairness for Blacks; educational concerns received less focus. As such, organizations like the GTEA continued heralding the educational battle in political realms (Walker, 2013). During this era, differences in the agenda of northern and southern NAACP branches also became apparent. The northern chapters’ expectations of southern branches to openly confront and protest racial injustice demonstrated the northerner’s sense of privilege, insensitivity, and/or ignorance to the life threatening dangers that southern members experienced when engaging in such behavior (Walker, 2013). Regardless of various dissentions within the branches of the organization, the NAACP’s collaboration with Black educators throughout the South, initiated the movement that would eventually lead to the Brown vs. Board.
In her representation of Black teachers in the U.S. Office of Education in the
1930’s, Ambrose Calver asserted that "In the hands of the Negro teachers rests the destiny of the race” (Fairclough, 2006, p. 5). Although vastly lacking in justice, equity, and resources, during the early decades of the twentieth century Black schools existed as the heart and nucleus of the Black community, and Black teachers were trusted, respected, and valued as heroes (Henig, Hula, Orr, and Pedescleaux, 1999; Tilman,
2004). Leaders in the Black community called on Black teachers to “put service over salary” who “must be willing to be made financial martyrs in order that our youth be led into the light of intelligence and manhood of American citizenship” because “the teachers’ reward has never been and cannot now be measured in terms of dollars and 37
cents, but altogether it represents the difference between racial liberty and racial slavery of the soul‖ (Fultz, 1995, p. 20).
The fight for educational equity for Black children was enforced on national levels through the efforts of legal experts and scholars Charles Houston and Thurgood
Marshall (Zimmerman, 2005). Charles Houston was a college professor who became motivated to study law after his experiences in a segregated military unit in WWI. He graduated from Harvard Law School and was the first Black editor of the Harvard Law review, mentor to Black law students such as Thurgood Marshall, and attorney for the
NAACP (Carter, Coleman, Greenberg, McNeil, & Smith,1998). Houston’s belief that
Black people must play a central role in the fight against racial injustice and his firm stance against Jim Crow discrimination inspired his efforts to fight and win seven out of eight court cases in favor of a variety of educational and economic advances for Blacks
(Carter, et al.,1998). Houston litigated and won the first desegregation cases for Black law students in the Supreme Court. Although he is a lesser known figure in the struggle,
Houston’s commitment to freeing Black people from discrimination and racism solidified him as the predecessor to the great Black leaders of the Civil Rights Era (Carter, et al.,1998).
Under the tutelage and mentorship of Charles Houston, Thurgood Marshall grew as an attorney who fought to help Black students gain admission to segregated schools and who promoted the importance of overturning the separate-but-equal doctrine of
Plessy v. Ferguson (Delon, 1994). Marshall heralded the NAACP’s mission to desegregate higher education when he became the chief counsel and leader of the 38
NAACP Legal Defense Fund (LDF) (Delon, 1994). Recognizing the need to bring such issues to the Supreme Court, Marshall’s early cases served as the first legal blows to the racist doctrine of segregation. While the highlight of his career was Brown vs Board of
Education in 1954, Marshall had also won 36 of 41 cases for the NAACP-LDF, and the majority of other cases before the Supreme Court during the 1960’s (Delon, 1994). He was appointed as an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court in 1967, and continued to advocate for civil rights for decades until he retired in 1991.
In an era rife with contradiction, injustice, and sabotage, Brown vs. Board ironically produced counterintuitive effects for both Black teachers and administrators
(Delpit, 2012; Ethridge, 1979; Hudson & Homes, 1994; National Center for Policy
Analysis [NCPA], 2004; Oakley, et al 2009; Orfield & Lee, 2004; Toppo, 2013). By
1954 there were approximately 82,000 predominantly female Black teachers throughout the nation (Toppo, 2004). Although desegregation purposed to improve the educational quality of Black students, bussing and the closure of hundreds of schools resulted in the misplacement of approximately 38,000 Black teachers in 17 states between 1954 to 1965, and in the southern states up to 90% of Black principals lost their jobs (Delpit, 2012;
Ethridge 1979; Hudson & Homes, 1994; National Center for Policy Analysis [NCPA],
2004; Oakley, et al 2009; Orfield & Lee, 2004; Tillman, 2004; Toppo, 2013). In recognition of the centrality of Black teachers and Black schools to the Black community as a whole, Milner and Holmes (2004) asserted that desegregation ultimately led to the imbalance, and in too many cases the downfall, of the Black community. Moreover, the 39
process of desegregation set the climate for obstacles and barriers that have limited and lessened the numbers of Black K12 teachers ever since (Oakley, et. Al, 2008).
The multiple reasons behind the massive yet involuntary turnover predominantly stemmed from racist and unjust tactics at the hands of school districts. Black teachers and administrators were deemed as inferior and/or incompetent by White school districts, and integrated schools would not re-hire them in new schools (Delpit, 2012; Etheridge,
1979; Milner & Holmes, 2004; Oakley, et al 2009; Tillman, 2004). Southern school districts commonly denied the renewal of Black teacher contracts, effectively shutting them out of the profession, or they reassigned Black teachers to white schools knowing that the pressures they would face from the transfer would most likely result in them leaving the field (Oakley, et al, 2009). Newly created requirements for teacher certification served as obstacles for Black teachers to enter and to remain the field, and new laws eliminated the tenure security of Black veteran teachers (Oakley, et. al., 2009).
The loss of Black educators and administrators received minimal support from the courts, and a lack of data collection failed help the nation identify how widely-scaled
Black teacher and administrator turnover really was (Etheridge, 1979; Oakley, et al 2009;
Tillman, 2004). Ultimately, many Black schools were shut down, leaving Black teachers and administrators with nowhere else to go (Etheridge, 1979; Milner & Holmes, 2004;
Oakley, et al 2009; Tillman, 2004). the decision came a time when it served to influence the global opinion of the nation by presenting the country in a humanistic and progressive manner. 40
The transfer and retention of Black teachers and administrators post Brown v.
Board was a process of degradation, inconvenience, and injustice. Often, teachers were chosen to transfer into integrated schools based on their skin complexion; lighter skinned
Black teachers were deemed “worthy” of working in all-White environments because they were seen as less threatening (Delpit, 2012; Mabokela & Madsen, 2000; Milner &
Holmes, 2004). Darker complexioned Black teachers, who were judged as intellectually and professionally inferior, would either remain in the Black schools that had not been shut down, or were forced to look for jobs elsewhere (Milner & Holmes, 2004). All other factors aside, the Black teachers who were considered the most qualified were transferred into predominantly White schools.
Once transferred, however, Black teachers and administrators were subject to even further demoralization; Black principals were demoted back to classroom teaching positions and were held responsible for disciplining Black students (Milner & Holmes,
2004). The abrupt transition of Black male administrators from esteemed and respected community leaders and role models to feared and loathed disciplinarians drastically impaired their relationships with Black students and with the Black community as a whole (Milner & Holmes, 2004). The process of desegregation not only resulted in the loss of Black teachers and administrators, but also the loss of their voice, power, integrity, and respect as experts in the profession (Delpit, 2010; Milner & Holmes, 2004).
Black teachers who moved into integrated schools were subjected to verbal, psychological, and physical assault from both White students and parents as well. Many
White students and parents, angered by forced integration, further diminished the 41
professional integrity of Black teachers by harassing them consistently (Milner &
Holmes, 2004). Black teachers in integrated schools were suddenly confronted with the challenge to educate both White and Black students, and it became readily apparent that integrated schools had two vastly different objectives for both. For example, the origin of
“tracking”, or separating students based on academic ability, took root as schools forced teachers to follow separate agendas for White students, who were deemed “gifted”, and
Black students, who were disproportionately placed in special education (Milner &
Holmes, 2004). These practices, steeped in racism and inequity, have permeated
American schools ever since, and to a great extent can be identified as the predecessor to the ever-present achievement gap. Consequently, Neal (2005) asserted that following the
Civil Rights era, Black youth seized in making both racial and educational progress.
In response to the onslaught of disrespect and blatant injustice, Blacks began to seek employment in professional realms outside education. The ensuing implications of the decentralization of education in the Black community would be severe and long lasting (Oakley, et al 2009). The loss of Black educational authority imbalanced the network of family, school, and community and impacted Black people not only academically, but emotionally, psychologically, economically, and politically (Milner &
Holmes, 2004). Walker (1996) affirmed that the Brown v. Board of Education decision led to the death of the culture of Black teaching.
The Black teacher and administrator population has not regained itself in number or in prominence in American education for over 60 years following Brown v. Board
(Albert Shanker Institute, 2015; Ingersoll & May, 2011; Mabokela & Madsen, 2007; 42
Oakley, et al 2009). The change in educational climate in the decades ensuing the Civil
Rights era led to a 66% decline in the number of Black college students entering
education majors between 1975 and 1985, and over 20,000 Black teachers who were
misplaced in the 1980’s (Hudson & Holmes, 1994; Oakley, et al 2009). In 2016, the
numbers of Black teachers and educational leaders are at their lowest rate in over a
century, accounting for approximately 7% of the K12 public school teaching force (U.S.
Department of Education [DOE] 2016; Digest of Education Statistics [DES] 2014). And
while the overall number of Black teachers is minimal, Black male teachers are even
more of a rarity, comprising less than 2% of all teachers nationally (DOE, 2016; DES,
2014).
The role that Black educators have played throughout American history represents
an under-acknowledged yet undeniable legacy. The courage of those educational teachers and activists who against insurmountable odds risked their lives to teach during centuries of slavery, the brilliant minds of the reconstruction and renaissance period, the relentless educators of the Civil Rights era, the critical and unapologetic minds of the
Black Power movement, and the innovative and justice-seeking teachers of today are testimonies of this legacy. Black teachers serve as examples of self-determination for professional and economic advancement in the field of education (Collins, 2010). The knowledge, inspiration, and empowerment that Black educators have instilled in their students for centuries are invaluable gifts of liberation and success that today’s students
deserve and need to receive. 43
Historic racism and injustice in American school systems has disenfranchised the potential of Black teachers to deliver those critical gifts: educational reparations are in order to restore and uplift Black teachers to their rightful honor. If the tenets of CRT hold true, those reparations will only come about when America sees an opportunity to benefit from the effort.
Black Teacher Retention and Attrition
Many states have enacted strategies to increase the number of teachers of color entering the field, however the assumption that the diversity gap is caused by a lack of educators of color in the teacher training pipeline is erroneous (Albert Shanker Institute,
2015; Ingersoll & May, 2011). The declining number of Black educators in America is not a result of a lack of recruiting; since 1990 Black teachers have entered the teaching profession at higher rates than White teachers (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015; Farinde, et al, 2016; Ingersoll and May, 2011). From 1988 to 2008, the number of teachers of color increased 96%, while the number of white teachers increased 41% (Ingersoll and May,
2011; NCES, 2005). Female teachers of color increased by 97%, and Male teachers of color increased 92% (Ingersoll and May, 2011; NCES, 2005). Teacher diversity as a whole grew 12% to 17% between 1987 and 2012, and actually outpaced the student of color growth during this period (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015).
After the economic recession of 2008, the number of Black teachers began to drop, exacerbating the rate of the Black teacher shortage that currently plagues the
American teaching force (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015). The Black teaching population was 231,100 in 2011-12, with 6,300 new Black teachers entering the field that year 44
(DOE, 2011-12). Black teachers represented 6.5% of all new teachers in 2011-12 and
White teachers represented 79% (DOE, 2011-12). However, in 2012-13 approximately
10% of Black teachers left the profession (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015). See Figure 4.
6,300 231,000 23,000
New Black teachers (2011) Black Teachers (11-12) Black Teachers Who Left (12-13)
Figure 4. Black teacher attrition. (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015; DOE, 2011-12).
The Black teacher shortage is an issue of retention that mandates analysis of the
disproportionately high teacher of color turnover and attrition rates (Achinstein, et al,
2010; Albert Shanker Institute, 2015; Ingersoll & May, 2011). Teacher turnover occurs
when a teacher leaves his or her position at a school for one at a different school or
district (migration or moving), or when a teacher leaves the profession altogether
(attrition or leaving) (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015). Both forms of turnover, migration
and attrition, can offset the quality of faculty and teaching that takes place in schools and
are potentially harmful to student success. While migration can reflect upward mobility
for teachers of color-some transition to educational positions in administration or to
districts with higher pay or benefits- their moving nevertheless perpetuates the diversity gap and presents or a loss to the particularly hard-to-staff schools they leave. Moreover, the rates of turnover for teachers of color have been higher than those of White teachers 45
as a whole for the past 2 decades (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015). From the late 1980’s to 2011, the turnover rate for teachers of color as a whole increased 28% (Ingersoll &
May, 2011). See Figure 5.
Annual Teacher Turnover 20% 18% 16% 14% 12% 10% 8% 6% 4% 2% 0% 1988-89 1991-92 1994-95 2000-01 2004-05 2008-09 2012-13
Minority Teachers White Teachers
Figure 5. Annual teacher turnover by year. (Casey, et al, 2015)
Almost 50% of new teachers leave the profession after five years (Barnes, et al.,
2007; Ingersoll & Smith 2003; Minarik, Thorton, and Perreault 2003; Watlington, et al.,
2010). According to the Alliance for Excellent Education, approximately 13% of 3.4 million public school teachers either moves (227, 016) or leaves (230,122) the profession each year (Haynes, 2014). In 2013-14, 18% of teachers of color moved or left the field, while 15% of white teachers moved or left (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015). An analysis of SASS/TFS data revealed little or no gender difference in the turnover rates of White 46
female and male teachers. Male teachers of color, however, were found to be 50% more
likely to leave the profession than female teachers of color (Ingersoll & May, 2011). The
age of a teacher also increases the likelihood that she or he will leave the profession.
Younger teachers were more likely to leave the profession altogether, while older
teachers are more likely to seek graduate degrees to move upward in the field of
education (Farinde, et al, 2016; Ingersoll, 2001).
Data from the TFS demonstrates that the majority of teacher migration is
contained between schools with similar demographics. In 2004-05, more than 20,000 teachers of color migrated from high minority schools to other high minority schools, and only 550 teachers of color migrated to low-minority schools (DOE, 2004-05). Moreover, high minority, high poverty, urban schools face significantly higher rates of teacher migration than low poverty, low minority schools (Ingersoll & May, 2011; NCTAF,
2003). Migration also takes place more commonly within districts; of the total public
K12 teacher population in 2012-13, 58.8% migrated from one public school to another public school in the same school district, while 38.2% migrated from one district to different district (DOE, 2012-13). Newer teachers were more likely to switch districts
early in their career; 56.7 % of teachers with 1-3 years of experience migrated out of their
initial district (DOE, 2012-13).
Out of the total teacher population in 2012-13, 84.3% of all teachers were
retained, 8.1% moved as “migraters” within the field, and 7.7% left the profession (DOE,
2012-13). From 2012-13, 8.3% of teachers of color left the profession altogether and
10.6 % moved to other jobs within the teaching profession (DOE, 2012-13). During that 47
same year, 7.5 % of White teachers left the profession and 7.5% moved to other jobs
within the teaching profession (DOE, 2012-13). Black teachers, however, had higher
rates of both leaving and moving than teachers of color and White teachers as a whole;
data shows that 10% of Black teachers left the profession altogether and 11.7 moved to
other jobs within the profession. See Figure 6.
7.50% Teacher Turnover Rates 2012-13 Leavers 8.30% 10%
7.50% Movers 10.60% 12%
85% Stayers 81.10% 78.30%
0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 80.00% 90.00%
White Teachers Teachers of Color Black Teachers
Figure 6. Teacher turnover rates, 2012-13 (Casey, et al, 2015; DOE, 2012-13)
Cutbacks in school staffing, retirement, family/personal reasons, and
dissatisfaction were the major reasons behind teacher of color turnover in 2012-13
(Albert Shanker Institute, 2015). Of all the factors, dissatisfaction was the most prevalent; 50% of public school teachers of color reported this as the reason why they left
the field (Achinstein, et al, 2010; Albert Shanker Institute, 2015). The majority (81%) of 48
teachers of color claimed that dissatisfaction with their school’s administration was the
greatest factor in their turnover (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015). Of the other major
factors reported by teachers of color, 60% claimed student discipline, 57% claimed lack
of influence and autonomy, 56% claimed poor workplace conditions, and 39% claimed
salary as their reason for leaving (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015). The data gathered by
this study underpins the need for an analysis of organizational theory and practice.
Using data from the National Center for Education Statistics’ (NCES) nationally
representative Schools and Staffing Survey (SASS) and the TFS, Ingersoll and May
(2011) sought to understand the minority teacher shortage through an examination of the
workplace conditions in the schools where teachers of color work. See Figure 7.
Minority Minority School Low minority Characteristics Teacher Teacher student and Employment Staffing performance Conditions and Retention Problems
Figure 7. Organizational perspective of minority teacher shortage (Ingersoll & May,
2011).
Teachers of color as a whole report job dissatisfaction more than White teachers,
and organizational conditions in schools are the strongest reasons why teachers of color
leave (Achinstein, et al, 2010; Albert Shanker Institute, 2015; Ingersoll & May, 2011).
Schools in urban, high poverty settings with higher numbers of teachers of color are
recognized as having “less positive workplace environments” than schools that employ
higher number of White teachers (Ingersoll & May, 2011, p.2). 49
The 2005 SASS found that teachers employed in high poverty, high minority, urban schools are more likely to report less positive organizational conditions because of eight key factors including: more serious student discipline problems; inadequate support from leadership; inadequate school resources; low faculty decision making influence; and low teacher classroom autonomy (Achinstein, et al, 2010; DarlingHammond,1997;
Ingersoll & May, 2011; Kokka, 2016). The survey found that the organizational conditions most strongly related to minority teacher turnover were the lack of collective voice, the level of collective faculty decision-making influence, and the degree of individual classroom autonomy held by teachers; these factors were more significant than were salary, professional development or classroom resources (Albert Shanker Institute,
2015; Ingersoll & May, 2011; Kokka, 2016).
Teachers of color in general are less likely to leave the profession because of student poverty levels, school location, or the diversity gap (Albert Shanker Institute,
2015). Many Black teachers enter the profession to serve in urban public schools out of a commitment to the progress of the Black community (Farinde, et al, 2016; Ingersoll &
May, 2011). Accordingly, Black teachers are disproportionately employed in challenging and underserved school environments that are inequitably funded and resourced in comparison with schools in suburban areas. In 2011, almost 60% of Black teachers worked in urban schools compared to 28% of White teachers (Feistritzer, 2011; Kokka,
2016). In contrast, 28% of White teachers and 20% of Black teachers were employed in suburban schools (Feistritzer, 2011). Only 1% of Black teachers were employed in low- 50
minority, or schools in which less than 10% of the students are minority in 2011-12
(Albert Shanker Institute, 2015).
Although Black educators are more likely to work in school environments with high poverty and high stress, these factors do not ultimately lead to their high attrition rates (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015; Ingersoll & May, 2011; Mabokela & Madsen,
2000; Villegas & Geist, 2008). High minority, urban schools are more likely to be operating through school improvement policies and programs that detract from the autonomy teachers have over pedagogy, student disciplinary measures, and curriculum
(Collins, 2011). Common motives for the high attrition rates of new teachers of color are: schools’ lack of multicultural capital; lowered standards, lowered expectations, and adverse attitudes about student of color; lack of cultural responsiveness; and ineffective communication about issues of race and equity in their schools (Collins, 2011). An analysis of the Teacher Followup Survey (TFS), the most extensive collection of data on the staffing, occupational, and organizational conditions of the nation’s K12 schools, also identified that the strongest factors leading to the loss of Black teachers are organizational, or workplace conditions (Connor, 2011; Ingersoll & May, 2011;
Mabokela & Madsen, 2000).
A 2012 qualitative study of Black female teacher retention in the southeast supported the National TFS data and found three major themes in Black teacher retention: administrative support, salary, and opportunities for professional advancement
(Farinde, et al, 2016). Out of the three themes, lack of administrative support was identified as a major factor in Black teachers’ decisions to move from one school to 51
another (Farinde, et al, 2016). The 12 teachers interviewed reported that they had
experienced negative feelings including fear of termination, devaluation, intimidation,
criticism, and lack of constructive feedback from their administrations (Farinde, et al,
2016). Describing their workplace environments as “potentially detrimental, tense, and oppressive”, these teachers sought schools with administrations and structures that valued their professional expertise (Farinde, et al, 2016, p.120). “Self-value” was a key term reiterated throughout the interviews of the participants; Black female teachers stressed the importance of affirming their worth in lieu of missing recognition from negative
administrations. Valuing ones’ self is an example of a protective factor utilized by Black
female teachers as they navigate the often harsh and critical educational environments
and a critical preservation tactic that helps keep them in the profession (Farinde, et al,
2016).
In addition to self-value, defining self-image was important to Black female teachers. The participants described themselves as intelligent high achievers who seek
career advancement in opposition to “stereotypical depictions of Black womanhood”
(Farinde, et al, 2016, p.122). Black female teachers expressed that they felt limited by
the educational positions available to them and justified their decisions to obtain higher
degrees as a way to break through the glass ceilings in their educational environments.
The study identified that the longer Black female teachers had been in the field, the more
strongly they desired to move out of the classroom (Farinde, et al, 2016). The self-
determination of Black female teachers for career advancement in the educational field is 52
an example of their resistance against oppressive and constrictive workplace conditions
in K12 schools and another protective factor in their retention.
A study of a small sample of twelve Black female teachers in the southeast reported that salary increases over time are significant factors in their retention (Farinde, et al, 2016). Social class mobility was also a concern; those teachers who reported that salary was a factor in their decision to move or leave the profession expressed motivation to move to higher socioeconomic levels (Farinde, et al, 2016). The teachers interviewed in the study expressed that teaching salaries do not elevate Black women out of low income status; wages that fail to raise the economic status of individuals perpetuate the creation of “the new working poor” (Collins, 2000, p.69). Participants reported desires for career advancement that would enable them and their families to experience higher levels of “financial security, independence, opportunity, and comfort” (Farinde, et al,
2016, p.121). The driving factor for their desire to grow financially was the family;
Black female teachers strive to provide economically stable households and futures for their children. The participants suggested that substantial salary increases over time would help motivate their desire and ability to remain in the profession.
Like many Black teachers throughout the nation, the Black female teachers in this study intentionally chose to work in urban K12 schools. The conscious decision to serve underrepresented students in the nation’s most challenging educational environments
“positions Black female teachers as activists, in that teaching Black students is a form of
resistance to oppression” (Collins, 2000). As educators, Black women promote the
social, emotional, academic, and physical well-being of Black students (Farinde, et al, 53
2016). The dedication to serving this population of students exemplifies the humanistic
nature of Black teachers, who have the potential to “prepare their students to recognize
and challenge oppression and ensure group survival” (Collins, 2000, p.217; Farinde, et al,
2016).
The growing body of research on Black teacher retention points to various
practical recommendations for administrative practice and policy change that might help retain this critical teaching population. In response to the reports of negative workplace environments, the majority of studies suggest that enhanced levels and forms of
administrative support and district level policy change are mandated (Borman &
Dowling, 2008; Farinde, et al, 2016). Administrators of urban schools must make concerted efforts to improve their workplace environments in order to preserve their
Black faculty (Farinde, et al, 2016; Ingersoll & Smith, 2003). These efforts should include: promoting school environments where Black teachers are valued and respected for their expertise and professionalism; eliminating intimidation, micromanagement, and
excessive accountability measures; creating and nurturing partnerships between
administrations and Black teachers; including Black teachers in all school-related issues
(Farinde, et al, 2016).
Black teachers predominantly enter teaching to impact schools with high populations of Black students; hence, they deserve not only higher levels of input in critical decision making, but also strong administrative support in their efforts to employ culturally-based pedagogy and strategy that stems from non-traditional sources
(Achinstein, et al, 2010; Cochran-Smith, 1991). 54
Districts should also assume a critical accountability in the retention of Black
teachers to improve their financial, human, social, and educational capital.
Recommendations from multiple studies from a perspective of capital include: altering
policy to increase teacher salaries substantially over time (financial capital) (Farinde, et
al, 2016); creating more opportunities for professional development and career
advancement (human and social capital) (Achinstein, et al, 2010); establishing leadership roles for Black teachers (human and social capital) (Achinstein, et al, 2010) ; enhancing schools’ cultural competency and responsiveness (multicultural capital) (Ingersoll &
May, 2011); reflecting and supporting the humanistic efforts of Black teachers
(multicultural capital); and creating enhanced career paths that are empowering and that
allow for more fulfilling professional experiences (human, educational, and social
capital) (Farinde, et al, 2016).
A serious, yet lesser acknowledged contributor to the declining number of Black
educators mirrors the disturbing trend of the 1950’s-60’s when Black teachers were systematically pushed and shut out of the profession. Recent data points to the displacement of thousands of Black teachers over the past decade (White, 2016). This displacement entails the “the systemic and involuntary aspects of teachers’ departures from urban schools due to federal, state, and district school reforms, including school turnaround efforts” (White, 2016, p.3). As the phenomenon of school turnaround and reform often takes place in areas with high Black student populations, the impact on
Black teachers is undeniable. School reforms that entail school closures produce high 55
occurrences of Black teacher displacement and “an acute racialized impact of policies on
Black educators in low-income communities” (White, 2016, p.3).
The dissatisfactions and injustices that Black teachers experience working within
American school systems can be interpreted as issues of race and power that manifest negatively the organizational/workplace. These issues mandate theoretical framework that supports an examination of race and racism in conjunction with an exploration of the ways that the cultures of organizations impact their employees. Accordingly, the application of Critical Race Theory and Organizational Culture Theory are appropriate in the analysis of Black teacher retention.
Critical Race Theory
Critical Race Theory (CRT) is an activist oriented framework that is grounded in a dedication to social justice for the transformation of society and the liberation of oppressed peoples (Yosso, 2005). CRT is an appropriate framework for the analysis of
Black teacher retention for its emancipatory ideals and activism for people of color in marginalized situations (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001; Ladson-Billings and Tate, 1995;
McGee & Stovall, 2015; Yosso, 2005). In the quest for social justice, CRT recognizes the prominence of race and racism and combats Eurocentric ideology through the experiential knowledge of people of color and the integration of various disciplinary approaches (McGee & Stovall, 2015; Solórzano, 1997 & 1998; Yosso, 2005).
The extension of CRT was initiated into education by Ladson-Billings and Tate
(1995) as “a theoretical and analytical framework that challenges the ways race and racism impact educational structures, practices, and discourses” that promotes “liberatory 56
potential of schooling” (Ladson-Billings and Tate, 1995; Yosso, 2005). CRT has significant implications in educational organizations; its application is essential towards the analysis of historical and current issues of race in public schools (McGee & Stovall,
2015; Yosso, 2005). The three propositions concerning inequalities in American education are: 1) race is still a prominent factor; 2) property rights serve as the basis for
American society; and 3) school inequity can be analyzed as an intersection between race and property (Ladson-Billings and Tate, 1995; McGee & Stovall, 2015; Yosso, 2005).
Race continues to be a salient factor for both teachers and students in the nation’s educational system (Achinstein, et al, 2010; Albert Shanker Institute, 2015; Delpit, 2012;
Farinde, et al, 2016; Ingersoll & May, 2011; McGee & Stovall, 2015). CRT recognizes
the permanency of race and racism, and the complexity of the systems that oppress and
subordinate people of color in America (Yosso, 2005). The organizational culture in
American school systems are ingrained with the same racist ideologies that have
marginalized people of color in social, political, economic, and physical realms for
centuries. The struggle between Eurocentric ideology/culture and people of color has
been a continual source of contention throughout American educational history (Wolfe &
Dilworth, 2013). The inherent challenge to Eurocentric educational ideology that CRT
poses forces the confrontation of racial neutrality and provides opportunities to present
theoretical contributions and expertise from Black teachers that reflect their lived realities
and experiences (Delgado Bernal, 1998; Ladson-Billings, 2000).
CRT’s objection to dominant White ideology is paramount in the analysis of
racism in American schools; the exclusion of Black theory and pedagogy has resulted in 57
decades of educational shortcomings and failures for Black students and educators. CRT
holds that efforts to actualize genuine change and progress for underrepresented groups in
America must be aggressive, and reject “color blind” ideology that does nothing to
address racial inequity and injustice or to advance the needs and rights of people of color.
This entails acknowledging the American tendency to vocalize support of equal rights,
yet resist actual attempts to achieve it (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001).
Educational organizations that avoid addressing and discussing issues of race in effort to promote “color blindness” are detrimental to the well-being of Black teachers
and may increase the likelihood of their attrition. School administrations that strive for
racial neutrality perpetuate and exacerbate inequity in their schools by masking and
ignoring racist and oppressive practice that impacts their teachers of color (Wolfe &
Dilworth, 2013). The reluctance of educational organizations to address racial issues is
likely grounded in the majority group’s unwillingness to admit their privilege and to
assume accountability for the resolution of such injustices. Discussions about race are
difficult, and in some cases taboo in educational organizations. CRT serves as a vehicle
to bring racial issues in schools to the forefront.
Critical Race Theory stresses that American society was built on property rights
as opposed to human or individual rights (Bell, 1989; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). As
such, CRT argues that too many Black people in America today are disenfranchised
educationally, economically, and politically. The concept of property has multiple
meanings; in education, a school’s curriculum and pedagogy represents forms of
intellectual property, while its buildings, location, and material resources represent forms 58
of physical property (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Inequities in both the physical and intellectual property of urban schools create the propensity for Black teachers to move or leave the profession (Achinstein, et al, 2010; Albert Shanker Institute, 2015; Farinde, et al, 2016; Ingersoll & May, 2011).
Because of the exclusivity of privileges bestowed to members of the White race,
Critical Race theorists propose “whiteness” as the “ultimate” form of property (Ladson-
Billings & Tate, 1995). Harris (1993) asserted that there are four “rights of whiteness” including: rights of disposition; rights to use and enjoyment; reputation and status property; and the absolute right to exclude. Whiteness is understood as being
“transferrable”, for example, when teachers or students of color are rewarded for their conformity or assimilation into the White culture of a school (Ladson-Billings & Tate,
1995). Rights to use refers to the ways that White people enjoy educational, social, and cultural privileges that are specific to their domains (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). The right to exclude concerns the ways that the American education system can prohibit students of color from educational opportunities, and furthermore the way that schools can exclude Black teachers from decision making influence and opportunities for upward mobility (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). A form of “Whiteness as property” rights of disposition is shown in Bell’s critique of Brown vs. Board. The Civil Rights Movement is an example of interest convergence, which argues that Black progress only gains the support of White elites when Whites believe they can benefit from the situation (Delgado
& Stefancic, 2001). 59
From an interest convergence perspective, the gains made during the Civil Rights era were not inspired out of empathy and moral evolution, but from a series of economic and political circumstances that made it favorable for the United States to suddenly concede to the cause of Black education (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001; Jackson, et al, 2016).
During the Cold War, the threat of international communism placed the US economic and political structures in a precarious position; the global publicity of American racism did not shine a good light on a nation waving the banner of democracy and capitalism for the world to see (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). The controversial and profound idea that America pushed forward Civil Rights to “clean house” has great implications for those who believe the movement was truly altruistic and even more so for those who believe that education is the “new civil rights movement” of today.
A form of “Whiteness as property” rights of disposition entails not only the calculated dispersion of specific types of “civil rights” advancements, but also the calculated timing of those allowances. Freeman asserted that America “paces” the progress of people of color to keep the majority of them curtailed in lower class stratifications and to maintain a delicate balance between pacification and unrest (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001).
The impetus for such control at its foundation is White fear of the empowerment of people of color, White greed and opposition to shared resources, and the need to enforce the division of races on educational, social, and economic levels. Moreover, when Whites render privilege to or progress to people of color, they often pay for it in negative ways.
Benefits from affirmative action or hiring quotas, for example, comes at the cost of stigma attached to those who receive them; Black teachers report being made to feel “guilty” for 60
being hired or feeling as if they need to prove their qualifications to administrations and
faculty in the schools where they are employed in order to debunk notions of charity
(Delgado & Stefancic, 2001; Mabokela & Madsen, 2000). The stigma of guilt contributes
to the dissatisfaction that Black educators express impact their decision to continue
teaching.
The concept of interest convergence suggests America will ultimately only support
the need for diversity in the teaching force and create policy that promotes the retention of
Black educators if and when there is a factor that places it in their best interest to do so
(Jackson, et al, 2016). This issue is expressed through the reflections of Black educators in
their dissatisfaction at being pigeonholed in their workplaces as “cultural experts” who are
disregarded in mainstream decision making but called upon for issues of discipline and
cultural responsiveness with students of color (Mabokela & Madsen, 2000). The failures of the American education system to prioritize and credit Black teachers’ expertise in all areas of academia result in organizational dissatisfaction that ultimately forces too many out of the profession.
When analyzed through a CRT lens, the self-told experiences of Black teachers create vivid portraits of the realities within American educational environments that are rarely considered or analyzed. Through CRT, the telling of stories serves as a form
“medicine” which heals the damage to the psyche that occurs through systemic oppression and injustice (Delgado, 1989; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). The voices of
Black educators do not only help point to the ironies and injustices in American education, but also help them to “name their reality” as counter-narrative to widely 61
accepted yet often inaccurate notions of the Black experience (Ladson-Billings & Tate,
1995).
The concept of reality is a subjective notion that continues to divide human
opinion and to perpetuate ongoing racism. Dominant groups in society construct reality
in ways that benefit and prolong their power and privilege (Jackson, et al, 2016; Ladson-
Billings & Tate, 1995). This impacts Black teachers in that the administrations and
faculty who they work with may consciously or unconsciously fail to recognize and
address the conditions that affect them negatively. In an analysis of CRT’s racial realism
in education, Curry (2008) asserted that Black teachers and scholars are faced with the
choice of accepting racism for the negative and overwhelming condition that it is, or
possessing an outlook of optimism of change. Educational realists identify that structural
racism is the channel through which power and privilege are distributed in school
systems, which results in the very real glass ceilings that Black teachers express keep
them from career advancement and educational power in American schools (Casey, et al,
2010; Farinde, et al, 2016; Ingersoll & Smith, 2011; Mabokela & Madsen, 2000). CRT
cautions that idealism, like liberalism, runs the risk of glossing over very real inequities
and injustices that are suffered by students and teachers of color (Curry, 2008; Delgado &
Stefancic, 2001).
Jackson, et al.’s (2016) interpretation of racial realism asserts an understanding of the America’s lack of concern for issues of educational equity for Black students, teachers, and administrators as a result of historical and “societal cycles of privilege and marginalization” (p.2). The interpretation of history is of the utmost importance to the 62
racial realist; CRT holds that “social reality is constructed by the formulation and the
exchange of stories about individual situations” and it prioritizes the representation of
historical events and time periods through the voices of people of color (Delgado &
Stefancic, 2001; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). CRT’s revisionist history reestablishes traditional American histories with stories that document events through the perspectives and interpretations of underrepresented individuals (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). The retelling of American history and the rethinking of the Civil Rights era through the lens
of CRT is critical; misunderstandings about the experiences of people of color are
purposefully sustained to keep Americans believing in the premise of justice and trusting
that the government stands for the best interests of people.
Delgado & Stefancic (2001) argued that “people believe what benefits them”
(p.41). The perpetuation of erroneous belief systems hides and protects the guiltiness of
American political, educational, and social systems, and promotes that the White majority has, and is still doing all that they can to help oppressed people. “Most oppression does
not seem like oppression to the perpetrator” (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995, p. 57).
Insight to the organizational conditions of American schools as told through the
perspectives of Black teachers can present an alternative snapshot of the state of
educational systems in the country. This information is relevant to the understanding of
why their retention rates have dwindled so drastically as well as to the identification of
the factors that may support them in the profession.
In line with Organizational Culture Theory (OCT), CRT acknowledges and values
the experiential knowledge of teachers of color and affirms the imperative to utilize such 63
information in the analysis of organizational culture (Delgado Bernal, 2002; Yosso,
2005). The transdisciplinary nature of CRT lends to its ability to synthesize OCT principles to find solutions for the negative organizational/workplace conditions that drive teachers of color out of the profession (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). The recognition and active redressing of embedded racism within educational organizations has the potential to improve the workplace conditions for Black teachers and increase their retention rates in return.
Organizational Culture Theory
Organizational culture can be defined as “a complex set of values, beliefs, assumptions, and symbols that define the way in which a firm conducts its business”
(Barney & Zajak, 1994, p. 657). The culture of an organization has a prevalent impact on its employees, customers, and stakeholders (Louis, 1983, Barney & Zajak, 1994).
Organizational Culture Theory (OCT) is utilized in the analysis of a wide range of different workplace environments, their leaders, and the employees that comprise them
(Pacanowsky & O'Donnell-Trujillo, 1982). The theory assumes that leaders and employees, through active participation, create the reality and the culture of an organization (Pacanowsky & O'Donnell-Trujillo, 1982). OCT stresses the importance of shared meaning among the members of a workplace (Eisenberg & Goodall,1993).
Organizations and the experiences people have within them are difficult to generalize due to the extreme complexity of each organizational entity and because employee perceptions of situations and experiences within organizations vary extensively
(Pacanowsky & O'Donnell-Trujillo, 1982). Therefore, the voices of the employees are 64
critical in communicating those perceptions and understanding the organizational culture.
The main tenets of Organizational Culture are that: leaders play a large role in the development of the culture of an organization through their actions, behavior, attention to employees, rewards/punishments, and allocation of resources; it is embedded in a network of organizational practice that make it a complex concept to analyze; it consists of shared beliefs, values, and assumptions held by its members; it is visible in the way that work gets done on a day-to-day basis; and it is visible in the behaviors of leaders/employees and individuals/groups (Schein, 1985). See Figure 8.
Amplified by the behaviors of leaders
Evident in Embedded in a the network of behaviors of organizational individuals practices and groups Organizational Culture
Visible in the Shared beliefs, way work values, and assumptions gets done on a held by day to day members of an basis organzation
Figure 8. Organizational culture model (Schein, 1985)
The merging of CRT and OCT is complimentary in that they both emphasize the importance of obtaining the perspectives of Black teachers on the organizational conditions within different schools to identity common themes that might be shared 65
regardless of differences in their workplace environments. OCT holds that to understand
educational workplace culture, discreet attention must be paid to the voices or
“communicative performances” of teachers (Wolfe & Dilworth, 2013). Through an OCT
perspective, educational workplaces stand to benefit from establishing strong connections
with teachers, listening to their stories, and recognizing the professional work that they do for that organization. An application of OCT is appropriate in the study of Black teacher retention in that it presents a framework for understanding the causes and impact of negative workplace conditions that Black teachers report leads to dissatisfaction.
It is the nature of an organization to seek to hire the type of people that will
“blend into the traditional beliefs of the workplace” (Cose, 1993; Mabokela & Madsen,
2000). This presents many conflicts for Black teachers who are hired to teach in
predominantly White school settings, and too many Black teachers leave the profession
as a result of adverse and discriminatory workplace environments (Ingersoll & May,
2011; Mabokela & Madsen, 2000). Mabokela and Madsen (2000) asserted that because
organizations are often grounded in majority culture norms based on stereotypes, racism,
and misconceptions, Black teachers are subject to barriers, discrimination, and injustice,
and are more likely to leave the profession as a result.
Black Teacher Study
To examine the experiences of new and veteran Black teachers in majority culture
schools, Mabokela and Madsen conducted a case study of 7 new (1-5 yrs) and veteran (5-
20 yrs) K12 teachers who were all graduates of historically Black colleges and who all
taught in predominantly White suburban schools (2000). The case study was based in 66
part on the work of Kanter’s (1997) identification of four common types of pressures that
Black teachers experienced, subsequently referred to as “Performance Pressures”. (see
Figure 10) Through their analysis of interview data, Mabokela and Madsen (2000) were able to determine examples of workplace pressures as well as coping skills that Black teachers employed in order to deal with racism, discrimination, and injustice in their school settings.
The first of those pressures was labeled “Automatic Notice”. Automatic notice is the experience of the tendency for Black educators to stand out in predominantly White
school settings; Black teachers felt as if they were always under the watch and review of
their White colleagues and administrations (Mabokela & Madsen, 2000). Examples of
automatic notice experiences include: scrutiny; a need to prove expertise; a fear of
speaking out; a fear of not being accepted; a fear of acting “too Black”; sabotage; being tested by White colleagues; and coping with assumptions of deficiency (Mabokela &
Madsen, 2000).
In order to withstand this type of pressure, Black teachers stated that they relied
on their sense of cultural identity and connection to their community as a sense of
“psychological armor” that protected them from the negativity that they experienced in
their work environments (Mabokela & Madsen, 2000, p. 14). From a CRT perspective,
Black teachers’ reliance on Black culture is a way to counter-act White supremacy as
well as a foundation through which to understand, identify, and navigate racism in
majority school systems (Ladson-Billings, 1994). Teachers who were able to draw upon
culture and ethnicity as a strength ended up staying in predominantly White school 67
settings longer (Mabokela & Madsen, 2000). Cultural identity acted as a security blanket
that empowered Black teachers to overcome intimidation of the majority system and
provided confidence and justification. As one participant stated in the study asserted,
“You have to be secure enough about yourself and that the standards you are setting are
standards that not only are appropriate for your kids, but for all kids” (Mabokela &
Madsen, 2000, p. 13).
The next type of performance pressure Black teachers endured was identified as
“Symbolic Consequences and Isolation” (Kanter, 1997; Mabokela & Madsen, 2000).
Symbolic consequences and Isolation refers to the ways that Black teachers “pay” for
being different, in particular the physical, social, and emotional consequences they face
when speaking against the dominant culture and the ways that they isolate themselves
within the school setting to lessen the chances of negative interactions. The study found
that newer Black teachers with less experience tended to have fewer coping skills and
relied more on ignoring instances of prejudice and isolating themselves in order to deal
with their pressures. Veteran teachers had more coping skills, including the power to
advocate for Black students, the courage to speak out against injustices, and the
confidence to set examples for White colleagues. Mabokela and Madsen (2000)
recognized that the longer Black teachers remained in the profession, the more outspoken
they became.
“Discrepant Characteristics” refers to the ways that the Black teachers in the study were often mistaken as being hired to satisfy Affirmative Action policies instead of being hired for their inherent abilities to teach (Kanter, 1977; Mabokela & Madsen, 2000). 68
Cose (1993) labeled the issue that Black teachers face when having to prove their skills in order to be accepted by White colleagues as the “dilemma of the qualified”. Moreover, discrepant characteristics identified blatant contradictions in White expectations of Black teachers. On one hand, Black teachers were expected to go above and beyond to prove their qualifications, yet in some cases when they did raise student scores and alleviate disciplinary issues with their students, their methodology and strategy was questioned as exemplifying “favoritism” or was frowned upon as untraditional (Mabokela & Madsen,
2000). As a result, many teachers felt isolated and disliked by White colleagues for their ability to work with Black students in different, and in many instances more effective ways.
The Black teachers in this study recognized that administrators were often unprepared to help teachers of color face these obstacles and pressures. They believed that administrators need to support Black teachers by recognizing and drawing upon their qualifications and skills. Furthermore, they felt as if administrators need to enforce and provide training, if necessary, to help sensitize predominantly White teaching staffs about issues of race and diversity in school settings.
A fourth subtheme called “Cultural Switching” entails the processes that Black teachers go through when they have to adjust between their personal cultural identities and those that represent the norms of the White majority culture in their schools (Kanter,
1977; Mabokela & Madsen, 2000). One interviewed recognized the need for Black teachers to be cautious and tactical in their professional interactions in her response “You can't wear your anger and your mission on your shoulders” (Mabokela & Madsen, 2000, 69
p. 19). This statement mirrors the sentiment of some of the other Black teachers, who also agreed that it was important to establish diplomatic relationships with colleagues in order to be able to inject their perspectives without being perceived as militant or aggressive. The fact that White faculty still feel that the act of expressing strong opinions makes Black teachers seem militant is remnant of a racist tendency to fear Blacks as aggressive and unruly.
Not every teacher in the study took the diplomatic route, however. The teachers who believed in a more assertive, unapologetic approach when confronting issues of racism, prejudice, or injustice at school felt that being direct was the best way to deal with White colleagues. Although this approach was generally not accepted by White faculty, the Black teachers who felt the need to “make their voice heard” were not concerned with White approval and were standing their ground so as not to be mistaken as push-overs (Mabokela & Madsen, 2000, p. 20).
Another major theme identified in the study was “Boundary Heightening”, which refers to the contrasts between Black teachers and White teachers as a result of cultural differences (Kanter, 1977; Mabokela & Madsen, 2000). These contrasts or differences result in “boundaries” or walls that are built around different groups that make it difficult to accept them. For example, it is challenging for Black teachers to rely on culturally responsive pedagogy or strategies when they are viewed as effective or not supported by the majority culture. Another example of boundary heightening is cultural mismatch, or diversions from the majority culture in the ways that Black teachers instruct, manage, and engage with their students (Mabokela and Madsen, 2000). Black teachers’ reliance on 70
Culturally Responsive Pedagogy (Ladson-Billings, 2004) with their students was seen as providing advantages or favoritism in the eyes of their White colleagues, who often chose to take a “color-blind” approach. The clash between Black teachers’ ideology of
Culturally Responsive Pedagogy and White teachers’ refusal and denial of racial or cultural differences in students was noted to create major divisions between the two groups in school setting.
The study suggested that one of the biggest differences between Black teachers and White teachers was their views on discipline. The Black teachers interviewed tended to agree that traditional classroom management strategies used in predominantly White school settings had a negative effect on Black students that resulted in higher levels of aggression and disobedience. Black teachers employed more flexible, differentiated classroom management styles to deal with challenging student behavior. As a result, they were seen as being “too lax” with their students and were criticized for not punishing them like the other teachers were. This ties in to the Black teachers’ belief that Black students are negatively stereotyped and hence treated as such in their schools. The unfavorable views that some White teachers possess about students of color are perpetuated through low expectations, unfair grading policies, and tracking (Mabokela &
Madsen, 2000).
While Black teachers in the study felt as if they were constantly tested to prove their qualifications as teachers in general, they also felt as if the only area in which they were expected to be an expert was about Black culture and Black issues. When teachers of color are called upon to serve as cultural experts, it is an example of what Cose (1993) 71
referred to as “pigeonholing”. The Black teachers reported that the majority of their
White colleagues were unaware and unconcerned of the heterogeneous nature of racial
and ethnic groups, and that they fallaciously assumed that Black students would
automatically relate to their teachers simply based on race alone (Mabokela & Madsen,
2000). They explained that Black students were often panned off to them when White colleagues didn’t know what else to do with them. In contrast, the Black teachers stated that they indeed had difficulties relating to some of their Black students at times. On certain instances Black teachers were seen as “sell-outs” to their students, and had to work very hard to gain their trust and respect. Furthermore, they suggested that White faculty had difficulty respecting that the Black experience and culture is complex and diverse, and certainly not all Black teachers came from Black neighborhoods or environments that make them automatic experts on the lives of Black people as a whole.
At any rate, schools’ tendency to rely on Black teachers as cultural and disciplinary
experts creates additional pressures and stressors on them that can potentially lead to their
attrition.
The last theme generated by the study of Black teachers focused on Role
Entrapment, or the ways that White majority faculties limit the expertise, input, and
contribution of Black teachers (Kanter, 1997; Mabokela & Madsen, 2000). This premise
goes back to the erroneous belief that Black teachers are hired primarily to fill diversity
quotas and not to draw upon their education, their skills, or their talents. In a disturbing
trend reminiscent of the overtly racist practices during the integration acts of the Civil
Rights Era, the Black teachers in the study claimed that school districts still desire and 72
hire Blacks who tend to be fairer-skinned and who look closest to their European counterparts (Mabokela & Madsen, 2000). The case for Black male teachers is even more concerning; Black teachers recognize that many White female colleagues and
White female parents as well are still uncomfortable in the presence of Black males.
Black teachers reported that they recognized a sense of fear, in general, on behalf
of White colleagues towards Black people who are “outspoken” (Mabokela & Madsen,
2000). The desire to employ “safe Blacks” was addressed as an ongoing issue; teachers who speak openly on issues of race, discrimination, and injustice are commonly isolated and ostracized in school settings. As one teacher lamented, “There is this hidden pressure to conform, or they make life so difficult you have to leave to save your sense of purpose” (Mabokela & Madsen, 2000, p. 26). Accordingly, Black teachers concluded that the lack of ability to speak out against racism is one of the major reasons why talented and qualified Black teachers leave the profession. Mabokela and Madsen
(2007) conducted a follow-up study that further contributed to the lack in literature that addresses Black educators’ experiences in suburban desegregated schools.
The study sought to enhance an understanding of Black educator perceptions of
their relationships with White school administrators, parents, and students. Their work
suggested that the retention of teachers of color depends on two critical questions: 1)
What are the implications for creating positive workplace relationships for teachers of color and their European American counterparts; and 2) How do teachers of color navigate the culture of these schools? The research generated findings that might 73
improve the relationships between Black and White educational professionals and
increase the recruiting and retention of Black teachers.
The 14 Black male and female participants who had from 1-30 years of teaching
experience and who stemmed from predominantly White, suburban, desegregated schools
surrounding a major Midwestern city. Mabokela and Madsen (2007) built on their previous work by differentiating Black female and male perspectives on coping strategies to deal with performance pressures. The subsequent study was also able to differentiate between the perceptions of new Black teachers and veteran Black teachers. This specific data added to the body of information about the ways that Black teachers experience and cope with racism in school settings.
The 2007 study found that there was a difference in the perspectives of newer female and male Black teachers (1-5 years’ experience) and veteran female and male
Black teachers (7 years plus experience) in reference to automatic notice. As identified in their previous study, the new data reiterated that Black female teacher viewed automatic notice negatively, and commonly relied on their strong sense of cultural identity, social support networks, and community connections (Mabokela and Madsen,
2007). The veteran Black male teachers exemplified an acceptance of the workplace pressures and the need to remain self-disciplined, optimistic, and dismissive of negative colleagues (Mabokela and Madsen, 2007). Newer Black male teachers viewed automatic notice in a more positive light, and expressed the desire to control others’ perceptions about their qualifications by being competitive and retaining their identity and power over their work environment. Less experienced Black male teachers also reported that 74
that the lack of support from White administrations caused them to question whether they want to remain in the profession.
Symbolic consequences refer to the ways that minority group members are expected to serve as “cultural ambassadors” or race representatives and the ways that they are subjected to stereotypical perceptions and treatment as a result (Mabokela and
Madsen, 2007). In regards to Symbolic Consequences, Black male and female teachers felt challenged to balance the pressures of adapting to the White cultural norms of their school settings while at the same time representing their race and cultural identity. Both male and female Black teachers expressed resistance to expectations that they serve as
“minority representatives” for the school (Mabokela and Madsen, 2007). They also disliked the burden of having to dispel stereotypical myths in regards to race and culture.
Both male and female Black teachers reported that White colleagues did not perceive them as authentic “Blacks” due to their education, professionalism, and intelligence.
Interestingly, Black female veteran teachers were more likely to speak out against racism or injustice than their Black male colleagues.
The third subtheme of performance pressure is Discrepant Qualities and
Stereotypes (Mabokela & Madsen, 2007). Black male teachers expressed that they felt a constant need to fight Black male stereotypes and dispel false beliefs and misconceptions about Black males. Black male teachers also felt that when promoting their accomplishments, they had to maintain a “casual and confident” demeanor (Mabokela &
Madsen, 2007, p.23). Furthermore, Black males noted an awareness of promoting 75
themselves as intellectually and socially equal when conversing with colleagues
(Mabokela & Madsen, 2007).
Black female teachers commonly felt as if they had to prove their qualifications to
White colleagues to fight being seen as “tokens” who were hired through Affirmative
Action. Black female teachers expressed that they felt White teachers defined them by
their race and color, and asserted that questioning the power or authority of White
colleagues led to resentment and alienation (Mabokela & Madsen, 2007). They discussed
feeling as if they had to lessen or downplay their successes as teachers in order to avoid
receiving bitterness from White colleagues. Black female teachers, in particular, reported
that they were subject to sabotage from White colleagues when they experienced success
with students. They often faced backlash when implemented strategy that differed from
the European philosophical foundations and educational practices. Black female teachers specifically expressed that the administrators in their schools were inexperienced in confronting racial tensions at their school sites, justifying the need for support from principals to ensure that predominantly White faculties receive training in cultural responsiveness (Mabokela & Madsen, 2007).
The Cultural Switching subtheme of performance pressure relates to the ways that
Black teachers have to adjust their actions, communication, appearances, and thoughts in order to fit in with the dominant culture (Mabokela & Madsen, 2007). Interestingly, the
Black male participants did not report that they employed culture switching when transitioning to a new school. Black female teachers, however, expressed their experiences with cultural dissonance and incongruity in regards to Black culture and the 76
norms and values of their White colleagues. The Black female teachers unanimously
noted difficulty with understanding and accepting the cultural norms of predominantly
White school. One new teacher, in particular, stated that the intimidation she received
from White teachers led her to question her decision to keep teaching (Mabokela and
Madsen, 2007).
Black female teachers specifically appeared to engage in diplomatic strategies for
working with White colleagues, and developed heightened senses of demeanor and body
language when interacting with White colleagues (Mabokela & Madsen, 2007). Through
years of experience and experimentation with White colleagues, diplomatic Black female
teachers learned how to “soften them up” before voicing their opinions, and some
asserted themselves in “safe” manners so as not to appear “militant” or intimidating
(Mabokela & Madsen, 2007, p.27). The more assertive Black female teachers were
outspoken and direct when confronting issues of racism with White colleagues and would
not allow themselves to be manipulated or repressed.
In addition to the numerous issues that Black teachers had with White colleagues,
the study recognized examples of “within-group” conflicts, or issues that arise between
Black colleagues (Mabokela & Madsen, 2007). Certain Black teachers in the study
expressed that Black teachers were at times pressured by Black colleagues if they felt that they were “selling out” or not advocating strongly enough for Black students. One participant admitted that he purposely distanced himself from other Black colleagues in an effort to differentiate himself from affiliation with their cause and to remain “safe” in the eyes of his White colleagues (Mabokela & Madsen, 2007). 77
This study provided valuable insight to the perceptions and experiences of Black
teachers who work in predominantly White school settings. The effects of embedded
racism and cultural incongruity often force Black teachers to isolate themselves or leave
the profession. Makobela and Madsen (2007) examined the way that intergroup
differences ultimately affect Black teachers’ ability to fulfill their potential and contribute
optimally in predominantly White schools. Kanter (1977) asserted that in order to
promote equality between Black and White colleagues in schools, it is imperative that
Black teachers are welcomed, accepted, and valued.
School personnel must become culturally responsive in their selection,
recruitment, and retention of Black teachers (Gordon, 2000). Makobela and Madsen
(2007) argued that “school personnel need to understand how gender, race, national
origin, and work specialization create micro-culture groups” that often mirror the same
racist practices that have existed in American schools for centuries (p.32). The study also
pointed to the critical distinction between promoting teacher diversity for its aesthetic
value and utilizing teacher diversity as an invaluable resource that has the power to
improve the education system. A commitment to the latter entails that schools actively
and purposefully seek to minimize barriers for not only Black teachers, but teacher of
color in general. This study further posits that in order to retain Black teachers in the K-
12 classroom, administrative support, salary increases over time, and professional
advancement must become a priority among school leaders and policymakers (Farinde,
et.al, 2016) and identified that additional study is required in order to develop authentically inclusive schools (Mabokela & Madsen, 2007). 78
The study identified that schools pay “minimal consideration” to the contributions and expertise of Black teachers and to how they might serve to initiate change and success for American students. It concludes by questioning how predominantly White school settings can develop organizational culture that supports Black teachers, and suggests that strategies are critical in order to make American schools more positive places for Black teachers want to remain. Insight to the organizational culture of
American schools through the voices of Black teachers identifies numerous shared sentiments and experiences that point to workplace conditions which impact their retention. This research can inform education policy and practice on school and district levels and should be prioritized in schools across the nation. More research is warranted to consolidate the data on Black teachers’ experiences in schools to further identify the actions necessary to promote and protect them as a vital element of the American teaching force.
79
Chapter 3
METHODOLOGY
The lack of diversity in America’s teacher population is concerning. While the
majority of the nation’s K12 public school students are non-White, White teachers still
constitute the majority (65%) and teachers of color represent 35% of the state’s teaching
force (DOE, 2015). Black teachers make up approximately 3.8% of the teaching
population, with Black females comprising 2.7%, and Black male teachers comprising
only 1.2%. Research suggests that attrition is the most prominent factor impacting the
dwindling numbers of Black educators in the profession. Black teachers report that
workplace conditions are a major cause of their decisions to stay in or leave the field.
The existence of adverse workplace conditions that affect the small but critical Black
teaching pool warrants investigation, intervention, and remedy. The intent of this inquiry
is to explore the perceptions that Black teachers possess in regard to the workplace
conditions that support retention or lead to their attrition. Through a mixed-methods
approach, the researcher will explore the phenomenology of workplace factors that the
nation’s K12 public school Black teachers experience through teacher interviews and surveys.
Research Design
The researcher utilized a mixed methods concurrent triangulation strategy in
which both qualitative and quantitative data was collected simultaneously and then
analyzed to identify similarities, differences, or combinations (Creswell, 2009). Each 80
method was weighed equally, and qualitative data was integrated side-by-side with quantitative data so that the findings from the two approaches could support or disconfirm each other (Creswell, 2009). The utilization of mixed methods can eliminate bias from a study in that the combination of data sources serves to converge on a truth about a phenomenon that rises above the researcher, the data source, or the method alone
(Denzin, 1978). “Once a proposition has been confirmed by two or more independent measurement processes, the uncertainty of its interpretation is greatly reduced” (Webb,
Campbell, Schwartz, & Sechrest, 1996, p.3). This might be helpful in legitimizing the findings that are uncovered and warranting the need for change and action in regards to adverse working conditions that may exist in America’s K12 schools. The researcher anticipated that the information generated from a simultaneous methodological triangulation would reveal either convergence, inconsistency, or contradiction of the data
(Denzin, 1978). The complexity of the issues surrounding Black teacher retention requires an application of phenomenological research, where the researcher sought to identify the meanings generated by the particpants’ lived experiences and to develop patterns and relationships of meaning (Moustakas, 1994).
This study incorporated both qualitative and quantitative research approaches concurrently. The combining of both approaches is a mixed methods research design that
stems from a pragmatic philosophy and is an approach to research that integrates multiple
viewpoints and perspectives (Denzin, 1978; Johnson, Onwuegbuzie, & Turner, 2007).
Formerly known as “mixed research, or multiple operationalism”, mixed methods
research design and application have continued to expand among researchers over the 81
past century under the premise that the convergence of dual research approaches might
provide stronger validation of results (Bouchard, 1976). While mixed methods research
is generally viewed as an emerging methodology, the combining of both qualitative and
quantitative approaches has been practiced for more than 80 years (Fetters, 2016).
Furthermore, Maxwell (2016) argued that there is evidence that dual approaches have been employed in the natural, social, and health sciences for centuries.
Mertens (2003) provided a definition of mixed methods that is particularly appropriate for the purpose of this study:
Mixed methods research, when taken from a transformative stance, is the use of
qualitative and quantitative methods that allow for the collection of data about
historical and contextual factors, with special emphasis on issues of power that
can influence the achievement of social justice and avoidance of oppression
(p. 135-164).
The researcher’s mixed methods approach was driven by a need to utilize a
research process that is emancipatory, anti-discriminatory, and participatory, with specific focus on the lives of Black teachers as a marginalized group who deserves equity in California’s K12 public school force (Mertens, 2003).
The combining of quantitative and qualitative approaches can promote corroboration and confirmation of information, more precise analysis and enhanced data, and the initiation of new thought and theory (Rossman & Wilson, 1985). Mabokela and
Madsen’s (2007) study on performance pressures of Black teachers was conducted through solely qualitative data; the interviews held in this important research identified 82
specific factors and themes that impact the careers of Black educators. Those factors and
themes can be used in a larger survey to further analyze the responses of Black teachers
and potentially quantify correlations between workplace conditions and retention or
attrition. The complexity of the issue cannot be explained or understood by the collection
of one approach alone, necessitating the integration of both qualitative and quantitative
research. A description of both approaches is necessary in order to contextualize the
nature of the study.
Qualitative Research
Qualitative research is beneficial to the issue of Black teacher retention and attrition in that it attempts to make sense of the problem (negative workplace experiences) that impacts Black teachers through information generated specifically from their own perspectives (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005, p.3). Creswell (2007) defined qualitative research as a study of “the meaning individuals or groups prescribe to a social or human problem” (p.37). The high attrition rates of Black teachers in America’s K12 teaching pool represents both a social and a human problem calling for explanations and understandings that can only stem from Black teachers themselves. Because of its interpretive characteristic, qualitative research supports that there are multiple ways of understanding and henceforth constructing reality (Merriam, 2009). An understanding of
Black teacher retention and attrition must stem from an emic perspective in order to authentically illustrate the problem.
The major components of qualitative research include: data collection in a natural setting or environment; inductive data analysis that seeks to establish themes and 83
patterns; an emergent research process; theoretical lens; interpretive inquiry; richly
descriptive data; and a written report based on the voice of the participants that supports the definition and explanation of an issue as well as suggests action to address it
(Creswell, 2007; Merriam, 2009).
The main goal of qualitative research is to gain information and complex understanding about a problem from the people who are actually living through it
(Creswell, 2007; Merriam, 2009). Participant voice is the heart of qualitative design; the goal is for the researcher to gain an understanding of a problem through the meanings that the participants extract through their experiences. Merriam (2009) suggested that human beings are the best instrument to carry out the task of qualitative inquiry as it requires a sensitivity to interpreting the meaning in context of the participants. By interviewing Black teachers, the researcher aimed to collect a rich database of personal
stories that paints a picture of the nation’s K12 schools and points to both the positive and
negative aspects of their teaching experiences within them. As one of the abilities of
qualitative research design is its potential to transform (Creswell, 2007), the researcher’s
goal was to be able to empower Black teachers through the creation of a set of culturally
and racially equitable workplace standards that can enhance their careers and that should
be implemented to transform conditions in K12 schools throughout the country.
Inductive data analysis occurs as researchers gather and organize information with
the intention of identifying similarities that can be sorted into categories or themes. Those
themes can signify the prevalence of a problem and are used to form deeper
understandings of the main components of the issue. The themes that arose during the 84
interviews of Black teachers pointed to specific examples of negative workplace
interactions and conditions in America’s K12 public schools that are commonplace, and require intervention. Consequently, new theory may be devised from themes generated by the research.
Quantitative Research
Quantitative research refers to a research approach in which data or information is collected and then quantified into statistics in order to prove or disprove “alternate knowledge claims” (Creswell, 2003, p. 153). Quantitative research methodologies address a problem statement and employ “strategies of inquiry such as experimental and surveys, and collect data on predetermined instruments that yield statistical data”
(Creswell, 2003, p. 18). The history of QNR dates back approximately to 1250 A.D. as humans needed to quantify information and has since been the dominant form of research methodology (Williams, 2007). Quantitative methodology is based on numerals and/or statistics, and includes the “collecting, analyzing, interpreting, and writing the results of a study” (Creswell, 2002; Williams, 2007, p.1).
The researcher utilized a quantitative approach in the administering of surveys to
100+ practicing, retired, and former Black K12 teachers to identify correlations between workplace factors and Black teacher retention and attrition. The survey questions served to examine Black teacher experience with variables related to workplace environments.
The data was used to objectively create meanings that stem from the responses of Black teachers in an effort to generate common themes. The quantitative data was used to 85
“establish, confirm, or validate relationships and to develop generalizations that contribute to theory” (Leedy and Ormrod, 2001, p. 102).
Role of the Researcher
In qualitative research, the researcher is considered the “key instrument” because she or he is the one actively gathering the information from the participants (Creswell,
2007). This means that she or he is the one who is directly responsible for conducting the interviews of the study’s participants. For the qualitative portion of the research, the researcher interviewed ten Black teachers from K12 public schools in Northern
California. The participants included teachers who are acquaintances or colleagues of the researcher, in addition to teachers who have been contacted through networking. The interviews were conducted in person and were taped using an electronic voice recorder.
The questions were open-ended to allow the participants the opportunity to provide detailed, introspective answers. The researcher transcribed the interviews and analyzed them to identify common themes and data. The researcher remained objective throughout the interview process so as not to introduce bias into the study. The researcher gathered, transcribed, and analyzed the data collected throughout the interview and survey process.
86
Research Questions
Research Question One: What are organizational/workplace conditions that Black teachers perceive to positively or negatively impact their retention rate in K12 school?
(Qualitative)
Research Question Two: Are there significant relationships among the following variables regarding retention of K12 Black teachers throughout the nation? (Quantitative and Qualitative)
• Administration Characteristics- The characteristics of school
administrations in relation to their interaction with Black teachers
(support, management, evaluation)
• Decision Making Influence-The amount and type of influence a teacher
has during decision making processes in the school. (influence over
curriculum, pedagogy, discipline)
• Upward Mobility-Opportunities for upward mobility in the school.
(promotion, specialist positions, professional development)
• Addressing Race and Culture-The ways that administration and faculty at
the school confront and address racial issues. (dialogue, experts,
professional training, etc.)
• Self and Cultural Identity- The impact of a teacher’s sense of self-identity
within the school. (on relationships, reputation, perseverance) 87
• Safety and Resources- The ways that schools provide teachers and
students with policy and resources to ensure their safety.
• Different Treatment- The ways that teachers may feel they are treated
differently because of race/ethnicity/culture.
• Overt/Covert Racism-The ways that teachers may experience overt and/or
covert racism and discrimination.
• Standing Out at Work- The ways that Black teachers may feel that they
stand out in schools.
• Repercussion and Isolation- The ways that teachers experience
repercussions and exclusion for expressing themselves culturally,
religiously, or radically.
• Cultural Competency- The ways that teachers feel their schools address
and support their specific cultural needs (pedagogy, curriculum, training,
policy).
Research Question Three: To what extent are workplace factor variables able to predict
Black K12 teacher retention? (Quantitative)
88
Setting, Population & Sample
This qualitative portion of the study took place in various K12 schools in
Northern California. The area of Northern California was chosen for the qualitative research as it represents a geographical region that allows for the researcher’s travel within the time parameters of the study. The quantitative portion of the study was provided by practicing Black K12 educators in various states throughout the U.S.
Participants in the qualitative section of the study were selected from the pool of female and male Black teachers in K12 schools in Northern California. Participants in the quantitative section of the study were selected from the pool of female and male Black teachers in K12 schools throughout the nation. This population is appropriate because an understanding of the factors that lead to Black teacher attrition and retention best stems from the experiences and perceptions of Black teachers themselves. The researcher utilized purposeful and snowball sampling to select ten female and male teachers who were interviewed to gain qualitative data. Purposeful and snowball sampling were also used to identify 100 female and male Black K12 teachers to be surveyed for quantitative data. Concurrent sampling took place jointly through interviews with open-ended responses and surveys with close-ended responses (Teddlie & Yu, 2007).
Instrumentation
Interview: Qualitative
The interview questions were designed by the researcher to gain information about the workplace conditions and experiences of Black K12 teachers in Northern 89
California that impact their desire to remain in or leave the profession. The instruments
that were required for the qualitative data collection were an electronic audio recorder, a computer, and a notebook. Each interview lasted approximately 1-1.5 hours.
Interview questions asked for: demographic information such as age, gender, school type and location, degree level, years of experience, grade level, and
credential/subject. Specific interview questions include: What factors influenced your
decision to become a teacher; Can you describe what you like best/least about teaching;
How are you treated by your school administration and colleagues; How does your
racial/ethnic identity factor into your experience as a teacher; What support systems, if
any, help you as a Black teacher; What obstacles, if any, hamper you as a Black teacher;
What factors influence your decision to remain in the profession; What factors influence
your decision to leave the profession; and What advice would you offer to schools who
wish to retain their Black teacher population.
Survey: Quantitative
The survey was designed to gain information on the demographics of Black K12
teachers throughout the nation utilizing a combination of questions from the Schools and
Staffing Survey (SASS), the Teacher Followup Survey (TFS), and the studies of Black
teacher retention (NCES, 2012 and 2013). The instruments that were used for the
quantitative data collection were the researcher’s personal computer, online surveys
through Qualtrics, and the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) software.
Examples of information that this research aimed to gather were: teacher
demographics (gender, age, education, years of experience); school demographics (grade 90
level, location, size, diversity); student demographics (diversity, SES, EL, Special
Education); and the factors and reasons why Black teachers choose to remain in or leave
the profession. The survey questions sought to identify the relationship between
variables identified as key factors in the workplace conditions of Black teachers and their
desire to remain in the profession through a six point Likert scale. The survey was
conducted using Qualtrics.
Workplace Factors
The survey asked 13 questions with sub-questions designed to assess workplace
factors. These questions were generated from factors identified in Mabokela and
Madsen’s (2007) study of Black teachers and focused on the following areas.
Administrative questions addressed teachers’ perceptions of the levels of administrative support, management, and evaluation that they receive for example: a) I feel supported my school administration (attention, help, and praise from principal, vice principal, or site director); b) I am recognized by my school administration for my professionalism and expertise.
Decision Making Influence questions focused on teacher perceptions of their involvement in key decision making processes concerning curriculum, pedagogy, discipline, and training at their schools and include: a) My input is considered when my school is making decisions about curriculum and instruction; b) I have a say in the type of
professional development that we receive as a faculty/staff. Questions about decision
making also concerned the amount of freedom a teacher has to choose and/or implement
curriculum, pedagogy, discipline: c) As a teacher, how much influence do you have over 91
school policy in setting performance standards for students at this school; d) As a teacher,
how much influence do you have over school discipline policy?
Upward Mobility questions asked for teacher perceptions about their
opportunities for promotion, specialist positions, and professional development at their
schools and include: a) My school supports and/or provides opportunities that enhance
my upward mobility as a teacher (graduate school, promotion, etc.); b) My school provides me with professional development that supports my career growth.
The Cultural Responsiveness questions addressed teacher perceptions of the ways that administration and faculty at schools confront and address racial issues for example: a) The administration at my school engages with teachers in open dialogue about issues of race; b) My school creates and enacts policy that supports cultural responsiveness.
Self and Cultural Identity questions were about the impact of a teacher’s sense of
self-identity within the school and include: a) I feel as if I have to change my cultural
styles of speaking and behaving when around majority groups at work; b) My sense of
self-identity protects me from negative organizational/workplace conditions.
The Safety and Resources questions explored teacher perceptions of the norms,
values, processes, and overall characteristics of the school: a) I feel as if I am included by
the faculty at my school; b) My school has the resources necessary to support student
success.
Different Treatment questions dealt with the ways that teachers may feel they are
treated differently because of race/ethnicity/culture: a) I feel as if I have to prove that I 92
am professionally qualified to my administration/colleagues; b) I am expected to be the
expert on Black students and Black culture in my school.
The Standing Out questions pertained to teacher perceptions of “standing out” in their schools because of racial/cultural differences and include: a) I experience higher levels of scrutiny from my administration and colleagues than non-Black teachers; b) I feel as if my administration and/or colleagues have tried to sabotage me professionally at my school.
Repercussion and Isolation questions focused on the ways that teachers may experience repercussions and exclusion for expressing themselves culturally, religiously, or radically for example: a) I feel the need to isolate myself from others at my school; b) I have faced repercussions for my speech, behavior, and/or instruction.
The Racial and Cultural Needs questions were about teacher perceptions on discrepancies between school culture and the racial and cultural needs of the students and teachers and include: a) The curriculum/pedagogy at my school is effective for diverse student populations; and b) My administration and colleagues respect and value cultural diversity.
Commitment to the Profession
To assess teacher retention, 8 questions were asked. These questions were pulled from the 2012 School and Staffing Survey (NCES, 2012) and the 2012-13 Teacher
Follow Up Survey (NCES, 2013) and included: How long do you plan to remain in teaching?; and To what extent do you agree or disagree with the following?: If I could get a higher paying job I’d leave teaching as soon as possible; I think about transferring to 93
another school; I don’t seem to have as much enthusiasm now as I did when I began
teaching; I think about staying home from school because I’m just too tired to go.
Demographic and Other Attributes
The survey included additional questions that were found in the 2012 SASS, the
2012-13 TFS, and the studies of Black teacher retention (NCES, 2012 and 2013) ask for
participants’: gender; age; degree earned; credential; size, location, grade level, ethnic
diversity, SES population, and population of school; years of experience; motivation for
entering the profession; and retrospect of teaching experience.
Data Analysis
The researcher conducted personal interviews and to gather qualitative data.
Open-ended questions were used to generate rich dialogue, understanding, and deep
meaning of Black K12 teacher perceptions about and experiences in educational
workplace conditions. The researcher coded the interview data using both open and
closed coding processes to identify prominent themes in participant responses. These
themes were used to help validate existing research and justify the need for
transformative leadership in school settings to retain Black teachers.
For the quantitative portion of this study, the researcher conducted a Pearson’s
correlation data analysis and a Multiple Regression analysis to identify if there was a positive linear relationship between Black teachers’ views towards retention and the following variables: Administration Relationship; Decision Making Influence; Upward
Mobility; Issues of Race, Racism, and Culture; Self and Cultural Identity; Safety and 94
Resources; Different Treatment; Overt and Covert Racism; Standing Out at Work;
Repercussion and Isolation; and Racial and Cultural Needs.
A correlation research design was used to determine the strength of the relationships between the work factor variables and the retention variables. Because obtaining a larger sample of participants increases the chances of finding statistical significance, the researcher aimed to collect surveys from 100 Black K12 teachers.
Validity
The validity of this study can be gauged through its trustworthiness, authenticity, and credibility. The mixing of both qualitative and quantitative research methods served to offset weaknesses that may be present in one of the approaches, lending to the validity of the findings. The credibility of the data generated in this study was high as the participants chosen for the study have lengthy experiences in the education field. The trustworthiness of the data was also high because the participants were given ample time to complete their interviews and surveys, and the interviews and surveys were administered in safe, familiar environments. The researcher included data transformation in an effort to analyze and display quantitative and qualitative findings in a variety of formats. The validity of the study was strong because the researcher included discrepant information that presented differing perspectives on the issue of Black teacher retention and attrition. Furthermore, in order to increase the validity of the data, the researcher utilized interrater reliability and peer debriefing to gain multiple perspectives on the data analysis.
95
Reliability
To ensure reliability of the study, the researcher defined and measured the
variables for the quantitative survey very specifically, and verified that the construct
validity was strong. The researcher strove to choose the correct statistical analysis and to
interpret the results appropriately. Additionally, the researcher aimed to survey
approximately 100 participants to achieve high generalizability. The reliability of the data was increased by the utilization of random sampling, in which the researcher chose surveys out of the total population randomly to give each participant’s response an equal chance of being included in the sample.
Protection of Participants
Prior to the commencement of the research methodology, the researcher obtained permission from Sacramento State’s Institutional Review Board (IRB) to hold interviews and to conduct surveys. All interview participants were informed of the ways in which their participation in the study could benefit them, were clearly informed of the study’s procedures, and were required to submit signatures in agreement to the provisions of the study. All survey participants were informed of the ways in which their participation in the study could benefit them, were clearly informed of the study’s procedures, and were given the option to stop taking the survey at any time. Due to the sensitive nature of the data content, stringent measures were in place to ensure participant anonymity. In an effort to protect the identity of the participants involved in the study, the researcher created pseudonyms to attach to their responses. All participation took place on a voluntary basis, and interview participants were free to withdraw themselves and their 96
data from the study at any time. Participants were given the right to ask questions throughout the entire process and had the right to obtain a copy of the results if they wish.
The physical data was stored in a locked safe at the residence of the researcher, and all written information was destroyed by shredding at the conclusion of the dissertation process. All electronic data (voice recordings, transcriptions, surveys) was stored on the audio recording device and personal computer of the researcher and was protected by password, and all electronic files were deleted at the end of the dissertation process.
97
Chapter 4
QUALITATIVE DATA ANALYSIS
Chapter 4 presents the relevant qualitative and quantitative findings of the
interviews and surveys of Black K12 teachers currently practicing in classrooms
throughout the nation. The researcher analyzed the findings of the qualitative and the
quantitative research separately and then triangulated the data to identify commonalities
and differences. The qualitative data is presented first to illuminate participants’
perceptions of K12 school environments. The results of the quantitative data collection
are presented in Chapter 5 to provide a broader understanding of Black K12 teacher
experience throughout the nation. An analysis of the triangulation of both the interview
and the survey data will be presented in Chapter 6 to cross-check the findings.
The qualitative research question that served as the foundation of the study was:
1) What are the workplace factors that Black K12 teachers perceive to positively or negatively impact their retention rates in schools? (Qualitative)
The first research question involved qualitative data derived from the interviews
of ten Black K12 professionals (7 practicing teachers and 3 former teachers) in Northern
California. Research Questions 2 and 3 involved quantitative and qualitative data
generated from on online survey completed by 98 practicing Black teachers from K12
schools throughout the country. The purpose of this research was to explore Black
teacher perceptions of the factors that positively and negatively impact their commitment
to teaching in K12 school environments and to identify factors which predict their desire 98
to remain in the profession. The findings of this study can be used to inform the nation’s
school boards, district, and school administrations and to promote the development of
policy and practice that promotes Black K12 teacher retention throughout the country.
Qualitative Data Analysis
Research Question One generated qualitative findings through the interviews of
10 Black/African American K12 practicing and former teachers in Northern California.
The participants were identified through purposeful sampling and snowball sampling.
Purposeful sampling involves the identification and selection of individuals who possess
specific knowledge and experience with a particular phenomenon (Cresswell & Plano
Clark, 2011). The researcher initially recruited three participants who were former
colleagues, and those participants then suggested other teachers to reach out to. All
interviews were held in various schools and homes in Northern California. Seven open-
ended questions were presented that explored the participants’ backgrounds, experiences,
and perceptions about the K12 workplace environment in relation to their commitment to
the profession.
The researcher recorded each interview onto a digital recording device and then
transferred the digital files to her laptop to transcribe them. After the data was
transcribed, the researcher used an open coding process to identify broad and specific categories that the participant responses fit into (Merriam, 2009). The coded groups produced emerging themes that illuminated the positive and negative experiences of the participants in relation to their commitment to the profession. The researcher then
organized the participant responses according to the respective themes. 99
Interview Participants
The group of interview participants represented an interesting diaspora of
experiences, perceptions, philosophies, and pedagogies. The teachers’ length of
experience in the profession ranged from 7-28 years, with an average of 15.4 years in
public, charter, and private schools. The teachers had experience in all grade levels K-12,
and the majority were currently employed in urban elementary and high schools. Nine
teachers had taught predominantly in Northern California/West Coast and two had also
taught in the East Coast and the Caribbean. Four of the teachers held administrative
credentials in addition to multiple and single subject credentials. Five of the teachers had
degrees in Ethnic and Multicultural Studies. Eight of the participants held Masters
degrees in addition to Bachelors. Many of the participants started working with students
as tutors, mentors, recreation leaders, and coaches. Six of the participants were currently practicing teachers, two were former teachers who had moved to administrative positions, and two teachers had left K12 altogether.
The preference for ethnic/racial labels varied among the participants. Eight of the participants preferred to be referred to as Black, with one person claiming that the term
Black is “a political statement”. Only one person preferred the term African American.
One participant requested to be referred to as “melanated” and not Black; he term replaces what some determine to be a negative and fallacious description of an ethnic
group and refers to the melanin, or skin pigment of a group of people. For the purpose of
the data analysis, the researcher chose to use the term Black, as it represents the 100
preference of the majority of the participants. To protect the participant’s identities, their names, schools, and locations have all been replaced by pseudonyms.
Participant Descriptions
Ms. Makeda is a former K12 teacher who has taught grades 2nd to 7th for 21 years in public and charter urban schools. She viewed her teaching career as a constant struggle to advocate for Black student interests in a racist and unjust school system. She left public K12 schools a few years ago and she currently holds another educational position.
Mr. Kofi is a practicing high school teacher who has taught in urban public and charter schools for over 20 years. He has been a tutor, mentor, coach, and teacher. He recognized the numerous pitfalls that challenge Black students, and he loves having the ability to impact student lives. Although he said that he never had thoughts of leaving the profession altogether, he expressed that he is ready to move up in his career by becoming an administrator.
Ms. Jamila is an elementary school teacher who entered the classroom in 2001. She currently teaches in an urban school, but has grown disenchanted by negative experiences. She stated that this will be her last year teaching.
Mr. Tedros is a former elementary and middle school teacher who taught in urban charter schools for approximately 8 years. He has been a tutor, coach, and teacher. He had a critical, yet optimistic outlook about teaching. He left the profession for economic reasons and for upward mobility, and he currently holds an administrative position. 101
Ms. Menen is a practicing elementary school teacher in her 14th year in urban public and charter schools. She has held a variety of educational positions. Her perception of teaching is critical. She expressed that she has grown disenchanted with the profession, and that this may be her last year teaching.
Ms. Genet is a former teacher of 28 years who has taught every grade K-12 in private, public, and charter urban schools. She has been a teacher, tutor, and counselor. She has a critical yet hopeful outlook about the profession. She left the classroom because she grew tired of teaching and now holds another educational position.
Ms. Zuri is a practicing elementary school teacher of 2 years in an urban elementary school. She has worked with young people as a dance instructor and teacher. She was frustrated and had a particularly negative perspective about the profession. Although she is a new teacher, she only sees herself teaching for another 2 or 3 years.
Ms. Candace is a practicing teacher high school teacher with over 25 years of experience in charter and home school environments. She started working with students as a tutor.
She has an extremely positive opinion about the profession. She plans on retiring in her early 60’s.
Mr. Kamau is a practicing teacher in his 25th year as a middle and high school teacher in public and charter urban schools. He has been a teacher, tutor, and mentor. He had a critical but positive view of the profession, and no intention of leaving the profession or moving out of the classroom to become an administrator. 102
Mr. Ade is a practicing high school teacher of 7 years who has experience in public urban and suburban schools as a teacher and coach. He had a completely positive outlook on the profession and stated that he envisioned himself teaching for another 30 years. See
Table 1 for participant descriptions.
Table 1
Participant Descriptions Participant Sex Education Years in Current Profession Position
Ms. Makeda F MA 21 Professional/ Former K12 teacher
Ms. Zuri F MA 2 Elementary teacher
Ms. Genet F MA 28 Professional/ Former K12 teacher
Ms. Candace F MA 25 High school teacher
Ms. Menen F MA 14 Elementary teacher
Mr. Kofi M MA 20 High school teacher
Mr. Ade M BA 7 High school teacher
Mr. Kamau M MA 13 High school teacher
Mr. Tedros M MA 8 Administrator/ Former teacher
Ms. Jamila F MA 16 Elementary Teacher
103
Qualitative Research Questions
1) What factors influenced your decision to become a teacher?
2) What you like best/least about teaching?
3) How are you treated by your school administration and colleagues?
4) How does your racial/ethnic identity factor into your experience as a teacher?
5) What support systems, if any, help you as a Black teacher?
6) What obstacles, if any, hamper you as a Black teacher?
7) What factors influence your decision to remain in the profession?
8) What factors influence your decision to leave the profession?
9) What advice would you offer to schools who wish to retain their Black teacher
population?
Qualitative Themes
Ten major themes were presented during the analysis of the qualitative data set. The five predominant themes pertaining to experiences that positively impacted
the participants’ desires to remain in the profession include: (1) Connections with
Students/Families/Communities, (2) Advocacy for Black/Brown Students, (3) Creating
and Implementing Liberational Pedagogy, (4) Resistance, and (5) Black Teacher Magic.
The five predominant themes pertaining to work conditions that negatively impacted the
participants’ experiences in the profession were: (1) Institutional Racism, (2) Cultural 104
Incongruity, (3) Ineffective Administration, (4) Disenchantment, (5) Barriers in the
Profession. The frequency of each theme is presented in Table 2.
Table 2
Qualitative Theme Frequencies Ms. Mr. Ms. Ms. Mr. Ms. Mr. Ms. Ms. Mr. Makeda Kofi Genet Candace Tedros Menen Ade Jamila Zuri Kamau Positive Themes 1) Connections X X X X X X X X X X with Students/ Families/ Communities 2) Advocacy for X X X X X X X X X X Black/Brown Students 3) Creating/ X X X X X X X X X Implementing Liberational Pedagogy 4) Resistance X X X X X
5) Black Teacher X X X X X X X X X X Magic Negative Themes 6) Overt and X X X X X Covert Racism 7) School X X X X X X X X Disconnections with Black Students/ Families/Teachers 8) Cultural X X X X X X X X Incongruities 9) Critique of X X X X X X X X Administration 10) Dis- X X X X X X enchantment 11) Professional X X X X X X X X Barriers 105
Part I. Positive Themes Theme 1) Connections with Students, Families, and Communities Every teacher affirmed that one of the most significant aspects of their career, and a key factor in their desire to remain in the profession, was their ability to form connections with students, families, and communities. A strong component of the connection between the participants and Black students in particular is predicated by a strong sense of culture and identity. The participants professed the importance of knowledge of self, and the crucial impact that self and cultural identity has on Black children. The participants stressed how knowing that they serve as reflections of student ethnicity and culture strengthened their commitment to teaching. Of particular importance was the evidence of connections with not only students, but with parents; the majority of the participants expressed their ability to develop positive and strong relationships with parents and families. The participants also recognized and embraced their positive impact on Latino students and other student groups as well.
Every teacher expressed that success with Black students relies heavily on their ability to understand not only their academic needs, but their physical, emotional, social, and economic needs just as importantly. The willingness of the participants to involve themselves in student and family lives by visiting homes, attending community and sports events, providing rides, buying groceries, and living in the same communities builds trust and impacts connections with students far beyond academics. Several teachers noted that socializing with families outside of the school environment strengthens their connections with students and parents, and increases levels of student success in school. Furthermore, they reported improved attendance and a lessening of 106
behavioral issues as a result of community involvement and participation. See Table 3.
Table 3
Interview Responses: Connections with Students, Parents, and Communities
Interview Responses: Connections with Students, Parents, and Communities
Ms. Makeda- Over 20 years in the education system…the best times all revolve around working with kids and making connections with them…often in schools where they had no others…the building of community and relationships that I have done with them really all stem for my love, passion and respect for them…when I see them, I see myself…so my identity as a Black/African woman helps tremendously…it makes all the difference…I feel priceless when it comes to my value to kids and families…
Mr. Kofi- I didn’t look at them as bad kids…I looked at them as kids that looked like me…One of the biggest impacts is when I get a young Black male, Mexican male…young male period...they look up to me when they know that I’m a genuine person that really cares….they have to be able to know we believe in them…and they have to trust us enough for us to be able to tell them “you need to get up off yo’ass!”
Ms. Menen- I think that on a children level, [my ethnicity] does matter because the children that I teach…they can identify with me…they feel a connection…that there is someone that looks like them and is teaching them to believe in themselves...especially little girls…because they see me and they see themselves…I think families feel a connection as well, but they feel empowered…they say “I want my student to be in your class”
Mr. Kamau- Buying groceries…driving folks around…once you make that connection, you have no more problems with that Black or Mexican kid…or his parents...
Mr. Tedros- I’ve always had a connection with children…leading kids…I wanted to affect kids…I worked in the local community center…I wanted to help kids who look like me…to make it easier for them…
Ms. Zuri- I’m so much more aware now [in my 2nd year of teaching] of my presence with Black students…in a sense they look up to me in a way that’s very different from how they look up to other teachers…
107
Teachers frequently referred to themselves as extended family members (i.e. moms, father, uncle, auntie, etc.). Many of the participants expressed that serving in familial roles beyond the scope of teaching is a natural and necessary factor in developing strong bonds with Black students and families. Their roles as “family members” inside school environments creates fluidity and trust between students’ familial culture at home and at school, and increases consistency in cultural understandings, expectations, and reactions between teacher, student, and parent. See Table 4.
Table 4
Interview Responses: Extended Families
Interview Responses: Extended Family
Ms. Jamila- When I first started working at my school I was told…you treat the kids like they’re your nieces and nephews! I refer to Black kids as my kids…my babies...that’s who they are to me...and I feel extremely protective over you…that’s why when something happens like behavior...I’m not sending you out [of the classroom] I feel like they’re all mine! Almost every year I’ll hear somebody try to get my attention and they’ll say ‘MOM!!!! I mean Ms. Jamila!!!’ ...they feel like they’re at home!
Ms. Candace- I take my students for job interviews…I give them money to eat…I pick up something for my students… I do way more than the job entails…but I tell my students I expect more of you…I had one student whose mother told me that he loved me so much…he called me “Mama Candace”…I am mother to all of them…it goes with my Christian beliefs….
Ms. Zuri- They look up to me…in a way that’s very different…when they see me…it’s like I’m an auntie or an older sister the way…but my relationship with them is tough love…
Ms. Makeda- I work with them as a Momma would ...sometimes I discipline, sometimes, I love hard...I look as these children as my own…
Mr. Kamau- At my school, any Black kid always comes to me and I become their surrogate…It’s gravitation…they like to come and just sit at my feet... 108
Teachers reported that a major positive aspect of teaching was their ability to positively impact the community. A number of participants expressed that the experience of growing up in predominantly Black communities and attending schools with high numbers of Black educators influenced their commitment to not only the schools in which they teach, but to their communities as well. The teachers who live or lived in neighborhoods where their student populations live stated that sharing communities enhances their connections, understanding, and empathy with students and families, as well as increases their sense of concern for and commitment to community improvement.
See Table 5.
Table 5
Interview Responses: Connections with Communities
Interview Responses: Connections with Students, Parents, and Communities
Mr. Tedros- You literally have to buy a home in this community…live...shop…and eat in this community…it’s real powerful if you know that a community is going through a flood, and you’re going through the same flood... so it’s a feeling of care…I can talk to what’s going on in the community…in tough conversations I understand where people are coming from…
Mr. Kofi- What keeps me teaching and what motivates more than anything…kids talkin about going to Spellman and Howard cause they parents went to college…but when I’m hanging out in the hood and I see the “ghettoness”…watching the dice shooting and people weed smoking and gang banging…I know that I gotta stay in the school so they can see me…when I see our kids on both ends of the spectrum…that’s when I say I gotta keep teaching…I need like 5 more of me…cause when I go man some dudes ain’t gonna get it…
Mr. Kamau- [Growing up with strong Black male teachers] did impact me wanting to affect change in the community for Black males…I knew I was going to fight for my community…when I did become a teacher, it was for Black males...it was for Black females…and that’s why I’m in the profession… 109
Theme 2) Advocacy for Black and Underrepresented Students
The desire and obligation to support Black students by standing up for their needs
both in and out of school was a common theme. The interviews presented evidence that
Black teachers are critical advocates for not only Black students, but for students of color
and underrepresented students in general. The participants, having experienced
numerous positives and negatives in American schools as Black students themselves,
expressed specific concerns about Black and other underrepresented student groups in
K12 schools.
Approximately half of the teachers attended K12 schools with all Black or
predominantly Black teachers growing up. The majority of those participants spoke of
their schooling in positive terms. They recalled feeling highly motivated, cared for, and
protected by their teachers, and noted that they carry the same qualities and even specific
characteristics of former teachers in their own practice as a result. Conversely, one
participant expressed that attending all-Black public schools in a major urban American city was a negative experience for him due to gang violence and ineffective teachers; he entered the profession as a sense of “retribution” for what had gone wrong in his own schooling. The participants who recalled having few to no Black teachers in their personal K12 experience possessed varied reactions to schooling, ranging from being oblivious to the fact, to feeling out of place and detached from their schooling. Several teachers entered the profession as a result of the void of advocacy they experienced themselves as children. 110
Various participants expressed themselves as “voices” of disenfranchised students and parents who were fed up with the injustices faced by Black youth in American schools. The teachers’ innate ability to “read” their students’ emotions and needs, and their strong relationships with students and families allowed them to represent them in issues of school change and to address issues of racism, injustice, and discrimination that impact underrepresented children in schools. See Table 6.
Table 6
Interview Responses: Advocacy for Black and Underrepresented Students
Interview Responses: Advocacy for Black and Underrepresented Students
Ms. Menen- In choosing some of the literature...the history that looks like the children that you serve…give them understanding…go deeper than MLK day…you get a holiday but you don’t even talk about the struggle… Ms. Genet- Several Black teachers were trying to fight for Black students to be included in the bilingual program because they need that same exact support and they’re the ones who are scoring at the bottom of these tests… Ms. Zuri- Give our kids outlets other than being at school all day…we run a pretty long school day…they’re just working all day...give them access to things outside of that… like dance, and art, or having a basketball team…they need an outlet to the arts…they have all these different talents and things that they need to express…we’re so data driven that we lose sight of that….but seeing that it correlates to better data…you’re making them want to some to school more…. Mr. Ade- I definitely see myself reaching out to them [Black students] more than my other students because I see them letting themselves go down a wrong path...That’s my objective...for those who may have no support at home…they need that support system from outside…I see kids and nobody’s tried to help them reach their full potential...reminds me a lot of me growing up…
111
Table 6 (cont.)
______Interview Responses: Advocacy for Black and Underrepresented Students
Interview Responses: Advocacy for Black and Underrepresented Students
Ms. Makeda- There are not many of us who actually 'get it' in the system...When you fight for Black kids...you don’t allow them to become shooting targets…you challenge the racist talk against them. You go against the system…you do what you need to do…even if it means your job…when you fight the fight…you have to be willing to quit a job, or be fired from a job…I’ve had both have happen to me…I’m ok with that. Mr. Kofi- Our kids are exploited…you know our kids… so if you gonna have a program to help kids….let the program be effective….our kids are in dire straits…some of ‘em live day to day… week to week….we need programs that will help them get there a little quicker…let’s have a system that places them in jobs ready to go…..we can lose a kid in a week man…they need to see success faster…a job program...a person on our faculty to place kids in jobs…and quit just promising them…
Theme 3) Creating and Implementing Liberational Pedagogy
A common theme mentioned by teachers was their desire for “freedom” to create and implement culturally relevant curriculum for their students. The teachers identified a strong correlation between their having the freedom to create and implement their own lessons and feeling impactful and fulfilled in their jobs. Every participant expressed that they create their own lessons to supplement, and sometimes counteract, the existing curriculum. They professed the urgency of providing Black and Brown students with life affirming and sometimes lifesaving information that they might not receive otherwise.
The integration of life lessons that provide social, economic, political information, and 112
survival tactics for Black and Brown students to navigate life is a common practice that
teachers of all subjects and grade levels rely on. The majority of teachers reported that
even 2016-17 school curriculum and textbooks are still severely lacking diversity and adequate and accurate reflections of Black/Brown students, and they warned of the
negative impact that this has on student buy-in, interest, motivation, and success. As
such, they supplement existing curriculums with lessons based in Ethnic and
Multicultural Studies (half of them have degrees in those fields) to provide students with
perspectives that reflect Black/Brown theories, ideologies, and pedagogies.
Several of the teachers asserted that their practice was influenced by the work of
revolutionaries and freedom fighters throughout history. Ms. Makeda referenced Paolo
Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed as an influence in her teaching philosophy. One teacher referred to himself as carrying the spirit of Nat Turner and Rosa Parks. In this vein, they reflected the motivation and spirit of Black teachers throughout the past century who were committed to use education as a tool (and sometimes a weapon) to fight against oppression and improve life circumstances for the people. Several teachers noted that they implemented liberational pedagogy even though it may have put them at risk for repercussion or termination. Many of the interview participants explicitly and
implicitly affirmed that the fight for freedom, equality, and justice is far from over for
Black and underrepresented students and people as a whole. See Table 7.
113
Table 7
Interview Responses: Creating and Implementing Liberational Pedagogy
Interview Responses: Creating and Implementing Liberational Pedagogy
Ms. Genet- My first real solo teaching job was at an all-Black private school…I had a lot of freedom…there was no real curriculum, so you created your own...I thrived in that environment…I prefer to create my own curriculum rather than you tell me what you want me to teach…where I’m able to manipulate the curriculum to things so you make the curriculum that are interesting to them...So most definitely multicultural curriculum…in every school that I’ve taught I would always try to relate their curriculum to them [students]…your English novel...your social studies project…I try to find things that are more culturally relatable to them…
Ms. Makeda- Working in American schools, I’ve had to hijack my autonomy…betray the school policies at times…and 'liberate' the curriculum…because I do what’s in the best interest of the kids I serve….amazing classroom management, class culture, and unbelievable teaching experiences often do not have much to do with the books…and everything to do with life…we use the curriculum as one avenue…but so much is taught from what is really happening in the world in relationship to their daily lives…
Mr. Ade- You can teach them [students] to essentially learn anything …pursue what you want to do and not fall into the traps that are out there…to not make compromises on your dreams...I constantly use it as a motivational platform for my students.…I spend as much time on curriculum as I do trying to tie it into aspects of life…
114
Table 7 (cont.)
Interview Responses: Creating and Implementing Liberational Pedagogy
Interview Responses: Creating and Implementing Pedagogy
Mr. Kofi- We gotta use real life things that they can see and touch…for them to literally buy into everything…cause right now they feel as if they don’t hear it, or they don’t know about it, then it don’t exist...My approach with my young men is…I lead with truth first…if I’m an employer…and I’m looking at 15 applications at a time…ones that have misspellings and bad grammar and that don’t use the proper words are goin’ in the trash….listen to me brotha if you want a job, you need to be able to transpose your written information and it needs to look right…or you’re never going to get any jobs…there’s things we need to be workin’ on…
Mr. Kamau- At the middle school, I was at odds because of what I taught. I taught the curriculum, but I just enhanced it…f your population is Hispanic and Black, then your curriculum should be those things…not just those groups, but I think everybody should be included… American history and the contributions that Black and Mexicans have made…that’s really American history…I do [create my own curriculum]…what I do is use that good teaching they [Black male teachers] gave me…and I take the standards that they [the school system] give me and I give lessons that are gonna cover the standards… if you let me teach what I’m supposed to teach, the standards will take care of themselves…so I think I was at odds with that…so they did some dirty stuff to me…
Ms. Candace- I absolutely supplement curriculum…Moral compass…every opportunity I bring Christianity in even if I don’t call it that…I don’t not stick to the script…I see beyond that…I have them to write on it...they are usually greater lessons
While most of the participants expressed positive opinions pertaining to creating and implementing liberational pedagogy, they recognized that doing so was a personal action that not every Black or other teacher had the desire or energy for. One teacher in 115
particular noted that because her elementary school did not have an existing curriculum for teachers to use, her faculty was forced to create their own. Although she took advantage of this opportunity to integrate culturally relevant lessons in her teaching, she felt strained by the job requirement. She described the pressure of being forced to create curriculum as an added stress on top of already rigorous work duties. As a new teacher of only 2 years, being held to the responsibility of creating curriculum overwhelmed her and impacted her desire to remain in the profession.
Theme 4) Resistance
Several teachers expressed their stern acknowledgement of American schools as unjust Eurocentric institutions that “destroy” or even “kill” Black students. These teachers asserted that their presence in schools serves as a resistance against the perpetuation of the same racist and oppressive educational practices that have been at play in American schools forever, and fulfills them with a great sense of purpose. Black teachers mitigate the damage committed against Black children in schools by existing as
“buffers” who challenge unjust policy and practice, and who monitor and modify curriculum, pedagogy, behavior policy, and communication in their best interests. The participant responses provided evidence that many Black teachers serve as a resistance against educational inequities, albeit some to a much greater extent than others. Some teachers expressed a desire to resist, yet a fear of the repercussions that may come as result.
The three teachers who did not mention the need to resist against the educational inequity system were also less likely to report that racism existed on their campuses, less 116
likely to have problems with their administrations, and more likely to be happy with their economic situation. These teachers affirmed that their schools are wonderful, supportive places to work. Conversely, those teachers who recognized deep injustices in their schools and in education as a whole were more likely to report the existence of racism and discrimination on their campuses, more likely to have issues and negative critique of their administrations, more likely to be disenchanted with their jobs, and were more likely to want to leave the profession or to have left the profession. Many participants described the ways that they have learned to mentally, physically, and spiritually resist against the system. These teachers professed that their strong sense of self identity protected them from the challenges of being Black in American schools and proclaimed that the system can’t change them. Several participants mentioned resistance not only against injustice against Black and underrepresented students, but also against forced assimilation within the school system. Various responses noted that Black teachers whose appearance, philosophy, pedagogy, language, and culture mesh well with the majority culture get further ahead in the profession. Having the ability to stay “true to self” was an important characteristic and retention factor for teachers, however, and various responses mentioned that they refuse to assimilate in order to save their job.
One specific aspect of resistance exhibited by various teachers was their stance against the degradation of Black students into perpetual states of low achievement, low expectation, and low motivation. Teachers acknowledged the systematic formula that inhibits and/or destroys the full learning potential of Black children throughout their K12 years, producing individuals who are incapable of competing academically as a child and 117
incapable of competing socially, economically, and politically as an adult. It is a resistance to an educational system that perpetuates cycles of poverty and classism.
The issue of resistance presents a constant collision of philosophy and ideology within the workplace for the participants. On one hand, they have full knowledge of the ills of history and its impact on today’s society, yet as teachers they are subjected daily to the regurgitation of racist American rhetoric and hypocrisy, and inaccurate and insensitive portrayals of African and other indigenous history. For conscious/progressive/radical teachers, the expectation that they transfer this misinformation to children compounds their dissatisfactions with the profession and forces some to contemplate leaving. Although many teachers see this conflict as an opportunity to counteract the system and inject resistance, the process involves more work and energy on top of their already difficult job, and the output takes its toll. It is their unswerving obligation to help Black students and students in general that motivates
Black teachers to carry out their mission in the midst of such pressures. See Table 8.
118
Table 8
Interview Responses: Resistance
Interview Responses: Resistance
Mr. Kamau- From the beginning, they’re intimidated as soon as you walk… I build repoire with them first…(you gotta let them know you safe)….and then you Harriet Tubman them! Ha ha…I don’t care…I’ma move this thing how I’ma move it…a radical guy…I’ve always been this way…I have part of the spirit of Nat Turner…what you gonna do kill me? I’m already dead! Your daughter is just as endangered as mine...you know what I’m saying? My son is Mike Brown…
Ms. Makeda- I won't be a part of damaging kids...I also won't let school leaders or districts... change who I am. I've had school leaders who want me to bow down to what I know how to do with kids and what I know is right... for a pay check…nope…Basically they wanted me to follow curriculum that did not meet the needs of the kids, or follow a discipline plan that was unfair…They did not value my successes with these kids.... I won't contribute to damaging our kids. And no one will make me forget who I am, and why I’m here….
Ms. Makeda- The problem is that when you are in an education system that is inequitable and racist…you become a part of the people and system that are killing Black children…this mindset just infiltrates all the good that I’m trying to do…it blocks the work…it waters down the work…the kids are the ones who suffer…
Mr. Tedros- I think teachers’ unions need to be abolished and reconstructed to protect teachers for very extreme reasons, but then give autonomy to districts and administrators to make those employment decisions…especially CA…they’re killing our Black students…these teachers just roll up in their new Mercedes…teachin for 10 years…at the end of the scale…not doing anything to help…they just showin up…they show up…they’re burnt out…they’re fed up… they hate the kids…the kids hate them…they just show up for a paycheck…we need to change that system….
119
Theme 5) Black Teacher Magic
“We bring this flavor…that they don’t have…” - Mr. Kamau
One of the most interesting findings of the factors that impact Black teachers positively was their acknowledgement of what is referred to as “Black teacher magic”
(BTM) in regards to the unique spirit and energy that they bring to the profession. The researcher asserts that as Black entertainers or Black athletes are notorious for their phenomenal talents and abilities to captivate and perform, Black teachers also possess phenomenal talents and abilities in their classroom practice and within education as a whole. As one participant responded, it is something that cannot be easily taught or replicated.
Black teacher magic entails the ways that many Black teachers attract, captivate, motivate, and inspire their students. It is a unique energy, a special frequency that makes students want to be around them. The ability to access this frequency is difficult to manifest if it is not inherently within oneself; in the words of one teacher “you either have it or you don’t”.
Different teachers exhibit this energy in different levels and ways; some operate within in completely and some don’t exhibit it at all. Several participants acknowledged this gift, this ability to connect with and reach students in different ways. Those participants noticed that other teachers who do not exhibit this “magic” as being jealous of their gift. One teacher in particular recalled an incident in which a White colleague, unable to reach a challenging student, sent him to the Black teacher’s classroom to see if he could get him to come around. The Black teacher formed a relationship with the 120
student and within a week the student was visiting his classroom every day to complete homework and to socialize. Instead of being happy that this student was finally succeeding, however, the White teacher complained to administration that he was now being robbed of the opportunity to bond with the student. Other teachers similarly recollected the sense of jealousy and sometimes fear that administration and colleagues have towards the connections between Black teachers and Black students. The incongruity between the energy of BTM and Eurocentric education system leads some
Black teachers to feel as if they are compromising their spirit to exist in school spaces, and leads to thoughts of leaving the profession. See Table 9.
Table 9
Interview Responses: Black Teacher Magic
Interview Responses: Black Teacher Magic
Mr. Kamau- The flavor that we bring...the juice that we bring to education becomes powerful… That’s Black man magic…we bring this flavor that they don’t have…they are always like ‘How did you do that?’ Can’t explain it to you...Can’t teach a class!’
Mr.Kofi: What’s kept me in [the profession] is that I know for a fact...to have that kind of gift man… is priceless…I wouldn’t want to not share that…I see what we have to offer…I never thought about not teaching…
Mr. Tedros: I was aware of my melanin…I was aware of the power of who I was…but it wasn’t reflected...I knew I had a power even though my teachers did not resemble that power…
Mr. Ade- One of the key factors of teaching is having that ‘it’ factor about you… I felt like it’s something I always kinda had…teaching is fun…it comes naturally to me…
121
The teacher responses point to a prominent evidence of “warm demanding”
(Delpit, 2012). Black teachers as warm demanders exhibit a no-nonsense approach to teaching, where excuses and lack of motivation is not accepted. Underlying this approach is the urgency to impart upon this generation of students that critical thinking hard work are keys to survival in live, and it is a challenge that is doubled for students and people of color in unjust societies. Many participants admitted that students often don’t like them at first because they have a serious demeanor and/or reputation for being demanding and strict. Those participants expressed that their unique ability to balance high expectations of academic rigor and behavior with humor, understanding, love, and patience ends up being the reason why students love them the most. Several participants mentioned the importance of teaching students that they do not have to compromise their
Black or other indigenous culture to be educated and successful; they set critical examples of the dichotomy of possessing street knowledge and academic knowledge at the same time. The teachers affirmed that Black students or students of color can benefit tremendously from seeing examples of this duality.
Many teachers recalled positive school experiences as children in classrooms
taught by Black teachers. Common responses expressed the tremendous impact that
loving yet assertive Black teachers had on their lives and futures. Various participants
mentioned that they incorporate teaching styles, characteristics, and mannerisms based on
those of their favorite teachers. Two participants in particular specifically mentioned that
they longed to be like Principal Joe Clark of East Side High, the famous high school that
was portrayed in the movie “Lean On Me”. These teachers were so inspired by the BTM 122
present in Mr. Clark’s character that they strive to embody that spirit today. Being esoteric in nature, Black teacher magic is not widely recognized, studied, or given merit as theory in Western society. Although it defies Westernized rationale or explanation, many Black teachers affirm that it exists nevertheless. See Table 10.
Table 10 Interview Responses: Warm Demanders
Interview Responses: Warm Demanders
Mr. Jamila- It’s known across campus…all the kids say…Oh Ms. Jamila don’t play…and they’re scared to be in my class...they know I’m no nonsense but I’ma wink at you…and you gonna know I’m getting on your case…but…you know I love you…they appreciate it…
Mr. Kofi- If they [students] can work a teacher into not doing it [holding high expectations], they will…and I feel like Black teachers really understand the game when they [students] come with that nonsense…Black teachers are able to deflect a lot of bullsh** in a way with these kids that don’t resemble violence or them walkin out…or getting disturbed…
Ms. Zuri- We need high expectations...the standard is really low…for me I don’t want that for my kids…there’s no playing around…I’m going to make you sweat...it makes our relationship stronger…
Ms. Candace- Most of my students will say to you… ‘Ms. C is so hard’…but when Xmas came around I had more gifts on my desk than anyone…and I thought to myself…Ms. C is so hard...but I have so many gifts on my desk! When I’m hard it’s because I want them to do more...when I need to be soft and gentle…I can…
Mr. Kamau- When I first got here all of my students hated me! And there was this Mexican kid…he said ‘I know what the problem is…you thought he was gonna be cool… y’all thought you was gonna be listening to Snoop Dog all day…he made y’all work…he told y’all! He’s the hardest teacher here!’
123
Negative Themes
“The fact is this...if you are Black and conscious (consciousness is a major factor
in all this) in the school system…you are actively fighting a war. The main thing
that keeps me coming back is ‘If not me, then who? If not now, then when?’… I
still feel an obligation.” -Ms. Makeda
Theme 6) Overt and Covert Racism in American Schools
The participants expressed varying levels of experience with overt and covert racism in schools. Seven participants reported that they had experienced or witnessed blatant examples of racist and/or discriminatory practices among colleagues and students.
Three participants did not recollect having or witnessing any negative overt or covert experiences pertaining to race in their school environments.
The teachers who acknowledged an explicit presence of racism in K12 schools
were more likely to have degrees in Ethnic and Multicultural studies, suggesting the
influence of culturally responsiveness and justice-aligned programs on awareness of racial matters. These teachers were also more like to report a recognition of the permeation of White supremacy in the American educational system as a whole. The teachers who reported being outspoken about issues of racism with administrations, colleagues, and parents on campus have been exposed to negative repercussions such as isolation, sabotage, and job termination. When asked if they believed that racism exists in
American K12 schools, certain teachers asserted with certainty that it does. Those teachers warned of the inherent danger in schools and teachers denying or ignoring the existence racism in the nation’s schools. See Table 11. 124
Table 11
Interview Responses: Overt and Covert Racism in American Schools
Interview Responses: Overt and Covert Racism in American Schools
Ms. Zuri- Overt racism…things like avoiding talking to certain groups of people…from an admin level...it has a lot to do with being intimidated…
Mr. Kamau- Do I see racism at my school? Yes. Everyday. Everyday. Every single day. Racism is covert, overt, de facto, every single day…it’s there every single day…curriculum…suspension rates…police on campus...it’s in the way that we handle students as far as justice is concerned…as far as integration goes we made a mistake...a big mistake...and they got us… Ms. Makeda- America portrays itself as 'evolved ' past race, racism, oppression... etc. but the facts are it hasn't…so we do these kids…all kids…including Whites…a disservice when we teach from that flawed perspective….my worst experiences teaching have revolved around trying to have courageous conversations with other staff members about race, inequity ...Whiteness. It has rarely ever gone well. Mr. Kofi- I’m challenged all the time…because I hate to say it but White people always think that their way is the best way… Ms.Genet: At one school with an all-White staff…the second year they got a Black principal…[this teacher] she would call the principal a “Black bitch”…in front of teachers… and teachers making fun of Black names....you know yes we can get creative with their names…but I don’t find it funny for a group of White teachers to be laughing at the names of Black children…over lunch...they thought it was hysterical…some of the names our kids are given… Mr. Tedros- In education, Blacks are used as middle management…support staff…non- certificated staff…you work the lunch room...there’s a culture within education that literally believes Black people are lazy…no one speaks on it but it’s very prevalent when boards are making decisions about who to hire…even Black educational officials do not trust Blacks with high levels of accountability…
125
Three participants expressed that they have not experienced the existence of either overt or covert racism in their schools. Those teachers expressed higher job satisfaction and confidence in their administrations and colleagues. The evidence of the complexities of ideology, philosophy, and worldview among different Black teachers was striking. See
Table 12.
Table 12
Interview Responses: Overt and Covert Racism in American Schools
Interview Responses: Overt and Covert Racism in American Schools
Mr. Ade- Not in my educational endeavors…No...none at all…I’ve been in places that appreciate the diversity we bring…I don’t think there’s any overt or covert racism among staff or administration…I heard there were some things prior to me starting…now it’s a wonderful campus to be…
Ms. Candace- I can say I have not experienced anything that I can consider negative…as a Black woman here in America…being from the islands...even though they knew I was Black…because I have an accent I was treated differently….as soon as I open my mouth…they don’t see me anymore as a Black person…if you’re Black but from another country…you’re not really “Black”
Ms. Makeda- I have found that Black and Brown teachers who have 'classism' or Whiteness... they do as much damage as racist White teachers. When you are not that "other Black" who embraces Whiteness…you will be challenged on trying to do your job every moment of the day… so after a while I quit…especially when feeling against the wall…I
often feel that I’m not valued simply due to being a Black/African female teacher…
Ms. Jamila- This is the first year in all 11 years I can think of that we actually had conversations about being Black in America…how it affects schooling...it’s sad that is hasn’t been brought up before….
126
Theme 7) Disconnection Between Schools and Black Teachers, Students, and Parents
One common theme was based on teacher concerns for the levels of
disconnections that their schools had with Black teachers, students, and parents. The
participants asserted that this disconnection takes place on cultural, social, physical, and
emotional levels, and that it is extremely detrimental to the success of Black students.
Some of the prominent disconnections they observed were those between Black students/parents and White administrators/teachers, those between Black teachers and
White administrators/teachers, and those between school curriculum/policies/culture and
Black students/parents. Several teachers explicitly mentioned the influence of White supremacy and its negative impact on their happiness at work.
Examples of cultural disconnections include the various teachers’ identification of an ‘anti-parent’ culture taking place in their schools. The teachers asserted that there is often a ‘fear of Black parents’ on behalf of the admin/faculty, and described the ways in which Black parents are discouraged or even restricted from participation and communication in their children’s schools. Other disconnections pertained to the refusal, negligence, or inability of some White admin/faculty to invest resources, time, and energy into critical issues for students and faculty of color. Teachers indicated that too many White administrators and teachers are in the profession without possessing a genuine interest or concern for the Black and Brown population that they serve. While the majority of the participants affirmed that there are indeed sincere and dedicated White teachers and administrators who genuinely care about helping students of color, they proclaimed that many of them do more damage than good. See Tables 13 and 14. 127
Table 13
Interview Responses: Disconnection Between Schools and Black Students
Interview Responses: Disconnection Between Schools and Black Students
Mr. Kofi: Our kids got a lot of personal sh**…that they’re not gonna tell White people…when the teacher of color knows more than the counselor who’s supposed to be helping those kids…who’s not doing their job? we got counselors that’s missing a lot…cause they don’t understand the kids…and they missing the boat cause they asking all the wrong questions… why I should be talkin’ to the kids and ask them if they know who the counselor is and they say no?
Ms. Jamila- It’s not about the relationships…it’s about the test scores…
Ms. Genet- None of the administrators had come up with any ideas or suggestions on how to improve those types of relationships on campus…
Ms. Makeda: I am clear that schools do not connect to kids that look like me. They are ok with us falling through the cracks…they in fact create cracks for us…I mean that I have seen with my own eyes...teachers kick children out the room within 10 minutes of being there…CRACK… A teacher turns the desk of all the Black kids in her room towards the back wall- away from her teaching in the front...because their homework was 'incomplete' because they left off the date…CRACK…I've heard them talk about Black kids and their family with disdain and disrespect...CRACK…I've heard them blame the kids for an entire class not learning a concept…No! If the entire class failed…it's you that you need to look at! CRACK
Mr. Tedros: There’s a lack of understanding…super predator mentality…that Black children have an innate ability to be aggressive…this fallacy is false...a complete myth… I think that if you come in with that systematic element of White supremacy…some [White] teachers expect children to adhere without relationship building…but they have preconceived notions of children that they know nothing about…
128
Table 14
Interview Responses: Disconnection Between Schools and Black Parents/Families/Teachers
Interview Responses: Disconnection Between Schools and Black Parents/Families/Teachers
Ms. Zuri- We are very, very anti-parents…it’s very hard for parents to be involved...unless it’s very structured and controlled…and it’s done that way on purpose...the community of parents is used to being involved and we need that…we’ve had amazing parent volunteers leave…
Ms. Menen: Some of our parents are not happy...they don’t feel included…a lot of families have left…they pulled their kids out…a lot of parents had pulled students out of school because she [the principal] doesn’t build relationships…the [test] scores are there but the relationships aren’t…
Mr. Kamau- In a picture perfect world I’d like to get more fathers back on campus, but you know the fingerprinting thing…I believe fathers being around is just really positive, having strong Black males around does something…and it does something to them… it threatens them…..Parents are intimidated by the school…they say the same thing and that’s “How can I help my kid…I only finished 5th grade…I want my kid to do well but I don’t know how to help them…”
Ms. Menen- Parents were normally allowed to come in the class to pick up the students [after school], but parents are not allowed on campus anymore...and it affects building a relationship… You lose a lot of the parents that way…a lot of things are discussed when parents come in the class...I want to know more so that I can really support that child...but the rationale behind eliminating that [parents on campus] is that they don’t want parents on campus…that’s all I can think of…
Disconnection Between Schools and Black Teachers
Ms. Makeda- I’m seen as arrogant…White teachers and school leaders have a very difficult time listening to my input…I probably do give off the attitude that I can’t be told much….but that’s because I’ve listened to teachers and school leaders specifically target Black and Brown kids...as a teacher, a teacher leader, and a school leader…I'm seen as some kind of threat…I have been told that I’m 'angry'…that I’m blaming Whites…that I’m not in support of the schools’ common thread of "it’s not us, its them" mentality…they’re right – I’m not. 129
Theme 8) Cultural Incongruities in American Schools
Several teachers did not believe that their schools are culturally aligned to best
serve Black and Brown students effectively. When asked if their schools support students
of color academically and socially, their responses determined a concern for many
cultural incongruities that they identify as being detrimental to Black student success.
These incongruities are often based in what participants reported as issues pertaining to
student ethnicity and culture, school culture, curriculum, behavior, racism and/or White
supremacy, and teacher cultural diversity.
One commonly mentioned incongruity is based on what the teachers referred to as
some White teachers’ tendency to ‘not see color’ and the damage that ‘colorblindness’
does to Black and other indigenous students. This inability to recognize color bleeds into
a lack of critique of student textbook and curriculum for modern and accurate portrayals
of Black people and other people of color. Many participants mention that they are tired
of the over-usage of Black leaders from decades past, and claimed that in 2017 students
no longer relate to those from an era so long ago. While some teachers enjoy the process of creating and implementing lessons from cultural perspectives, it is a time consuming and intensive process. Several teachers indicated that while they frequently help when they are “given” or “sent” Black students to deal with by White teachers who cannot handle them, the assumption that Black teachers can, or should, or always want to deal with Black students on the basis of race or culture is fallacious. Participants also mentioned their frustration with admin and faculty who insult the cultural characteristics of their students. See Table 15. 130
Table 15
Interview Responses: Cultural Incongruities in American Schools
Interview Responses: Cultural Incongruities in Schools
Ms. Menen- There’s no Black curriculum…there’s nothing…if you go to the school there’s nothing that says that we are trying to empower Black kids...no posters on the wall… it saddens me and these things are not discussed… there was a black boy who had his hair in locks and when he got his hair cut a White teacher said ‘Oh you look much better’…
Ms. Genet- None of the administration that I’ve ever worked for has ever done anything to educate their staff on culture…working with Black students…or any kind of cultural competency whatsoever…They’ll bring it up if there’s some behavioral issues or academic issues or whatever with a particular ethnic group of students, but there was never a plan or a solution presented as to how we’re gonna address the issues…I can say I’ve never worked for any administrator who has put forth made any effort to improve relations culturally…
Mr. Kofi- Our school curriculum is not right for students of color. We’re talking about implementing educational programs for all students…and in order to do that you have to understand what kind of students you have…It bothers me when people make all this curriculum…and we can’t teach it to Black kids…that’s why our kids don’t do good on tests…
Ms. Makeda- Cultural issues are an everyday occurrence...as a conscious Black teacher…I once had a lil’ boy who told me that his teacher didn't like him…he said it was because he was Black…when I brought it up to the teacher and asked her to consider how he felt and why…she got very indignant...like they always do…she said ‘How dare you…I don't see color!’…but as a teacher who 'gets it'…I simply looked at him in his eyes and said... ‘I see you...I see you’…I told her… ‘When you say you don't see color…you are saying you don't see him...How can you not see this chocolate boy standing in front of you?’… I made him visible that day...
Mr. Tedros- There is no investment in culture…In the credentialing program as a melanated man, they were not preparing me to teach melanated kids…I was figuring out lessons and modifying them to reach the kids that I was targeting in my school…and kids act up because they don’t trust the adults…and why should they…those teachers are in the field for a resume or to take care of college loans…or if something doesn’t go the way they expect…they leave… 131
Theme 9) Critique of Administration and School Organization
School administrations are the entity that sets the tone for school culture. The
participants expressed varied opinions about their relationships with school administration,
the majority of the teachers identified serious issues that impact their jobs negatively.
Major issues included administration characteristics, lack of interest and/or concern, lack
of support, White supremacy, racism, and cultural insensitivity.
Administration characteristics entailed the specific dynamics of school administrations in terms of ability, stability, ethnicity, and racial/cultural sensitivity. The majority of the participants were critical about their White administration’s ability to create a school environment that can serve their student populations effectively. Several teachers were deeply disgusted by their administration and colleague’s lack of concern for issues that affect Black students. They reported White administration and faculty avoidance of cultural responsiveness training and education. Certain teachers described that the frequency of personnel and internal changes in schools leads to increased inconsistency and instability for faculty and students. Many teachers, and especially the newer teacher, feel unsupported. Participants also asserted their frustration with White administrators who are insensitive to the cultural needs of the students, parents, communities, and faculties.
Several participant responses exhibited a strong dissent for their administration’s
tendencies to be micro-managing, condescending, and disrespectful. They stated that being
frequently unheard, uninvolved, and met with distrust in their ability and expertise (even
as veteran teachers) influences their thoughts of leaving. Furthermore, they express having 132
to work with administrators who exhibit favoritism, racial nepotism, discrimination. See
Table 16.
Table 16
Interview Responses: Negative Critique of Administration and School Organization
Interview Responses: Negative Critique of Administration and School Organization
Ms. Menen- The admin changes over and over and over again…one teacher left because there have been changes in school leadership…these Teach for America (TFA) teachers come in here and teach for 2 or 3 years…and then all of a sudden they became the leaders...when they became the “voice of God” that’s when things changed...they just have their way of doing things...they look down on us as teachers…They treat me like they’re the mean girls...just rude...the personalities Ms. Genet- I haven’t had any close relationships with any of my admin… I felt like she definitely did not support the teachers…and I don’t think she was there to support the students either...I think she almost was a sabotage in the way to the program…definitely not trying… Ms. Makeda- I’ve listened to teachers and school leaders specifically target Black and Brown kids...they talk about them, their families and communities...they think they are better than them…they immediately stereotype them…they are quick to offer referrals and suspensions to them, and see them as "bad". They look at them with disdain and hatred... Mr.Kofi- People need to trust our judgement when it comes to the kids man…White people really act like they know more about what’s best for my Black kids then I do...because they in charge of something…I’ve been raising Black kids 24/7! But they don’t trust our judgement…and they don’t listen…they don’t go outside the box…they suffer from tunnel vision…they have such a narrow scope on how to reach our kids… Ms. Jamila- My administrator is very intimidated by me…she avoids me…I think she’s been in my class like 2 times this year... I haven’t told my admin that I won’t be returning next year…I kinda feel like they’re gonna be relieved…but it’s never the kids…it’s the adults…it’s the leadership...we are spoken to in such a condescending way…that means you think nothing of me…I’m saving your program...I’m supporting your teachers…but you don’t trust me? That’s what did it for me… 133
Table 16 (cont.)
Interview Responses: Critique of Administration and School Organization Interview Responses: Critique of Administration and School Organization
Ms. Menen- There’s micromanagement on our teaching…you’re not respected as an expert…we have no input on decision making…none…they don’t listen! When I had a specialist position I reported that a lot of parents had pulled students out of school because she [the administrator] doesn’t build relationships…I told a higher admin…I was treated as if I didn’t know what I was talking about even as a specialist… Mr. Tedros- I see a lot of micromanagement going on at school…administrators feel as if ‘I don’t trust what could happen’…and ‘I need to cover all bases to make sure’…than believing in your staff…the administrators that I’ve had wanted a minute by minute plan…you couldn’t be creative …
Ms. Candace- The curriculum is not what’s gonna change the [achievement gap] discrepancy…it’s going to be people’s attitudes...if it’s just a job to you…you’re not going to have an impact…
Ms. Zuri- The administrator makes a lot of teachers feel isolated…and I’m one of the people who are very very optimistic…but it’s starting to feel like a plantation...it’s frustrating, it’s sad, and at the end of the day you are running out Black teachers who care about these kids…in the past year we had two teachers who left…they felt like they couldn’t teach how they want to teach….they weren’t appreciated…they weren’t heard …they felt straight up disrespect...not wanting to be talked to like they were inadequate…
Mr. Kamau- We don’t have professional development in cultural responsiveness and the reason why is cause the teachers push back on it…One of my Black principals…she had the ‘Courageous conversations’ guy come and speak…they all smiled and laughed …and on the anonymous survey they trashed him…they let you know how they feel…they push back cause it’s all about control…
Ms. Makeda- Whiteness by both Whites and folks of color…it has been exhausting…I’m constantly fighting to do my job...fighting to protect kids...fighting to teach kids…fighting to serve the communities that I work for…other teachers, staff members, school leaders, districts...it’s never ending… 134
There were a few teachers who expressed high levels of support from their administrations, whom they believed to be effective for both the students and the faculty as well. There was also, for example, evidence of participants who had positive experiences with their administrations, however those instances were highly dependent on the teacher’s perception of the administration’s attitude and interactions as being supportive of and concerned about student and teachers of color. See Table 17.
Table 17
Interview Responses: Positive Critique of Administration and School Organization
Interview Responses: Positive Critique of Administration and School Organization
Mr. Ade- The admin team makes me feel…like we’re invaluable assets to the school...cause we connect with students…they’re like you guys have such greater reach then a lot of teachers on campus...and they can see that we care...so they take care of us…and give us autonomy…they trust us…we give them our plans...they want to see us do innovative things in the classroom…
Ms. Jamila- In my organization I feel valued…because I know they want me to stay…
Mr. Ade- A mentor teacher is constantly helping me…they set up the schedule to where he teaches the class during my prep period so I can watch him and I have the class later…I’ve been very fortunate…it still blows my mind when I think about it…It’s a pretty good gig…
Ms. Makeda- In some schools I’ve been more respected by administration and my autonomy was great…I felt that I had a voice in not only my class but the school policies and decision making…but I’ve had more times when that’s not the case over the years…the key I find is with conscious leadership... and those leaders have to have the 'power the lead'…that’s when I see growth, that’s when I see like mindedness, that’s when I see real school happening…often times though…they are the minority and are struggling trying to stay in the game themselves…
Ms. Candace- I feel totally supported and valued at work...the principal loves me…and I see our administrator working diligently for kids of all colors…
135
Theme 10) Disenchantment
Disenchantment entails the ways that many teachers feel “tired, fed-up, frustrated, burned-out, disillusioned, and disappointed” by negative situations that they’ve experienced in schools. Participants expressed disenchantment as a result of unsupportive administrations, overt and covert racism in schools, injustices against Black other underrepresented students, low student outcomes, unfulfilled mission statements, and difficulties connecting with students and families. The culmination of these experiences takes its toll on the mental, emotional, and physical health of Black teachers and leads them to contemplate leaving the field.
The veteran participants (teachers with more than ten years in the profession) exhibited signs of frustration in large part due to unfulfilled hopes that schools would actualize high student outcomes and finally solve the achievement gap for Black children.
Many teachers affirmed that working in institutions that commit inequity and disservice to Black and other underrepresented students makes them feel as if they are part of the problem.
Several teachers stated that they are disenchanted by the way students, parents, and teachers are treated by administrators. For example, the new teacher expressed high levels of dissatisfaction after only 2 years due to a lack of support, a lack of voice, and too many discrepancies between administrators and teachers and students of color. As a result, she cannot see herself remaining in the profession for more than a few more years.
Other teachers proclaimed that the lack of career planning and/or pathways for upward mobility for teachers discourages their desire to remain in the profession. 136
Participants also asserted that there is no wellness care for teachers who are
burned out, and who have spent decades in schools that are still not serving Black and
other underrepresented students to their greatest capacity. See Table 18.
Table 18
Interview Responses: Disenchantment
Interview Responses: Disenchantment
Ms. Genet- Well it’s really one of the reasons I left teaching public school…I’ve not been teaching in public school I think I left in 2008 so it’s been a number of years...I was just fed up and had lost the joy of teaching...you feel like you’re beating your head up against the wall…
Ms. Makeda- I have yet to find a place that is healthy for kids. I’ve only worked in schools with Black and Brown kids from poor communities. I don't want to be a part of a system that I feel is trying to really kill these kids…They are trying to kill our babies…other teachers, administrators, and district offices…our kids are the least thought about in this system of red tape and f*ckery…
Ms. Jamila- I probably would have kept hanging in there because I believe and I really do love the kids…but then I would have to make the decision to leave in the middle of the year…and I would never do that…honestly I could quit now...but I’m very connected to the kids and I would not want to put them through it…if those things wouldn’t have happened I would still be trucking along...
Ms. Menen- I’ve given up…I really have because when I see that students aren’t served…or a mission statement that we’re not following through…it really saddened me…
Ms. Zuri- It’s what’s pushing all of the Black teachers out…making people feel as if they can’t be themselves…I feel like I don’t know how to really advocate…it bothers me that I don’t have a solution…
Mr. Kofi- Do they listen to teachers? No absolutely not. And I feel like if you do have or if we think something is valid, they’ll convolute it in red tape to the point where you’re like f**k it. You know what I’m saying? And in turn shortchanges the kids… 137
Theme 11) Professional Barriers
Many teacher responses focused on issues relating to salary, education, glass ceiling, credentialing, and racial nepotism were mentioned as obstacles blocking entrance to, retention, or upward mobility in the field. The majority of the participants who were unsatisfied with their salary were male teachers. Teachers responded that they could not support their families on their teacher salary, forcing some of them to seek higher positions as administrators or to leave the field altogether. The male participants were also more likely to report that there are too many obstacles in the process of becoming a teacher in California and also growing within the profession. One participant recalled being unable to join the sub pool because of online credit card requirements. Other male teachers discussed being discouraged by the amount of schooling necessary to move up the pay scale.
The participants identified barriers teachers face based on exams and credentialing program requirements that are both time consuming and costly. One teacher in particular recalled initially wanting to teach high school math but being unable to pass the Math CBEST (credentialing exam). He expressed that schools throughout the country have less stringent entrance requirements, yet higher student outcomes. Another participant remembered an interview process in which 20 Black female teachers from
Historic Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU’s) were turned down because of
California’s credentialing requirements even though they were more qualified than other applicants. Other teachers identified examples of racial nepotism in hiring, where they 138
witnessed school administrations hiring teachers based on who they are culturally
comfortable with, instead of who can best serve their student populations. See Table 19.
Table 19
Interview Responses: Barriers Within the Profession
Interview Responses: Barriers Within the Profession
Ms. Zuri- NO, my salary is not reflective of my time…we do so much…I really get it now…teachers are so underpaid…under-appreciated...people don’t realize the day to day…it never-ending...it’s not like a regular nine to five…
Mr. Kamau- Recruitment is not a big push for Black professionals…we had twenty young ladies from Black colleges…and their credentials were all messed up because they don’t have the CBEST…so while their White and Asian counterparts get magic waivers… in all the interview panels the Black candidate was always the most qualified, but they didn’t have their
credential. The others weren’t half as qualified...
Ms. Genet- When you become a teacher unless you get further education what else can you do? You know it’s like what else are you gonna do…
Mr. Tedros- I taught in the middle school…went for my Algebra credential…but I couldn’t pass CSET… …so I got tired of education and went into economics…went into real estate...I didn’t want to be trapped…I was tired of the constant overhang of having to go back to school…it’s hard to become an educator in CA…it almost bars potential teacher…credentialing programs requirements…passing tests…the East coast has way more high preforming schools than CA…and has less requirements to enter the teaching field…
Mr. Tedros- I got tired of the need to go back to school…I got tired of being in a classroom…I felt I could do more…I think it goes back to having a plan for your teachers…I didn’t see what my growth area would be in the organization …my admin did not lay a path out for me that could be a career path…so you’re unsure of the future…you want to get reassurance…
139
Chapter 4 provided the testimonies of ten Black K12 teachers from schools in
Northern California. Although the teachers interviewed represented a very small sample of the diversity in Black teacher background, ideology, and experience, their responses
identified common positive and negative factors of the teaching profession.
The qualitative data in the study identified that several Black teachers in Northern
California feel disenchanted with work due to negative workplace factors such as lack of
administrative support/recognition/autonomy/voice, overt/covert racism, professional
barriers, and disrespect. As a direct result of these factors, three out of ten of the
interview participants had already left the classroom, two of the teachers plan to leave the
classroom this year, and one more expressed that she sees herself leaving the classroom
within the next two years. Only two teachers felt completely supported and respected by
their school administrations and had no plans or thoughts of leaving the profession.
That the majority of teachers had left or are intending to leave the classroom
suggests that many schools environments create negative experiences for Black K12
teachers. School administrations might be unaware or disregarding of the rights and
needs of Black teachers. Furthermore, school administrations may not know how to
address and resolve such concerns. There is a need for interventions to help K12 school
administrations understand Black teachers’ perspectives in order to empower and retain them in America’s schools. The qualitative data suggests that Black teachers need: acknowledgement for their hard work and success; inclusion in decision making processes; respect and trust as professionals; consideration as highly qualified candidates for promotion and upward career growth; and protection from racism, injustice, and 140
discrimination. The following chapter analyzes the quantitative data and further expands an understanding of Black teacher experiences from K12 schools across the country.
141
Chapter 5
QUANTITATIVE DATA ANALYSIS
The data presented in this chapter includes an analysis of the Black teacher
retention survey. The quantitative research questions that served as the foundation of the
study were: 1) Are there significant relationships among the following variables
regarding the retention of Black K12 teachers throughout the nation? (Administration
Relationships; Decision Making Influence; Upward Mobility; Self and Cultural Identity;
Issues of Race, Racism, and Culture, Safety and Resources; Different Treatment; Racism
and Discrimination; Standing Out at Work; Repercussions and Isolation; and Racial and
Cultural Needs) and: 2) To what extent do workplace factors predict Black K12 teacher
retention?
Descriptive Statistics .
Teachers
Data was collected from 98 (n=98) currently practicing Black K12 teachers who
completed an online survey. Of the 98 participants, 69.4% were female (n = 60) and
approximately 30.6% were male (n = 30). The 30% Black male teacher participation was
particularly high considering their 1.9% representation in the overall national teaching
force. Approximately 90.8% (n = 89) of the participants identify themselves as
Black/African American, while 9.2% (n = 9) identify themselves as Mixed Race. Table
19 displays the demographic characteristics of the participants.
142
Approximately 50 survey participants (52%) were from California; 27 participants
(26.6%) were from Georgia; 5 participants (5.1%) were from South Carolina; 3 participants (3.1%) were from Mississippi; 3 participants (3.1%) were from Texas; 2 participants (2.0%) were from New York; 2 participants (2.0%) were from Washington,
D.C; and Illinois, Maryland, Virginia, Ohio, and Pennsylvania each had one participant
(1.0%).
The majority of the teacher participants (70%) were between 31-50 years old, and approximately 18% of the teachers were between 51 and over. Almost 80% held Masters degrees. They represented a diverse representation of experience, with 20% teaching 5 years in the profession or less, 20% teaching 6-10 years, and 47% teaching 11-20 years.
Schools
The survey sample was a mixed representation of high school (49%), elementary school (28%), and middle school (19%) teachers. Most of the participants (87%) taught in smaller, traditional public schools (1-500 students). Approximately 41% of teachers came from schools with diverse student populations of 81-100% students of color.
Approximately 80% came from schools with only 1-20% teachers of color. The numbers of Black administrators in the schools were participants taught was also low; around 45% of teachers taught in schools with no Black admin, and another 23% taught in schools with only 1-20% Black admin. The majority of the participants taught in schools with relatively low (1-20%) ELL students and students with IEPs. Approximately 49% of teachers taught in low SES schools with 61-100% of students from low income backgrounds. See Table 20. 143
Table 20
Frequency (n = 98) and Percent of Participants by Demographic Characteristics* Demographics Frequency Percent
Gender Female 68 69.4% Male 30 30.6%
Ethnicity Black/African American 89 90.8% Mixed Race 8 9.2%
Age 21-30 11 11.2% 31-40 38 38.8% 41-50 31 31.6% 51-60 15 15.3% Over 61 3 3.1%
Education Bachelor’s degree 25 25.5% Master’s degree 69 79.4% Doctorate degree 4 4.1%
Years in Profession 5 or less 20 21.1% 6-10 20 21.1% 11-15 26 27.4% 16-20 21 22.1% 21-25 3 3.2% 26-30 2 2.1% 30 or more 1 1.1%
Grade Level of School Elementary 28 28.6% Middle School 19 19.4% High School 49 50.0%
Type of School Public Traditional 85 86.7% Public Charter 12 12.2%
Current Position Practicing Teacher 98 100%
*Numbers and percentages may not total 100 or 100% due to missing data. 144
Table 21
Frequency (n = 98) and Percent of Participants by Demographic Characteristics* Demographics Frequency Percent
School Size (# of students) 1-500 38 39.2% 501-1000 24 24.7% 1001-2000 24 24.7% 2001+ 11 11.2%
Students of color at school 0-20% 20 20.4% 21-40% 18 18.4% 41-60% 12 12.2% 61-80% 6 6.1% 81-100% 40 40.8%
Teachers of color at school 1-20% 54 55.1% 21-40% 16 16.3% 41-60% 10 10.2% 61-80% 8 8.2% 81-100% 9 9.2%
Black Teachers at school 1-20% 78 79.6% 21-40% 5 5.1% 41-60% 2 2.0% 61-80% 4 4.1% 81-100% 8 8.2%
Black Administrators at school None 45 45.9% 1-20% 23 23.5% 21-40% 6 6.1% 41-60% 8 8.2% 61-80% 2 2.0% 81-100% 14 14.3%
Low Income Students 1-20% 17 17.3% 21-40% 17 17.3% 41-80% 37 37.7% 81-100% 27 21.4% *Numbers and percentages may not total 100 or 100% due to missing data. 145
The survey asked three specific retention questions to determine the retention
status of Black teachers. The data frequencies showed that the group of survey
participants has extremely strong levels of commitment to teaching; 93 out of 98 teachers
have never left the profession. On the other hand, the majority (55) of the participants
have considered leaving the field, and 55 have moved from one school or district to
another.
Retention Questions 120 100
80 43 55 60 93 40 55 20 43 0 5 I have moved from one I have considered leaving the I have left the profession. district to another profession.
Yes No
Figure 9. Retention Questions (n= 98)
The researcher modified the Intentions for Teaching questions found in the
national Schools and Staffing Survey (SASS) to reflect Black teachers’ intentions for
teaching. The majority of the participants strongly agreed that they became teachers to
make a difference in the lives of all students, passionate about sharing their knowledge.
On the other hand, most strongly disagree that they became a teacher for the salary. See
Table 22 and Figure 11. 146
Table 22
Intentions for Teaching Variable Frequencies Variable N Percent (1) Intentions for Teaching- I became a teacher to have a positive impact on Black students. Strongly Disagree 2 2.0 Disagree 3 3.1 Somewhat Disagree 5 5.1 Somewhat Agree 16 16.3 Agree 14 14.3 Strongly Agree 59.2 60.0 (2) Intentions for Teaching- I teach to have a positive impact in the Black community. Strongly Disagree 2 2.0 Disagree 4 4.1 Somewhat Disagree 7 7.1 Somewhat Agree 17 17.3 Agree 19 19.4 Strongly Agree 48 49.0 (3) Intentions for Teaching- I became a teacher because of the salary. Strongly Disagree 47 48.0 Disagree 24 24.5 Somewhat Disagree 12 12.2 Somewhat Agree 12 12.2 Agree 2 2.0 (4) Intentions for Teaching- I teach because of the workday and vacation schedule. Strongly Disagree 17 17.3 Disagree 16 16.3 Somewhat Disagree 11 11.2 Somewhat Agree 31 31.6 Agree 17 17.3 Strongly Agree 6 6.1 (5) Intentions for Teaching- I teach because I am passionate about sharing knowledge. Strongly Disagree 1 1.0 Disagree 2 2.0 Somewhat Agree 3 3.1 Agree 23 23.5 Strongly Agree 69 70.4 (6) Intentions for Teaching- I teach so I can make a difference in the lives of all students. Strongly Disagree 2 2.0 Disagree 1 1.0 Somewhat Disagree 1 1.0 Somewhat Agree 3 3.1 Agree 17 17.3 Strongly Agree 74 75.5 (n = 98) 147
Salary (2%) I teach to have a positive impact on Black students (59.2%) I teach to make a difference in the lives of all students (75.5%) I teach because I am passionate about sharing knowledge (70.4%)
Figure 10. Black teachers’ intentions for teaching.
The majority (about 60.2%) of participants say that they would encourage Black college students to enter the teaching profession, 12.2 % say that they would not encourage Black college students to enter the teaching profession, and 27.6% said that they might encourage Black college students to enter the teaching profession. See Figure
11.
I Would Encourage Blacks to Become Teachers
Maybe 28%
Yes No 60% 12%
Yes No Maybe
Figure 11. I would encourage blacks to enter the profession (n = 98) 148
Another question inquired about teachers’ projections of how long they will remain in the profession. Many teachers (39.8%) said that they would remain in the field as long as they are able, again reflecting a strong sense of commitment to teaching. The participants are also interested in reaping the retirement benefits of being in the profession for so long. Roughly 21.4% said that they would remain a teacher until they are eligible for retirement benefits from this job; 1.0% marked that they would remain a teacher until they are eligible for retirement benefits from a previous job; 2.0% would remain teachers until they are eligible for Social Security benefits; 2.0% would remain teachers until a life event occurs (ex. pregnancy, marriage); 10.2% would remain teachers until a more desirable job comes along; and 23.5% were undecided at the time. See
Figure 12.
How Long Do You Plan On Remaining In The Profession? 45.00% 40.00% 35.00% 30.00% 25.00% 20.00% 15.00% 10.00% 5.00% 0.00% As long as I Until Until Until I can Until a life Until a more Undecided am able retirement retirement receive Social event desirable job benefits come benefits come Security (ex.pregnancy, comes from this job from a marriage) previous job occurs
Figure 12. Plans to remain in the profession (n = 98) 149
The Black Teacher Retention Frequencies data revealed that the vast majority (93 teachers out of 98) had never left the profession. Only 15 teachers had ever been pink slipped, and only five had been fired. Almost half of the participants had moved from one school district to another. The majority of the participants, however, had considered leaving the profession. Teachers also responded to questions about the reasons why they might consider transferring or leaving schools or districts. See Figures 13 and 14.
Black Teacher Retention Frequencies 120 100
80 43 55 60 83 93 95 40 55 20 43 15 0 5 3 Moved from one Considered Leaving Left the Profession Pink-slipped Fired district to another the Profession
Yes No
Figure 13. Black teacher retention frequencies. (n=98)
70% Reasons Teachers Might Leave 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Lack of support Student Workload Issues with Workplace Discipline Admin Conditions
Figure 14. Reasons black teachers might leave the profession. (n=98) 150
Retention Frequencies
Retention questions developed by the US Department of Education were retrieved from the national School and Staffing Survey (SASS). They include: 1) The stress and disappointments involved in teaching aren’t worth it; 2) Teachers at my school like being here; I would describe us as a satisfied group; 3) I like the way things are run at my school; 4) If I could get a higher paying job I’d leave teaching as soon as possible; 5) I think about transferring to another school; 6) I don’t seem to have as much enthusiasm as I did when I began teaching; 7) I think about staying home from school because I’m just too tired to go. The frequencies of the 7 retention variables in the survey are shown in Table 23.
The majority of the participants (55.2%) reported that they think about transferring schools. Approximately 57.3% express that they have lost enthusiasm for teaching and/or they think about staying home because they are too tired to go. The retention results find that many K12 school environments make Black teachers less passionate, and more likely to leave. See Table 24.
151
Table 23
Retention Variables Frequencies Data Set ______(1) Retention- The stress and disappointments involved in teaching aren’t worth it. Variable N Percent Strongly Disagree 16 16.3 Disagree 26 26.5 Somewhat Disagree 12 12.2 Somewhat Agree 20 20.4 Agree 13 13.3 Strongly Agree 9 9.2 (2) Retention- Teachers at my school like being here; I would describe us as a satisfied group. Strongly Disagree 10 10.2 Disagree 7 7.1 Somewhat Disagree 15 15.3 Somewhat Agree 26 26.5 Agree 28 28.6 Strongly Agree 10 10.2 (3) Retention- I like the way things are run at my school. Strongly Disagree 12 12.2 Disagree 11 11.2 Somewhat Disagree 21 21.4 Agree 20 20.4 Strongly Agree 8 8.2 (4) Retention- If I could get a higher paying job I’d leave teaching as soon as possible. Strongly Disagree 20 20.4 Disagree 18 18.4 Somewhat Disagree 19 19.4 Somewhat Agree 14 14.3 Agree 11 11.2 Strongly Agree 14 14.3 152
Table 24
Retention Variable Frequencies Data Set (5) Retention -I think about transferring to another school. Strongly Disagree 18 18.4 Disagree 19 19.4 Somewhat Disagree 6 6.1 Somewhat Agree 15 15.3 Agree 19 19.4 Strongly Agree 19 19.4 (6) Retention- I don’t seem to have as much enthusiasm as I did when I began teaching. Strongly Disagree 12 12.2 Disagree 22 22.4 Somewhat Disagree 7 7.1 Somewhat Agree 15 15.3 Agree 19 19.4 Strongly Agree 21 21.4 (7) Retention- I think about staying home from school because I’m just too tired to go. Strongly Disagree 15 15.3 Disagree 16 16.3 Somewhat Disagree 10 10.2 Somewhat Agree 16 16.3 Agree 15 15.3 Strongly Agree 24 24.5 (n = 98)
The retention frequencies produced interesting results. On a positive note, the majority of the teachers say that they like their jobs; roughly 53% of participants reported that they like being at their job. While several teachers feel as if salary is a factor in their decision to remain in the profession, 59.4% of the teachers noted that they would not 153
switch jobs for more money. Approximately 44% agreed that the stress of teaching isn’t worth it. See Figure 15.
60% Retention Variable Frequencies 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% The stress isn't I like the way I would leave I think about I don't have as I'm too tired to worth it things are run for better salary transferring much go to work enthusiasm
Figure 15. Retention variable frequencies. (n=98)
Administrative Characteristic Variable Frequencies Table 25 displays the frequencies of the Administration Characteristic variables in the survey. The participants were asked how they feel about their relationship with their administration. They responded to the following sub-variables: a) I feel supported by my school administration; b) I feel recognized by my administration; c) I feel intimidated by my administration; and d) I feel micro-managed by my administration.
The Administration Characteristic variables report that the high majority of participants (78.6%) do feel supported by their school administration. Approximately
66% feel that their administration recognizes them by giving them attention, help, and praise. The majority (76.5%) reported that their administrations do not intimidate them through pressures to perform, fear of job security, and/or disciplinary threat.
Furthermore, 73.2% do not feel that they are micromanaged.
154
Table 25
Administration Relationship Variable Frequencies Variable N Percent (1) Administration Relationship- I feel supported by my school administration. Strongly Disagree 10 10.2 Disagree 10 10.2 Somewhat Disagree 1 1.0 Somewhat Agree 19 19.4 Agree 29 29.6 Strongly Agree 29 29.6 (2) Administration Relationship- I feel recognized by my administration. Strongly Disagree 11 11.2 Disagree 10 10.2 Somewhat Disagree 12 12.2 Somewhat Agree 12 12.2 Agree 34 34.7 Strongly Agree 18 18.4 (3) Administration Relationship- I feel intimidated by my administration. Strongly Disagree 35 35.7 Disagree 33 33.7 Somewhat Disagree 7 7.1 Somewhat Agree 14 14.3 Strongly Agree 5 5.1 (4) Administration Relationship- I feel micro-managed by my administration. Strongly Disagree 26 26.5 Disagree 30 30.6 Somewhat Disagree 15 15.3 Somewhat Agree 10 10.2 Agree 7 7.1 Strongly Agree 9 9.2 (n = 98) 155
Decision Making Influence
Table 26 displays the frequencies of the Decision Making Influence variables in the survey. The participants were asked how they feel about their levels of influence on decision making processes in their school. They responded to the following sub- variables: a) Decisions about curriculum and instruction; b) Decisions about performance standards and student outcomes; c) Decisions about student discipline issues and policy; d) Decisions about staff/faculty professional development; and e)
Decisions about implementing cultural or alternative pedagogy.
In regards to having influence over important school decisions, most of the teachers surveyed reported that they have very little to no power at all. Almost half of the participants reported that they have minor to no influence on the curriculum that their school implements. Approximately 66% of the teachers in the survey feel as if they have minor to no influence over cultural and/or alternative pedagogy in their schools. The majority of participants (54.1%) report that they have minor to no influence on decisions pertaining to performance standards and/or student outcomes. An even higher percentage
(66.3%) of teachers feel that they have minor to no influence on student discipline issues and behavior policy. Additionally, a strong majority of participants (69.4%) report that they have minor to no influence on the professional development that they receive. This data indicates that regardless of years in the profession, education, and skills levels, the majority of Black K12 educators do not feel as if their voice is included or considered important in the major decision making processes in American schools.
156
Table 24
Decision Making Influence Variable Frequencies
Variable N Percent
(1) Decision Making Influence- I have influence over curriculum. No Influence 17 17.3 Minor Influence 30 30.6 Moderate Influence 35 35.7 Major Influence 16 16.3 (2) Decision Making Influence- I have influence over performance standards and student outcomes. No Influence 28 28.6 Minor Influence 25 25.5 Moderate Influence 36 36.7 Major Influence 9 9.2 (3) Decision Making Influence- I have influence over student discipline issues and policy. No Influence 28 28.6 Minor Influence 37 37.8 Moderate Influence 28 28.6 Major Influence 5 5.1 (4) Decision Making Influence- I have influence over staff professional development. No Influence 31 31.6 Minor Influence 37 37.8 Moderate Influence 24 24.5 Major Influence 6 6.1 (5) Decision Making Influence- I have influence over cultural or alternative pedagogy. No Influence 30 30.6 Minor Influence 34 34.7 Moderate Influence 25 25.5 Major Influence 8 8.2 (n = 98)
157
Upward Mobility
Table 27 displays the frequencies of the Upward Mobility variables in the survey.
The participants responded to the following sub-variables: a) My school provides
opportunities to advance in my profession; b) I have the opportunity to earn a specialist
position in my school; c) My school provides me with professional development that
supports my career growth, and d) My salary reflects the years of experience that I have as
a teacher.
Most of the teachers (61.2%) felt as if they have opportunities to advance in the
profession. Overall, 70.4% of the teachers felt as if they are provided professional
development that supports career growth and 62.2% feel as if they have the chance to earn
salary increases. Roughly 55.7% of the participants, however, disagreed that they have
opportunities to earn specialist positions in schools.
Black female teachers report lower opportunities for career advancement, specialist
titles, and salary increases than Black male teachers. (See Figure 14) Approximately 66.7%
of Black males report that they have opportunities to advance professionally, compared to
58.5% of Black females. While 53.3% of Black male survey participants feel that they
have opportunities to earn specialist positions, 40.3% of Black females agree that they have
the same opportunities. The data also shows that a higher percentage of Black male teachers
(70%) than Black female teachers (58.8%) feel that they have opportunities for salary increases. This data presents interesting findings in that females report a lower outlook on their chances for career growth.
158
Table 27
Upward Mobility Variable Frequencies Variable N Percent (1) Upward Mobility- I have opportunities to advance in my profession. Strongly Disagree 9 9.2 Disagree 20 20.4 Somewhat Disagree 9 9.2 Somewhat Agree 27 27.6 Agree 22 22.4 Strongly Agree 11 11.2 (2) Upward Mobility-I have the opportunity to earn a specialist position at work. Strongly Disagree 19 19.4 Disagree 21 21.4 Somewhat Disagree 14 14.3 Agree 20 20.4 Strongly Agree 6 6.1 (3) Upward Mobility- I am given professional development that supports my career growth. Strongly Disagree 6 6.1 Disagree 8 8.2 Somewhat Disagree 15 15.3 Agree 23 23.5 Strongly Agree 23 23.5 (4) Upward Mobility- I have the opportunity to earn salary increases. Strongly Disagree 10 10.2 Disagree 15 15.3 Somewhat Disagree 12 12.2 Somewhat Agree 19 19.4 Agree 27 27.6 Strongly Agree 15 15.3 (n = 98) 159
Upward Mobility Frequencies by Gender 80.00% 72.10% 70% 70.00% 66.70% 66.70% 58.80% 58.80% 60.00% 53.30% 50.00% 40.30% 40.00%
30.00%
20.00%
10.00%
0.00% Opportunities to Opportunities to Earn a Professional Development Opportunities for Salary Advance Professionally Specialist Position that Promotes Career Increase Growth
Female Male
Figure 16. Upward mobility frequencies by gender
Self and Cultural Identity
Table 28 displays the frequencies of the Self and Cultural Identity variables in the survey. They responded to the following sub-variables: a) I feel as if I have to change my cultural styles of speaking, behaving, and dressing when around majority groups at my school; b) I feel as if I have to down-play my cultural ways of speaking, dressing, and behaving at my school; c) My sense of self-identity and culture protects me from negative organizational/workplace conditions; d) My cultural identity affects my reputation positively at my school; e) My cultural identity affects my relationships positively at my school; d) My self-empowerment protects me from negative organizational/workplace conditions; e) I feel strengthened by other Black teachers and faculty at my school. 160
Table 28
Self and Cultural Identity Frequencies Variable N Percent (1) Self and cultural identity- I feel as if I have to change my cultural styles of speaking, behaving, and dressing when at work. Strongly Disagree 17 17.3 Disagree 29 29.6 Somewhat Agree 14 14.3 Agree 14 14.3 Strongly Agree 10 10.2 (2) Self and cultural identity – My self and cultural identity affects my reputation positively. Strongly Disagree 13 13.3 Disagree 14 14.3 Somewhat Agree 20 20.4 Agree 28 28.6 Strongly Agree 9 9.2 (3) Self and cultural identity- My self and cultural identity empowers and protects me. Strongly Disagree 8 8.2 Disagree 7 7.1 Somewhat Agree 17 17.3 Agree 38 38.8 Strongly Agree 16 16.3 (4) Self and cultural identity- I feel strengthened by other Black teachers and admin. Strongly Disagree 11 11.2 Disagree 9 9.2 Somewhat Disagree 7 7.1 Somewhat Agree 20 20.4 Agree 24 24.5 Strongly Agree 23 23.5 (n = 98)
161
Issues of Race, Racism, and Culture
Table 29 displays the frequencies of the Issues of Race, Racism, and Culture variables in the survey. The participants were asked how attentive their school administration and faculty are to issues of race, racism, and culture. They responded to the following sub-variables: a) The administration at my school engages with teachers in open dialogue about issues of race; b) The faculty at my school engages with other teachers in open dialogue about issues of race; c) My school provides opportunities for professional development in cultural responsiveness; d) My school creates and enacts policy that supports cultural responsiveness; e) The ethnic diversity of my administration and faculty reflects the ethnic diversity of the students; and f) The administration
effectively addresses and solves issues of racism.
Approximately 65.1% of participants do not feel as if their school administration
or their colleagues engages in open dialogue about race. The multitude of the
participants (56.3%) also disagree that their administration effectively addresses and/or
solves issues of racism. The majority of teachers (67.7%) disagree that they are provided
professional development based in cultural responsiveness, and 64.6% disagree that their
school enacts policy that supports cultural responsiveness. Furthermore, the majority of
the participants (68.8%) report that the ethnic diversity of my administration and faculty
does not reflect the ethnic diversity of the students. See Table 29.
162
Table 29
Issues of Race, Racism, and Culture Frequencies Variable N Percent (1) Issues of race, racism, and culture- My school creates and enacts policy that supports cultural responsiveness. Strongly Disagree 19 19.4 Disagree 26 26.5 Somewhat Disagree 17 17.3 Somewhat Agree 17 17.3 Agree 11 11.2 Strongly Agree 6 6.1 (2) Issues of race, racism, and culture- The ethnic diversity of my administration and faculty reflects the ethnic diversity of the students. Strongly Disagree 33 33.7 Disagree 25 25.5 Somewhat Disagree 8 8.2 Somewhat Agree 12 12.2 Agree 15 15.3 Strongly Agree 3 3.1 (3) Issues of race, racism, and culture- The administration at my school effectively addresses and solves issues of racism. Strongly Disagree 22 22.4 Disagree 21 21.4 Somewhat Disagree 11 11.2 Somewhat Agree 16 16.3 Agree 16 16.3 Strongly Agree 10 10.2 (n = 98)
163
Safety and Resources
Table 30 displays the frequencies of the Safety and Resource in the survey. They responded to the following sub-variables: a) The student discipline policy at my school is effective; b) The faculty and students are safe at my school; c) My school has the resources necessary to support student success. See Table 30.
Table 30
Safety and Resources Frequencies Variable N Percent (1) Safety and resources- Student discipline policy is effective. Strongly Disagree 14 14.3 Disagree 11 11.2 Somewhat Disagree 13 13.3 Somewhat Agree 30 30.6 Agree 15 15.3 Strongly Agree 13 13.3 (2) Safety and resources- Faculty and students are safe. Disagree 6 6.1 Somewhat Agree 21 21.4 Agree 35 35.7 Strongly Agree 28 28.6 (3) Safety and resources- My school has sufficient resources to support student success. Strongly Disagree 5 5.1 Disagree 9 9.2 Somewhat Disagree 10 10.2 Somewhat Agree 24 24.5 Agree 27 27.6 Strongly Agree 21 21.4 (n = 98) 164
Racism and Discrimination Table 31 displays the frequencies of the Racism and Discrimination variables in the survey. The participants were asked if they were impacted by racism or discrimination toward themselves or others in their schools. They responded to the following sub- variables: a) I have experienced overt racism or racial discrimination at my school; b) I have experienced covert racism or racial discrimination at my school; c) I have witnessed colleagues who have experienced racism or racial discrimination at my school; and d) I have witnessed students who have experienced racism or racial discrimination at my school.
While 68.8% of the participants disagree that they experience overt racism in their
school, 53.1% of them agree that they witness or experience covert racism. A larger
percentage of teachers (52%) agree that they have experienced covert forms of racism.
Although the majority of teachers (60.8%) disagree that they have witnessed colleagues experience racism, the majority of teachers (68%) report that they have witnessed students experience racism. See Table 31.
165
Table 31
Racism and Discrimination Frequencies Variable N Percent (1) Racism/discrimination- I have experienced overt racism or racial discrimination at work. Strongly Disagree 33 33.7 Disagree 19 19.4 Somewhat Disagree 14 14.3 Somewhat Agree 9 9.2 Agree 11 11.2 Strongly Agree 10 10.2 (2) Racism/discrimination- I have experienced covert racism or racial discrimination at work. Strongly Disagree 23 23.5 Disagree 16 16.3 Somewhat Agree 21 21.4 Agree 23 23.5 Strongly Agree 7 7.1 (3) Racism/discrimination- My colleagues have experienced racism or racial discrimination. Strongly Disagree 26 26.5 Disagree 24 24.5 Somewhat Agree 15 15.3 Agree 15 15.3 Strongly Agree 8 8.2 (4) Racism or discrimination- Students have experienced racism or racial discrimination. Strongly Disagree 17 17.3 Disagree 9 9.2 Somewhat Agree 28 28.6 Agree 23 23.5 Strongly Agree 15 15.3 (n = 98)
166
Racial and Cultural Needs
Table 32 displays the frequencies of the Racial and Cultural Needs in the survey.
The teachers were asked if their school’s practice and policy aligns with the racial and
cultural needs of students and teachers. They responded to the following sub-variables: a)
The curriculum/pedagogy at my school is effective for diverse student populations; b) My administration and colleagues respect and value cultural diversity; c) School policies are
effective for students from diverse cultures; and d) My school is effective in supporting and connecting with students and families from diverse cultures.
Although most participants (65.6%) feel as though their administration and colleagues respect and value cultural diversity, the majority of the teachers in the survey
(63.5%) disagree that their school curriculum and/or pedagogy is effective for diverse student populations. Approximately 59.4% of participants report that their school policies are effective for students from diverse cultures and 62.5% feel that their school is effective in supporting and connecting with students and families from diverse cultures.
167
Table 32
Racial and Cultural Needs Frequencies Variable N Percent (1) Racial and cultural needs- Curriculum/pedagogy is effective for diverse student populations. Strongly Disagree 17 17.3 Disagree 21 21.4 Somewhat Disagree 23 23.5 Somewhat Agree 15 15.3 Agree 13 13.3 Strongly Agree 7 7.1 (2) Racial and cultural needs- School policies are effective for students from diverse cultures. Strongly Disagree 6 6.1 Disagree 19 19.4 Somewhat Disagree 14 14.3 Somewhat Agree 23 23.5 Agree 28 28.6 Strongly Agree 6 6.1 Strongly Agree 12 12.2 (4) Racial and cultural needs- Administration and colleagues respect and value cultural diversity. Strongly Disagree 5 5.1 Disagree 16 16.3 Somewhat Disagree 12 12.2 Somewhat Agree 19 19.4 Agree 28 28.6 Strongly Agree 16 16.3 (n = 98)
Having provided a detailed description of workplace factors, the data analysis then turned to an examination of the ways that these factors are tied to Black teacher retention. 168
Workplace Factor and Retention Relationships
The descriptive analysis predicated a need to determine the strength of the
relationship between workplace factors and Black teachers’ desires to remain in the
profession. The large number of variables necessitated the need to transform them into
more concise, manageable indicators. This was accomplished by first running a
Chronbach’s Alpha test to determine the internal consistency of each of the variable groups
and to determine if they could produce reliable composite measures. The administrative
relationship subscale consisted of 4 items (α =.76), the decision making subscale consisted
of 5 items (α =.81), the upward mobility subscale consisted of 4 items (α =.76), the safety subscale consisted of 3 items (α =.79), the self and cultural identity subscale consisted of
7 items (α =.57), the issues of racism subscale consisted of 6 items (α =.91), the overt
and covert racism subscale consisted of (α =.84), the different treatment subscale consisted
of 5 items (α =.75), the standing out subscale consisted of 4 items (α =.91), the
repercussions subscale consisted of 4 items (α =.76), the cultural competency subscale
consisted of 4 items (α =.89), and the retention subscale consisted of 5 items (α =.77).
With the exception of the Self and Cultural Identity scale, all of the indicators had alpha
scores of greater than .70 indicating satisfactory internal consistency.
Next, the indicators were combined into composite variables each representing a
single workplace factor. To aggregate the indicators into single scores, the researcher
computed the average for each of the indicators. The composite scores, or the mean scores
for the individual variables were then used for the remainder of the analyses. The mean
and standard deviations of the composite variables can be found in Table 33. 169
Using the composite variables, the researcher ran a Pearson’s correlation analysis
to determine the strength of the relationship between workplace factors and Black K12 teachers’ desire to remain in the profession. Results (see Table 33) showed that there was a statistically significant relationship between workplace factor variables and the retention index, suggesting that these factors are indeed related to Black teacher retention.
Table 33
Correlations of Workplace Factors with Retention Index Mean Standard Deviation Correlations
Retention 3.50 1.27
Administration 4.35 1.20 -.573** Relationship
Decision Making 2.20 .704 .347** Influence
Upward Mobility 3.71 1.18 -.549**
Overt/Covert Racism 3.19 1.40 .433**
Safety 4.12 1.26 -.550**
Addressing Race and 2.94 1.39 -.474** Culture
Cultural Competency 3.07 1.52 -.303**
Resources 4.27 1.43 -.341**
Out of the eight workplace factors determined to be significantly related to
retention, six of the correlations were negative. This means that as the scores of certain 170
workplace factors decreased, teachers’ thoughts of leaving the profession increased. For example, the less teachers found their administrations to be supportive and racially competent, the more likely they were to have thoughts of leaving. On the other hand, the positive correlations mean that as the workplace factor scores increased, retention scores also increased. For example, the more teachers experienced inclusion in decision making, the more likely they were to remain in the profession. The correlation data suggests that as relationships and workplace factors between administration and Black teachers improve, the likelihood of their retention increases.
Multiple Linear Regression Analysis
Multiple regression is determined by an equation in which the sum of the values of independent variables equals the dependent variable (Urdan, 2010). A multiple linear regression analysis was used to predict how much Black teacher retention will change if workplace factors are changed. The regression was also analyzed to predict future trends of outcomes for Black teachers in America’s K12 schools. The predictors (independent variables) used in the regression were the eight workplace factor indices: Administration
Relationship, Decision Making Influence, Upward Mobility, Overt/Covert Racism, Safety,
Resources, Addressing Race and Culture, and Cultural Competency. See Table 34.
171
Table 34
Workplace Factors (Independent Variables) Variable Definition Administration Relationship The ways that school administrations interact with teachers (support, management, recognition)
Decision Making Influence The level of influence a teacher has during decision making processes in the school. (influence over curriculum, pedagogy, discipline)
Upward Mobility The opportunities for upward mobility that a teacher has in the school. (promotion, specialist positions, professional development)
Overt/Covert Racism The ways that teachers may experience overt and/or covert racism and discrimination.
Safety/ Resources The degree to which teachers feel as if they are safe. The degree to which teachers feel they have sufficient resources to serve students. Addressing Race and Culture The ways that schools address and solve racial issues (dialogue, cultural training, etc.) Cultural Competency Schools’ implementation of culturally relevant curriculum and pedagogy.
The dependent variable was the Retention index. (See Table 35). The five variables of the Retention index were: 1) The stress and disappointments involved in teaching aren’t worth it; 2) If I could get a higher paying job I’d leave teaching as soon as possible; 3) I think about transferring to another school; 4) I don’t seem to have as much enthusiasm as
I did when I began teaching; 5) I think about staying home from school because I’m just too tired to go. 172
Table 35
Retention (Dependent Variable) Variables
1) The stress and disappointments involved in teaching aren’t worth it.
2) If I could get a higher paying job I’d leave teaching as soon as possible.
3) I think about transferring to another school.
4) I don’t seem to have as much enthusiasm as I did when I began teaching.
5) I think about staying home from school because I’m just too tired to go.
Regression analysis requires that the following assumptions are met: independence, homogeneity, normality, linearity, and noncollinearity. The assumption of independence was met because the researcher knew the data; there was no way that one participant’s scores could be influenced by another participant’s scores. The assumption of homogeneity of variance was met because an examination of the scatter plot identified a relatively random display of points with a fairly constant spread of residuals and provided evidence of homogeneity of variance. The assumption of normality was met in that an examination of the unstandardized residuals in a boxplot showed a normal distribution shape with no outliers, and suggested that normality was a reasonable assumption. The assumption of linearity was met because the scatter plot of the workplace factors (independent variables) and retention (dependent variable) showed a random display of points; this indicated that the assumption of linearity is reasonable. For the assumption of noncollinearity, the researcher analyzed the correlations of the workplace factors and the retention index to 173
ensure that they fell below .7. The regression analysis was valid because there were no
violations of underlying assumptions.
The regression results suggested that a significant proportion of the total variation
in Black teacher retention was predicted by workplace factors (F(8,97) = 7.95 , p < .01).
The regression found that 38% (r2 =.38) of variance in Black teacher retention was
accounted for by all of the workplace factors together. The analysis determined that
Administration Characteristics (β = -.342, p < .01) was the strongest predictor and was negatively associated with Black teacher retention. See Table 36.
Table 36
Multiple Linear Regression Model
Variables B Standard Error Beta p-value
Constant 7.014 .884 .000
Administration -.354 .127 -.342 .007 Characteristics Decision .081 .200 .045 .687 Influence Upward Mobility -.227 .138 -.212 .104
Overt/Covert -.017 .103 -.019 .868 Racism
Safety -.194 .125 -.188 .124
Addressing Race -.050 .110 -.054 .652 and Culture Cultural .010 .085 .012 .908 Competency Resources -.082 .096 -.093 .391
174
The results of the regression in this study indicated that K12 school administration
characteristics have a strong impact on Black teacher retention. The multiple regression
equation showed that the combination of workplace factors together (Administration
Relationship; Decision Influence; Mobility; Racial Bias; Safety; Racial Issues; Racial and
Cultural Needs, and Resources) predicted Black teacher retention, and the analysis identified how much of the variance workplace factors explained about retention. The regression tested each of the workplace factor variables to identify which ones were
significantly related to retention when controlling for the other predictor variables
(Urdan, 2010). The analysis also identified which variables were stronger in predicting
retention.
The strongest predictor of Black K12 teacher retention was Administrative
Characteristics. The regression determined that Black teachers who felt supported and
recognized by their school administrations were more likely to want to remain in the
profession. Conversely, their desire to remain teachers was impacted negatively by
school administrators who were micromanaging and intimidating. This suggests that K12
school administrations have a major influence over the factors which force Black teachers
out of the profession.
Although Administrative Characteristics was the predominant variable in the
regression, the other workplace variables are also important predictors of whether Black
teachers will leave their schools or the profession altogether. As administrations are
highly responsible for establishing the culture in school workplace environments, they
play a large role in the positive and negative impact of other workplace factors on Black 175
teachers as well. The analysis of the multiple regression suggests that Black K12 teacher retention can be predicted by the amount of support, recognition, autonomy, inclusion, respect, career growth, autonomy, justice, and equity that they receive at the hands of administrators in America’s schools.
176
Chapter 6
CONCLUSIONS
This dissertation set out to explore the workplace factors that impact Black K12 teacher retention in American schools. To do so, ten teachers were interviewed and 98 teachers participated in an online survey. The conclusions of the qualitative and quantitative research questions are displayed in Figures 17, 18, and 19.
Research Question 1: What are the workplace factors that Black teachers perceive to positively or negatively impact their retention rates in K12 schools? Positive:
-Connections with Students, Parents, and Communities -Supportive Administrations -Implementing Liberatory Curriculum -Advocating for Black/Brown Students -Resistance -Career Growth Opportunities
Negative:
-Lack of Administrative Support and Trust -Exclusion -Disrespect -Cultural Incompetency -Disconnections with Students/Parents/Communities
Figure 17. Qualitative research conclusions.
What are the relationships Research Question 2: between workplace factors and the retention of Black K12
teachers?
-Administration Characteristics -Decision Making Influence -Upward Mobility -Overt/Covert Racism -Safety -Racial and Cultural Competency -Resources
Figure 18. Quantitative research conclusions.
177
Research Question 3: To what extent do school workplace factors predict Black K12 teacher retention?
When combined, the workplace factors Administration Characteristics, Decision Influence, Upward Mobility, Overt/Covert Racism, Safety, Addressing Race, Cultural Competency, and Resources are strong predictors of Black teacher retention.
K12 school administration characteristics are the strongest predictor of Black K12 teacher retention.
Figure 19. Quantitative research conclusions.
Triangulation
The qualitative and quantitative data converged to identify one prevalent finding:
Black teacher retention is directly impacted by the positive and/or negative leadership characteristics of their school administration. As administrators are the “captain of the ship”, their ability to confront and solve challenging issues and to allocate sustainable resources while supporting, including, and empowering faculty is paramount to Black teachers’ desires to remain in or leave the profession. Administrators are in the unique position to establish and control much of what happens on a school site; an analysis of their relationships with Black teachers is central to the discussion on Black teacher retention.
There was convergence in the qualitative and quantitative data about relationships between teachers and school administrations. The quantitative data tells us that we can predict Black teacher retention based on the positive or negative characteristics of school administrations. Administrators must show strong positive support and recognition while 178
minimalizing micromanagement and intimidation in order to retain Black teachers. The
qualitative data tells us that Black teachers working with administrators who exhibit
oppressive, unsupportive, and disrespectful characteristics are more likely to want to
leave the profession. Administrators who establish supportive school environments are
more likely to retain their schools’ Black teachers. Taken together, we see that K12
school administrations can increase Black teacher retention by exhibiting transformative leadership characteristics that are empowering, inclusive, supportive, respectful, and
liberating. See Figure 20.
Figure 20. Data triangulation diagram. 179
This research identified six key findings that administrators should incorporate into their school culture in order to promote Black teacher retention. See Figure 21.
Support and Recognition
Racial and Cultural Respect Consciousness and Competency Black Teacher Retention Connections with Black Inclusion students, families, and communities
Career Advancement
Figure 21. Key findings for Black teacher retention.
180
Key Finding: Black Teachers need administrators who accept the existence of covert and overt racism on school campuses and fight to change those realities.
Numerous preexisting studies on Black teachers have identified racism, discrimination, and cultural incompetency as common practice in American schools
(Delpit, 2012; Farinde, et al., 2016; Ingersoll & May, 2011; Ladson Billings & Tate,
1998; Mabokela & Madsen, 2007). Most of teachers in this study work in “majority culture” school environments where they are one of very few Black faculty members.
They often feel as if their schools are out of touch or in denial of the ways that racism continues to impact teachers and students of color. While racism today takes on more subtle, covert forms, many survey and interview participants affirmed their disillusion with school administrations who fail to address and solve such issues. Many of their experiences mirror those of Black teachers from decades past; it is evident that too many school environments continue to exhibit the characteristics of schools in the pre Brown vs. Board era.
This study identified that there are Black teachers who feel the presence of overt and covert racism on a daily basis in their schools. Many interview and survey participants vehemently testified to the existence of numerous examples of blatant racism. Teachers reported hearing White faculty say words like “nigger” and “Black bitch” and witnessing them engage in racist dialogue about Black names and culture.
Other teachers experienced incidents where White administrators made racially and/or culturally insensitive comments that were stereotypical and offensive. The stereotypical 181
and culturally insensitive labeling of students, parents, and teachers themselves on behalf of White faculty continues to impact Black teachers negatively. Too many school administrators, however, are ill prepared to confront and resolve racial tensions at their school sites. Furthermore, Black teachers express that schools rarely provide effective professional development in cultural competency and responsiveness. Survey and interview participants called for more culturally responsive professional development and training for administrations and staff (Ingersoll & May, 2011; Mabokela & Madsen,
2007). Several participants responded that even when professional development was implemented, staff push back against it, and its’ impact is short lived.
Black teachers often report the need to present themselves as “safe” or neutral so that White administrators and colleagues do not feel threatened or intimidated by them
(Mabokela & Madsen, 2007). This occurs even in majority culture schools where there might be only a few Black teachers. Several teachers asserted that they are unsupported by administration as a result of being outspoken or because they stand up for themselves and students; they are seen as “agitators” on campus. Teachers described the negative repercussions of breaking out of the “safe” mold, and expressed that doing so led to what they refer to as exclusion, punishment, and in certain cases career sabotage at the hands of White administrations (Mabokela & Madsen, 2007).
A major example of racism against Black teachers in schools pertains to the
“dilemma of the qualified”, or the lengths that Black teachers have to go to in order to prove that they are professionally qualified to White administration, colleagues, and often parents (Cose, 1993). Having to work harder to prove ones’ expertise and knowledge 182
was a common occurrence that made Black teachers feel undervalued and humiliated
(Farinde, et al., 2016; Mabokela & Madsen, 2007). One teacher’s recollection of potential Black applicants being turned down in teacher interviews even when they were more qualified than their competition is an example of the ways that racism continues to infiltrate the hiring process of Black teachers.
Another participant mentioned how Black female science teachers at his school were relegated to teach lower level science courses such as physical science and biology, while White males dominated upper level chemistry and physics classes. The pigeonholing of Black teachers into lower teaching positions was a common experience among both interview and survey participants (Farinde, et al., 2016). The teachers were negatively impacted by what they perceived to be a lack of trust in their experience and expertise on behalf of their administration.
Another serious form of covert racism that too often flies under the radar is the systematic perpetuation of low expectations for Black students in American schools.
Collins (2011) found that lowered standards and lowered expectations for students of color, lack of cultural responsiveness; and ineffective communication about issues of race and equity in their schools all lead to high attrition rates. This study affirms the concept of “warm demanders”, or the strong desire and ability of Black teachers to uphold Black students to the highest standards (Delpit, 2012). Black teachers are disheartened and frustrated when they witness schools promoting substandard curriculum, programs, and expectations for Black students. 183
American schools are established in White majority culture norms that often create cultural incongruities for Black teachers (Delpit, 2012; Farinde, et al., 2016;
Ladson Billings & Tate, 1998; Mabokela and Madsen, 2000). The qualitative and quantitative findings in this study support that many Black teachers find American school culture to be incompetent with the cultural needs of Black faculty and students. Both interview and survey participants affirmed that the academic curriculum is Eurocentric and is not culturally congruent or effective for Black students and other students of color.
The teachers who were interviewed noted the minimal inclusion of timely, culturally relevant literature and other subject matter. They mentioned that their school campuses rarely reflect student populations, and how little attention is paid to culture other than ethnic holidays and celebrations like Black history month. In some cases, not even cultural holidays are recognized. Black teachers need White administrators of schools with predominantly with Black students or student of color to be cognizant of racial and cultural issues (Delpit, 2012; Ingersoll & May, 2011; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1998).
This entails the alignment of curriculum and pedagogy with the needs of their Black students (Delpit, 2012; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1998).
While there are administrators who are oblivious to or avoiding of racial issues in schools, several participants did report experiences with administrators who actively fight against discrimination and injustice. Both the interview and survey data indicate that
Black teachers are positively impacted by conscientious administrators who are “woke”, who “get it”, or who understand that racial issues are real and deserving of attention and resolution. According to a survey participant, “getting it” means that administrations go 184
beyond the promotion of superficial and/or outdated notions of “multiculturalism” and entails engaging faculty and administration in difficult conversations about race, culture, injustice, and inequity. In general, Black teachers confirmed that White administrators who are conscientious and open about racial issues have better relationships with not only teachers, but with students, families, and communities as well.
There were a few teachers in both the interviews and the surveys who expressed that they did not feel covert or overt racism was an issue at their school. Those teachers were more likely to feel highly supported by their administrations, more content, and more committed to their jobs. It was interesting to note that the participants who did not feel as if race was a factor were both
Key Finding: Black teachers need administrators who are supportive.
The qualitative and quantitative data stressed that Black teacher commitment to the profession is both positively and negatively impacted by the levels of support that teachers receive from school administration. The research affirmed that Black teachers who receive consistent positive support from their administrations tend to have more optimistic views of their future in the profession and longer careers as teachers
(Achinstein, et al, 2010; Albert Shanker Institute, 2015; Ingersoll & May, 2011).
Conversely, a lack of administrative support is a major factor in pushing Black teachers out (Farinde, et al., 2016). The qualitative data produced strong evidence that Black K12 teachers often feel unsupported in their everyday challenges.
The lack of help that Black teachers express also bleeds into a lack of awareness that teachers are commonly inundated with school changes and new policies without 185
sufficient training or support. Several teachers asserted that annual (or sometimes biannual) changes in programs, curriculum, testing, and pedagogy inundates them and impedes their effectiveness with students. For example, many interview participants felt undertrained to teach the new strategies and methodologies under Common Core State
Standards (CCSS). Other teachers mentioned that they did not even have a curriculum or books to work with; they were responsible for completely creating their classroom curriculum in addition to all of their other responsibilities. This process placed an extra burden on the participants.
Newer teachers expressed that without administrative support, they feel overwhelmed and alone as they adjust to the rigorous demands of the profession. Black
K12 teachers need to be supported by administrators who are attentive to the needs and challenges of new teachers in order to get them through the critical first years. This study affirmed previous research that urged administrators of urban schools to make concerted efforts to establish supportive workplace environments in order to preserve their Black faculty (Farinde, et al, 2016; Ingersoll & Smith, 2003).
Key Finding: Black teachers need administrators who recognize their expertise, efforts, and successes.
Black teachers are more likely to be happy in their schools when they are acknowledged by administrations for their hard work and accomplishments. Farinde, et al.’s (2016) study found that Black teachers sought schools with administrations that valued their professional expertise and experience. While the majority of survey 186
participants agreed that their administration recognizes them, very few of the interview participants felt this way.
The interview participants generally felt overlooked and underappreciated even when they went above and beyond for their students and the school. One teacher mentioned that she has made considerable cultural and academic contributions to the school, however unless she is implementing “teach to the test” strategies all else is unimportant. Several male teachers mentioned that they feel needed by White administrators to the extent that they are able to “control” or monitor the discipline of
Black students. Many interview responses affirmed that administrators do not value the expertise and experience that Black teachers bring to schools and students unless they are going towards multicultural events and activities. “When humans feel they are devalued, stigmatized, or made invisible in a setting, they either protest or withdraw” (Delpit, 2012, p.183). The isolation and disenchantment that Black teachers commonly feel is an example and a result of their devaluation in schools.
While the quantitative data identified that the majority of the survey participants felt recognized by their administrations, the qualitative data expressed the negative implications for Black teacher retention when they are not. Black teachers need to be acknowledged for their invaluable intelligence, innovation, intellect, and input in all major school decisions. Farinde et al. (2016) asserted that self-value is a protective factor that Black female teachers rely to help retain them in the profession (Farinde, et al, 2016).
187
Key Finding: Black teachers need administrators who value their inclusion and voice in decision making and input.
The inclusion of Black teachers’ voice, expertise, and judgement is important in all school related issues. Studies have shown that White administrations often inhibit the input and contribution of Black educators (Kanter, 1997; Ingersoll and May, 2011;
Mabokela & Madsen, 2000). Black teachers are empowered when they are included in school decision making processes about curriculum, policy, and pedagogy. The interview and survey data both determined that Black teachers, the majority of whom hold MA degrees, feel as if they have little to no power in school decision making processes (Albert Shanker Institute, 2015). The disregard of expertise, even for well- educated and well-experienced professionals, is reflective of the treatment Black teachers received in the 1960’s when an article exploring Black teacher displacement was published. According to Butler (1970) Black teachers with MAs were actually more likely to be displaced (Delpit, 2012). Educated Black women and men are commonly seen as a professional and cultural threat, resulting in their devaluation and exclusion.
When Black teachers are excluded from decision making about curriculum, school policies, student outcomes, professional development they are more likely to think about leaving their school or the profession. One veteran teacher mentioned that while she is frequently asked for advice from colleagues, particularly those who are younger and less experienced, she is rarely called upon for her input by administration. One teacher asserted that whenever he does make a suggestion to his admin, it is typically convoluted by so much red tape that he ultimately gives up and the suggestion is 188
disregarded in the end.
Black teachers are especially frustrated when schools fail to utilize a wealth of
resources stemming from Black educational theory and practice; they argued that White
theory and Eurocentric practice dominate the structure of the American education and
how little attention is paid to the contributions of Black scholars and other scholars of
color. Black teachers need to be included in site based decision making on all levels.
Farinde, et al. (2016) promoted that Black teachers deserve not only higher levels of input in critical decision making, but also strong administrative support in their efforts to employ culturally-based pedagogy and theory that stem from non-White sources
(Achinstein, et al, 2010; Cochran-Smith, 1991).
Key Finding: Black teachers need administrators who ensure that they are
professionally and culturally respected.
Black teachers report feeling respected and validated when they are given the trust
and autonomy to implement curriculum and policy that is effective for their diverse
student populations (Delpit, 2012; Ingersoll & May, 2011; Ladson-Billings, 1998).
Those teachers who were afforded freedom and flexibility by their administration in such
areas report greater job satisfaction and desire to remain in the profession. On the other
hand, many Black teachers feel as if they are hampered from creating and implementing
curriculum, pedagogy, and policy that they know are in the best interests of their Black
students (Achinstein, et al, 2010; Albert Shanker Institute, 2015). Collins (2011) found
that teacher autonomy over pedagogy, discipline, and curriculum thwarted by school
improvement policies commonly taking place in urban, low income schools. 189
Numerous participants related their lack of autonomy to their administrations’ lack of trust of Black teachers. One veteran teacher recalled being questioned and badgered by administration about simple school processes that were basic-level tasks.
The fact that the school admin exemplified such lack of trust in her honesty and ability forced this teacher to leave the school site. Additionally, several teachers complained about the levels of micromanaging that take place on behalf of their admin. They stated often feeling as if every minute of their day is planned and accounted for them out of their principal’s fear that they might do something wrong.
The propensity towards the mistrust of Black teachers by White administrators surfaced as even veteran teachers commonly expressed that they have to prove their professional qualifications in order to be granted the freedom to create, implement, or change something. Romero (2010) identified that “competence (or ability) is universally regarded as a facet of trust” (p.63). The lack of trust that some White administrators exemplify towards Black teachers is hence a disbelief in their competence or ability to do their jobs well, or to do them way that the administration wants them to. The unfounded lack of trust that Black teachers feel is a negative factor that lessens their desire to remain in the profession. Freire (2000) asserted that “leaders must believe in the potentialities of the people, whom they cannot treat as mere objects of their own action; they must believe that the people are capable of participating in the pursuit of liberation” (p.169).
Some teachers exclaimed that White administrators inhibit Black contributions out of fear that the inclusion of Black philosophy in education may challenge common
American school culture and tradition, radicalize the system, and change the way things 190
are done. One teacher professed “I hate to say it but White people think they know more about educating Black kids than I do, just cause they have a title...”. The tendency of
White administrators to obstruct Black teachers’ innate and inherent skills and judgement with Black students is a blatant example of White supremacist thought and discrimination. There are many examples for future research concerning the exclusion of
Black voice in education; for example further study should be carried out to determine the extent to which American schools are inclusive of non-White theory and pedagogy.
Key Finding: Black teachers need administrators who provide them opportunities for Upward Mobility.
Previous research has found workplace factors such as career advancement to be highly important to Black teachers (Achinstein, et al, 2010; Farinde, et al, 2016;
Mabokela & Madsen, 2000; The Shanker Institute, 2015). Although Black teachers in general were found to rate salary low as a factor in their intention to enter and remain in the field, both the interview and the survey data showed evidence that Black males in particular are more critical of their salary. Male Black teachers expressed a particular concern for their ability to move upwards in their careers and claim that salary is a factor in their desire to remain in the profession (Farinde, et al, 2016). Several male teachers mentioned salary as the driving force behind their desire to obtain positions in administration or other higher educational realms. Common complaints of low salary in regards to ability to support their family’s financial needs arose in both forms of data.
One interview participant described his frustration at the lack of career pathway advice given to him as a young teacher; he asserted that the inability to envision his 191
professional progression years down the line led to burn out and disenchantment. Very few interview participants said that they have extensive opportunities to obtain a specialist position in the profession. In fact, several teachers exclaimed that they had zero intention of becoming an administrator, and that they would never want to leave the classroom even if it meant more money. While the majority of the survey participants reported that they have access to upward mobility and professional development, the absence of such access impacts Black teachers negatively nevertheless.
Other barriers associated with the access and mobility in teaching profession included teachers’ reports of the hassles and the financial burdens and required testing of credentialing programs (Irvine, 1988). One teacher recollected that he initially wanted to teach high school math, but couldn’t pass the credentialing test. He asserted that he got to the point where he refused to spend another penny in credentialing programs and subsequently left teaching to become an administrator.
Several teachers complained of the never-ending hoops teachers have to go through just to enter and remain in the classroom, let alone rise up on the salary scale or within professional ranks. Another teacher criticized California’s teacher credentialing process as being burdensome, expensive, and unnecessary; he mentioned that schools on the East Coast have less obstacles to enter the profession, yet better schools and student outcomes. Other responses called for state educational boards and school districts to pay for teacher credentialing programs.
Black teacher attrition is not always the result of their desire to leave the profession (Delpit, 2010). As in many cases throughout American history, the reduction 192
of the Black teacher population takes place as a result of deliberate institutional processes
under the guise of school reform. Delpit (2010) highlighted evidence of the systematic
displacement of Black teachers post Brown vs. Board and exposed modern examples of
the ways that educational organizations intentionally continue to push Black teachers out
of the profession. Contemporarily, Teachers for America (TFA) is an organization that is
charged with the continual displacement of Black K12 teachers throughout the nation.
Black teachers in this study asserted their discontent with TFA teachers who teach in
urban schools without genuine commitment or interest in the students, parents, or
community. Interview participants witnessed the turnover rate for TFA teachers to be
quite high; one participant stated that in her third year of teaching, she is the only TFA
teacher from her cohort still in the field.
Several participants testified that they are in schools with administrators who
were former TFA teachers who moved up the ranks within years and who are now in
charge of predominantly Black schools. These participants agreed that schools’ selection
and rapid upward mobility of TFA teachers “seems to belittle the value of experienced
African American teachers and imply that young, inexperienced, minimally trained
European American college graduations are the salvation of low-income students of color” (Delpit, 2010, p.113). The implications of teacher displacement are tremendous for thousands of Black students throughout the country who are educationally disadvantaged by frequent teacher and administrator turnover, and who are culturally disadvantaged by a discrepancy in exposure to predominantly White teachers. While this study recognizes that there are indeed TFA teachers who are genuinely invested in their 193
students, the organization’s program and practice raises ethical concerns that must be addressed.
Key Finding: Black teachers need administrators to establish and uphold strong connections with students, families, and communities.
The most positive and common theme inherent in both the qualitative and the quantitative data was the relationships that Black teachers form with their students, and particularly with Black students. “Nothing makes more of a difference in a child’s school experience than a teacher” (Delpit, 2012, p.72). Every interview participant mentioned their connections with their students as an important factor, if not the most important factor in their love for teaching. Other studies affirm this to be true (Farinde, et al, 2016).
Many Black teachers expressed that their passion for the profession as an obligation, and as a “calling, not a job” (Irvine, 2003, p.26). The majority of the survey participants also agreed that their desire to impact students is what drives their intention for teaching.
The interview and the survey data also identified Black teachers’ desire and ability to establish strong relationships with parents and communities as well. The qualitative data, however, specifically identified various ways that schools are intentionally and unintentionally disconnected from students, families, and communities.
Black teachers need administrators who have genuine interests and investments in the students, families, and communities, and who not only listen to their concerns, but who attempt to address them efficiently and effectively.
These findings point to clear, specific workplace factors that impact Black teachers’ desires to remain in the profession. These issues can be further supported, 194
explained, and potentially solved through the application of Critical Race Theory,
Organizational Theory, and Transformative Leadership Theory.
Theoretical Application
In the analysis of Black teacher retention, the researcher identified many parallels
between Black teacher experiences in 2017 and those of centuries past. The testimonies
of teachers are shared reflections of hope, passion, anger, and at times fury, in regards to their students, their schools, and the educational system. This study produced the great
diversity in Black teacher experiences and in the ways that Black teachers perceive
themselves, their jobs, and their relationships with school administrations. Some Black
teachers felt completely included, supported, and valued by their schools and
administrations. Often, however, the relationships between Black teachers and school
administrations reflected those of “the oppressor and the oppressed”. In more extreme
cases, the relationships between Black teachers and their administrations were not unlike
those of “master and slave”. That these characteristics persist in the dynamics of modern
school culture demands an application of theory based in liberational action and change.
The problems inherent within American education are a direct result of the
nation’s historical groundings in racism, oppression, injustice, greed, discrimination, and
ignorance. Critical Race Theory helps us understand the ways and the reasons why which
those factors still dictate the experiences of Black teachers in American schools today.
As schools are organizations within a system of deeply rooted institutionalized racism, an
understanding of Organizational Culture exposes the ways in which schools and school
administrations and faculties reinforce and/or counteract oppressive cultures for Black 195
teachers, students, and families. The tenets of Transformative Leadership Theory can help school administrations transform negative school cultures into positive school cultures that support and empower Black educators. Multiple components of Critical
Pedagogy are referenced throughout the theoretical analysis as an additional lens through which understandings and solutions may emerge. The researcher combined these theoretical frameworks and synthesized the notion of school culture that affirms and supports Black teachers as “Liberational School Culture”, and school culture that limits and excludes Black teachers as “Oppressive Organizational Culture”.
Critical Race Theory
The study of Black K12 teacher retention deserves an application of Critical Race
Theory (CRT) in that it: activates the voices of Black teachers, validates their struggles, and injects critical counternarratives into the records of American education (Bell, 1989;
Ladson-Billings and Tate, 1995); emphasizes the importance of revisionist educational history to gain an accurate understanding of the development of American school culture
(Bell, 1989; Delgado & Stefancic, 2012); argues that racism and racial discrimination are real issues for Black and other teachers and students of color in K12 schools (Bell, 1989;
Delgado & Stefancic, 2012; Ladson-Billings and Tate, 1995) asserts that White supremacy is deeply embedded in the fabric of the nation and that as such, it is difficult to change the racist nature of the nation’s schools (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012; Ladson-
Billings and Tate, 1995); challenges White, racist ideology inherent in the American school system (Bell, 1989; McGee & Stovall, 2015; Solórzano, 1997 & 1998; Yosso,
2005); identifies the marginalization and exclusion of Black educational presence and 196
contribution as examples of Whiteness as property rights (Bell, 1989; Ladson-Billings &
Tate, 1995); and proposes that interest convergence is what will make America address and support Black teacher retention (Bell, 1989; Delgado & Stefancic, 2012).
Voices of Color
The collection of qualitative data from Black K12 teachers provided evidence of
CRT’s voice-of-color thesis; their stories exposed not only the joys and triumphs that
they experienced in schools, but also brought to light the very real instances of injustices,
prejudice, and racism that Black teachers continue to endure (Bell, 1980; Delgado &
Stefancic, 2012; Jackson, et al, 2016; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; McGee & Stovall,
2015). This study’s interview participants were often willing to continue conversing well
past the expected time frame and many teachers expressed gratitude for the opportunity
and viewed the process as liberating and empowering. The majority of the teachers
admitted that this was their first time ever being asked to reflect on their teaching
experience and, more profoundly, being asked to elaborate their perceptions of the
positive and negative aspects of their careers in the profession. The researcher extends the
highest gratitude and respect to the ten interview participants and 156 survey participants
who took the time to share the joys and the pains of their journeys as teachers. The
voices of teachers bring experiential knowledge and help present an accurate
understanding of what goes on inside America’s schools (Bell, 1992; Jackson, et al, 2016;
Ladson-Billings, 1998; Yosso, 2005).
197
Revisionist History
It is the intention of the researcher that this study’s data serves as an account
CRT’s concept of Revisionist History. As described in the case of school desegregation, history takes on a different light when told through the perspectives of the oppressed; changing a system of injustice entails understanding the issue from those who suffer.
Because oppressors for centuries have resisted, lied, omitted, or twisted the stories of
Black and other teachers of color, the counternarrative and revisionist history are imperative to rectify misinformation and to provide accurate assessments of the
American educational system (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012).
Critical Pedagogy supports that “when the majorities are denied their right to participate in history as Subjects, they become dominated and alienated” (Freire, 2000, p.
130). The marginalization of the history of Black educators perpetuates misunderstandings of their power and importance. An example of the potential for
Revisionist history to change commonly held but inaccurate knowledge about history.
For decades, students have been taught of the “gains” made by Black and other people of color through the Civil Rights movement; the integration of the America’s schools was promoted as America’s progressive and humanistic evolution. The intentional displacement of Black teachers and administrators, the destruction and decentralization of thriving Black communities and schools, and the steadily decreasing size of the Black teaching force that ensued as a result of integration, is hardly known. The retelling of this critical era in American history through the experiences of Black teachers exposed their systematic removal from American schools over the past 6 decades, and supports the 198
probability that similar intentions (or traces of them) remain today. This knowledge forces Americans to make revisions in their false understandings and knowledge about
America history and reality today as well.
Racial Realism
CRT stresses analyses of “the nexus between racial realism and education, which suggests that educational systems are designed in a way to preserve the status quo, keeping Blacks oppressed and suppressed” (Jackson, et al, 2016, p.1). The marginalization of Black teacher voice, power, and educational contribution in schools today are direct examples of racist efforts to proliferate Eurocentrism to preserve oppressive school culture in America’s school systems. Black teachers’ acknowledgement of the existence of racial issues serves to inform dominant groups in their school and combats their “dysconscious racism” (King, 1991)
The tendency for White administrators to avoid racial issues in schools by denying their existence, or by glossing over ugly truths with surface level attempts at instilling multiculturalism, is ineffective, and in many cases harmful for students and teachers of color as well (Delpit, 2012; Ladson-Bilings, 19). The Black K12 teachers in the study recognize these peripheral attempts to address culture as ingenuine, and have adverse reactions to them.
Several participants in the study emphasized the dangers of teachers who believe that we are living in post racial times in regards to instilling students with inaccurate of false understanding and expectations of the world. Some participants frown upon other
Black teachers who are not “woke”, or who are not conscious of the very real ways that 199
racism is still at play in America. There are obviously Black, White, and other teachers who are fully aware of the implications of race and racism in American education and who engage in action to confront these things. There are Black, White, and other teachers who are unintentionally and innocently unaware or unconscious of the ills of racism, and they do not confront them. There are Black, White, and other teachers who are aware of
racism, but they unintentionally avoid issues. There are Black, White, and other teachers
who are aware of racism, but they intentionally avoid it and they do not perpetuate it.
There are others still who are aware of racism, and who not only intentionally avoid it,
but perpetuate it. This is a wake-up call to any and all of the above. Administrator and
teachers in American K12 schools must self-evaluate to assess which level of
consciousness they occupy, and either make changes, or stop working with students and
teachers of color.
Challenge to Eurocentric Ideology
CRT contends that Eurocentric ideology must be challenged (Wolfe & Dilworth,
2013). This work is being carried out continuously by brave and unswerving Black
teachers who combat mental, racial, social, and physical oppression at work on daily
basis (Bell, 1992; Jackson, et al, 2016; Ladson-Billings, 1998). The data collected in this
study provided evidence of Black teachers’ active resistance to Eurocentric curriculum,
pedagogy, and practice in schools. While Black teachers desire school cultures that
support community, inclusiveness, and participation, Eurocentric school ideology is
based in individualism, competitiveness, and objectivism (Hale, 2001; Hilliard, 1998;
King, 1991). Moreover, the rules, standardization, conformity, rigid order, and control 200
that are the foundation of Eurocentric educational ideology place tremendous strain on
Black teachers who know that Black children do not thrive in such an atmosphere
(Delpit, 2012; Emdin, 2015; Ladson Billings, 1998).
Many of the teachers who exemplify the trait of resistance to Eurocentric ideology
were students of Ethnic Studies, Cultural Studies, and social justice programs. This
suggests the potential impact of such education and training on the development of
critical thinkers who feel a sense of obligation to serve the people through education. It
further supports the integration of Ethnic Studies as a K12 requirement in schools
throughout the country (Vasquez & Altshuler, 2017). The philosophies and pedagogies of
Black radical teachers stand as direct resistance to Eurocentric ideology and White
supremacy in America’s educational power structure.
Whiteness as Property Rights
CRT’s “Whiteness as property rights” principle significantly impacts Black
teacher retention. Property rights refer to specific “domains” that White power structures
own, control, and monitor access to (Bell, 1989; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). In this
sense, American schools exist as Eurocentric domains preserved and highly regulated to
ensure conformity and assimilation (Harris, 1993). The ways that Black teachers are
marginalized in the nation’s educational systems are examples of how the system protects
its’ domain; there is little or no place for Black teachers to upset the status quo.
Whiteness as property extends into issues with culturally incongruent curriculum as well
(Delpit, 2012; Emdin, 2015; Harris, 1993; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). That modern
school curriculum and textbooks are not more inclusive of contribution from Black and 201
other people of color, and that they still do not accurately reflect the contributions and struggle of people of color, exemplifies the notion of school curriculum and pedagogy as
White property rights as well.
Embedded Racism in the American School System
A founding tenet of CRT informs that race is a permanent fixture in the nation’s institutions (Bell, 1980; Delgado & Stefancic, 2012). That Black teachers and students still face the presence of racism, discrimination, prejudice, and injustice in America’s schools every day is neither surprising nor shocking. The prevalence of such negativity, as previously mentioned, 277 years after the education of Black people was first deemed illegal, is testimony of CRT’s assertion that the embedded racism in America’s educational system and schools is extremely hard to change. Changing the
“ordinariness” of racism (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p.7) is perhaps the biggest obstacles to overcome. This resistance to change is further intensified by the notion that
White power structures typically only intervene in situations that will predominantly benefit them (Jackson, et al, 2016).
Interest Convergence
CRT informs us that federal, state, and/or local school agencies pay attention to issues concerning people of color when there is a return on their investment (Bell, 1989;
Delgado and Stefancic, 2012). A prominent theme of CRT entails the interest convergence of educational movements with national attention and support. The concept of interest convergence may serve as the means by which to attract and gain the support of powerful educational structures. While they may not be interested in promoting Black 202
teacher retention by altruistic motive, the knowledge that school districts throughout the
nation stand to save billions of dollars annually might push them to prioritize the issue.
This study lends to the research on the issue of Black teacher retention by
promoting interest convergence as a solution for the critical funding of programs,
professional development, and other actions shown to boost Black teachers’ longevity in
the profession (Farinde, et. al, 2016; Ingersoll & May, 2011; The Shanker Institute,
2015). Data identifies specific financial investments that offices of education, districts,
and schools should consider. Research suggests that investment in teacher induction
programs and professional development can save the nation, states, and school districts
billions of dollars wasted on teacher turnover each year (Barnes, et al., 2007; Ingersoll,
2009; Watlington, Shockley, Guglielmino, & Felsher, 2010). Educational organizations
must take advantage of the School Turnover Analysis (STA) and the Teacher Turnover
Cost Calculator (TTCC) to timely determine national, state, district, and school costs
wasted on turnover and also displacement (Barnes, et al., 2007; Shockley, Guglielmino, and Watlington, 2006).
Additional investments that serve to retain Black teachers in K12 schools include: cultural competency and responsiveness training, teacher mentor programs, teacher helpers, funding for credentialing and testing costs, increased benefits, and salary increases (Farinde, et. al, 2016; Ingersoll & May, 2011). The analysis of Black teacher
retention through the lens of Critical Race Theory affirms that America has a long way to
go to rid its institutions of racist ideology and practice. CRT must continue to play a role
in the evaluation of educational injustice in America. 203
Organizational Culture Theory
The positive and negative factors that Black teachers report impact their desire to remain in the profession are rooted in American school organizational culture
(Pacanowsky & O’Donnell-Trujillo, 1982). The tenets of Organizational Culture Theory
(OCT) that pertain directly to Black K12 teacher retention are: school culture is best understood when seen and communicated through the cultural lens and shared meanings of their members (Wolfe & Dilworth, 2013); school culture is established and enforced by the “majority (White) culture” under expectations of conformity and assimilation
(Mabokela & Madsen, 2000); and positive/negative school culture is established and amplified by school leaders through their actions, behavior, attention to employees, rewards/punishments, and allocation of resources (Shein, 1985).
,Shared Meanings
OCT stresses the importance of shared meaning among the school administrators, faculty, and staff (Eisenberg & Goodall,1993). School leaders and employees collectively create the reality and culture of their schools; schools culture can be understood by an examination of the ways that administrators, faculty, and staff act, think, talk, and feel
(Pacanowsky & O'Donnell‐Trujillo,1982). The prioritizing of communication of Black teachers’ perspectives helps uncover injustices in American schools and enables them to
“name their reality” as in CRT’s counter-narratives to the master narrative (Ladson-
Billings & Tate, 1995). The inclusion of Black teacher voice is further affirmed by
Critical Pedagogy’s upholding of discourse as a crucial element of transformative change
(Freire, 2000). Black K12 teachers possess important perceptions of the culture of the 204
American school system that have been deliberately overlooked or ignored for centuries of American educational history (West & Turner, 2013). Freire (2000) asserted,
“It is not our role to speak to the people about our own view of the world, nor
attempt to impose that view on them, but rather in dialogue with the people about
their view and ours.” (p.96)
This study identified that school administration characteristics can predict Black
K12 teachers’ retention in the profession. The findings support previous research that points to issues with school administrations as key factors in teacher retention as a whole.
That administration relationships came up through this study’s multiple linear regression as the prominent factor predicting Black teacher retention is no surprise. OCT endorses the integral role that the leaders of organizations play in modeling, and changing, school culture. K12 school administrators set the tone that faculty members must adhere to.
School administrators as leaders have the potential to make a difference in the experiences that Black teachers have in schools throughout the nation, in turn positively affecting their rates of retention.
Majority Culture Ideology
Schools as organizations promote norms and values that are established and enforced by predominantly White administrations with the expectations that Black teachers will conform and assimilate (Cox & Finely-Nickelson, 1991; Mabokela &
Madsen, 2000). Resistance or adverse reaction to such expectations by Black teachers often leads to their exclusion or isolation in school environments. Several participants asserted the perception that their school administrations hire new faculty based more on 205
who they feel they can get along with then on who is qualified and who is
racially/ethnically/culturally congruent with student populations (Cox, 1993). Black
teachers who are outspoken being labeled as “angry” are example of the biases
exemplified towards minority employees when they object to or exhibit different feelings
than the majority group (Cox, 1993). These teachers reported higher levels of
disenchantment at work and were more likely to leave the profession.
Leadership/Administration Role in Establishing Liberatory School Culture
School administrators play the greatest role in the establishment of empowering,
supportive, and respectful school cultures (Pacanowsky & O'Donnell-Trujillo, 1982).
OCT asserts that organizational behavior is amplified through leadership; administrators
have the power to create and set a tone of inclusiveness and equity for faculty and staff to
adhere to (Schein, 1985). Black teachers reported that school administrations who lead
their schools through bureaucratic, top down decision making are not effective in their relationships with teachers of color. Authoritarian administrative characteristics can create oppressive organizational culture for teachers, students, and parents. The extent to which oppressive behavior is a common and/or general characteristic for those in positions of power in is not known by the researcher.
In the case White administrators, the presence of oppressive characteristics is especially susceptible and rightfully sensitive to Black teachers. School administrators and faculty who intentionally or unintentionally promote oppressive organizational culture need to develop what Freire (2000) termed “conscientizacao”, which entails the process that instills in one the acknowledgment of injustice and wrongdoing, the 206
communication skills necessary to dialogue with others in order to develop plans for change, the motivation to act and implement those ideas, and the critical thinking/evaluative skills necessary to reflect upon the process. From this conscious foundation, school leaders can begin to identify, address, and transform oppressive organizational culture into liberatory organizational culture. See Figure 22. 207
Oppressive Organizational Culture - Resistant to growth - Non-inclusive - Top Down - Individualistic - Culturally Incompetent and Unresponsive - Anti-Dialogical - Racist and Discriminatory - Authoritarian - Untrusting - Disrespectful - Disregarding of wellbeing - Unsupportive
Liberatory Organizational Culture - Transformative - Inclusive - Egalitarian - Participatory - Group-based - Culturally Competent and Responsive - Dialogical - Respectful - Empowering - Attention to employee well-being - Supportive - Reflective
Figure 22. Liberatory and oppressive organizational culture. 208
For the purpose of this study, Freire’s (2000) description of liberation applies to education in that it entails the transformation of oppressive school culture through the actions and reflections of administrations and Black teachers. School administrators who wish to promote liberatory organizational school culture must see Black teachers and other teachers of color as people with valid experiences and expertise.
Liberatory organizational culture helps school employees to “move towards a new awareness of relations of power, myths, and oppression” (Smith & Doyle, 2017, p. 2).
Administrators who lead school faculty into the development of critical consciousness help create school culture that protects and preserves Black teachers and other teachers of color. For liberatory organizational culture to be established in American schools, White and other administrators must be willing to understand reality through the perceptions of
Black teachers in American schools. The acceptance that America was founded in inequity and racism, and that as such, its institutions are ingrained with inequity and racism is a preliminary but critical step.
What must ensue is an acceptance that America’s school system is rife with policies, curriculum, practices and ideology that promote a Eurocentric and White
Supremacist agenda. As such, administrators must be open to honestly explore the ways that their own ideologies and characteristics may be influenced by racism, bias, and privilege. Administrators must also evaluate their schools through a Transformative
Leadership framework to ensure that school culture is inclusive, democratic, and culturally responsive for its Black faculty, students, and families. See Tables 37-41.
209
Table 37
Liberatory Characteristics of School Administrators- Meaningful Professional Development
1) Hire professionals who can provide staff with training to help navigate through difficult conversations and issues about race and culture.
2) Establish career pathways trainings or mentorships so that Black teachers are able to create plans for their professional growth. Implement trainings for Black teachers to gain positions as educational specialists or program developers.
3) Provide new teachers with appropriate training and mentorship in their early years.
4) Inform Black teachers of avenues to higher salaries, bonuses, stipends, and/or other financial incentives.
5) Establish ongoing wellness training and/or programs for teachers and staff. Understand that working with urban student populations disenfranchised populations brings an emotional strain, physical, spiritual, mental pain that teachers bring home with them, and that prolonged exposure to stress can lead to burn out that drives Black teachers out of the profession.
Table 38
Liberatory Characteristics of School Administrators- Respectful School Culture
1) Establish a tone of respect in which overt and covert racism between faculty, staff, or students will be effectively addressed and resolved in a timely matter.
2) Be trusting of the judgement, experience, and expertise of Black teachers. Minimalize micromanagement so that Black teachers have the autonomy to do what they were hired for.
3) Do not deal repercussions for small, insignificant issues.
4) Be inclusive of Black teachers’ opinions and professional expertise.
5) Involve Black teachers in various levels of communication and decision making processes.
6) Involve Black teachers in school evaluative processes. 210
Table 39
Liberatory Characteristics of School Administrators- Culturally Responsive and Competent
1) Establish an authentic space of cultural awareness, responsiveness, and competency that goes beyond posters on the wall or infrequent holidays.
2) Acknowledge that the American school system has always been, and still is, inherently racist.
3) Consult Black faculty and other faculty of color in racial and culturally related issues.
4) Evaluate and choose school curriculum and pedagogy specifically to ensure that it is representative of and empowering for Black and other students of color.
5) Closely monitor and address instances of racism towards faculty, staff, students, and parents.
Table 40
Liberatory Characteristics of School Administrators- Supportive of teachers
1) Recognize Black teachers by acknowledging their hard work and triumphs.
2) Visit and actively participate in Black teachers’ classrooms.
3) Understand and know Black teachers on an individual basis.
4) Communicate honestly and frequently with Black teachers to ensure that their opinions are validated.
Table 41
Liberatory Characteristics of School Administrators- Investment in Community
1) Be involved in the community of your school by attending student activities such as dance competition, a play, a football game, or something else that your students are involved in.
2) Volunteer in your community. Establish a vested interest and concern for the community and that you are not just, as one teacher said, showing up for the paycheck.
211
Table 42
Workplace Factor Administrative Examples of Solutions Characteristic Disenchantment/ Lack of Support Attention Loss of Enthusiasm/ Lack of Trust Wellness Training Fatigue Lack of Recognition Pay Raise Lack of Investment Stipend Disrespect Work Incentives Overt/Covert Racism Anti-Dialogic Constructive Dialogue Disregard Cultural Avoidance Competency/Responsiveness Unawareness Training Racism Dialogue Bias Equal Opportunity in Hiring Dysconsciousness
Professional Barriers Failure to promote Career Pathways Salary Stagnation Stipend Pigeonholing Bonus Nepotism Creation of Specialist Positions
Disconnections to Students, Lack of Investment Investment in Community Families, Communities Anti-Parent Volunteer Exclusive Cultural Responsiveness
Lack of Support Avoidance Meaningful Professional Disregard Development Lack of Training Gradual Program Expansion Lack of Recognition Teacher Mentors Lack of Communication Teacher’s Aides Lack of Interest Parent Volunteers
Cultural Incongruities Ethnically Incompetent Career Pathway Planning Curriculum Financial Planning Workshops Negative interactions with Creation of Specialist Positions Black Gradual Salary Increase teachers/students/parents Stipend Lack of attention to Incentive cultural/ethnic holidays Lack of investment
Decision Making Influence Anti-dialogic Inclusion Authoritarian Communication Exclusive Democratic Practice Critical Pedagogy 212
Transformative Leadership Theory
“In the school setting, transforming-type activities depend on the nature of the
group of students, the community, and the school system, and the courage and
seniority of the teacher” (Peterson, 1990, p.318).
The best thing about this study’s findings are that they are fixable; America can do something about the problem of Black teacher retention. Both the qualitative and the quantitative data point to positive Administration Characteristics as the key fact that predicts Black teachers’ desire to remain in the field. Conversely, negative administration relationships drive them out. There are real and practical steps advice and practices that school administrations can attend in order to improve and enhance their practice and in order to keep Black teachers in the classroom.
Transformative Leadership Theory (TLT) is grounded in social justice and undergirded by notions of democracy (Jahan, 2000; Nevarez, Wood, & Penrose, 2013;
Quantz & Dantley, 1991). It is applicable in issues concerning racial, cultural, and social inequities in recognition that instances of injustice reflect embedded structures of institutional racism and oppression. Transformative Leadership Theory is helpful in the deconstruction of existing power structures and the development of emancipatory practice and action. Within a Transformative Leadership perspective, school administrations can seek to identify, challenge, and change the situations of marginalization, power, privilege, and subjugation that serve to drive Black educators out of the profession (Nevarez, Wood, & Penrose, 2013). 213
An application of Transformative Leadership (TL) is imperative to address the
problem of Black teacher attrition in America. Bennis (1984) asserted that TL is “the
ability of the leader to reach souls of others in a fashion that raises human consciousness,
builds meanings and inspires human intent- that is the source of transformative power”
(p.70). The relationship between transformative leaders and people is a symbiotic, inspirational, meaning and purpose-generating, and moral bond that seeks to elevate individuals to higher levels of judgment and action (Quantz & Dantley, 1991). Using a
TL framework, educational leaders aim to recognize, challenge, and change issues of inequity and abuses of power for marginalized people (Nevarez, Wood, & Penrose,
2013).
The addressing of adverse workplace conditions that lead to the marginalization of Black educators throughout the nation impacts a nationwide problem that stems from historical structures of power hierarchies and racial discrimination. Transformative leaders seek to break down inequities and actualize “liberating and emancipatory” socio- cultural realities for people (Jahan, 2000; Nevarez, Wood, & Penrose, 2013, p. 143).
Through a TL lens, centuries of political, social, and educational injustice have created the dominant power structures that perpetuate the conditions which keep Black educators oppressed (Glanz, 2007).
A TL approach would support the necessity of a teaching force that represents the diversity of America’s students and would seek to identify and destroy the barriers that prohibit this from being reality. Part of that process entails the shattering of traditional ideologies and practices in order to make way for new, inclusive, democratic ways of 214
operating school environments. The inclusion and collaboration of Black teachers in the process of challenging the nation’s discriminatory workplace conditions represents a true element of TL.
Administrators and other educational leaders who adapt a TL stance must be advocates for Black teachers while recognizing the importance of professionalism and tact in addressing the deep-rooted conditions and circumstances that affect them negatively. Nevarez, Wood, and Penrose (2013) asserted that missteps in challenging the status quo can result in undesirable results such as alienation, retribution, and ultimately job termination. A careful and critical consideration of outcomes and repercussions must take place as educational leaders endeavor to advocate equity for Black teachers in school environments, in addition to a commitment to the tenacity required to achieve the long and arduous task. TL affirms the need for equity in every educational environment, which entails the development of practice that aware of and responsive to issues of inequity (Nevarez, Wood, & Penrose, 2013).
Transformative leaders must be visionary, learning, structural, cultural, and political leaders (Jahan, 2000; Kose, 2009). The vision, dedication, and hard work of transformative educational leaders is critical if California is to actualize educational environments that attract and retain Black teachers. Furthermore, this vision must be articulated through a unified “mission, objective, and function” to be implemented within school environments (Nevarez, Wood, & Penrose, 2013, p. 145). This can be accomplished through the development of initiatives to eliminate the risk factors that lead to attrition and strategic policies designed to protect the retention of Black educators. 215
The study of Black teacher retention is transformative in that it engages
communication and dialogue with Black teachers themselves in order to generate
accurate understandings of their realities. The integration of traditionally marginalized
voices provides the experiential knowledge that is used to identify the factors that lead to
inequities that affect them. The act of reflection is a critical component in the process of
impacting the reparative justice and institutional change required to retain Black teachers.
Transformative leadership promotes structural change; therefore, it focuses on the
development of the structural processes and materials required to carry out that change.
Accordingly, a transformative leader is someone who has the potential to “guide, direct,
and influence others to bring about a fundamental change, change not only of the external
world, but also of internal processes” (Jahan, 2000, p. 2). Identifying the specific organizational processes and materials that impact Black teachers negatively enables transformative leaders to create new policies that clearly define the actions and structure needed to remedy them.
Nevarez, Wood, & Penrose (2013) affirm that TL involves an awareness and respect for culture and diversity. Transformative educational leaders are in tune with their own personal biases and worldviews as well as those of their faculties, and seek to challenge oppressive thoughts and actions. This is an important element in addressing discriminatory workplace conditions; transformative administrations and faculties have to engage in the confrontation of conscious and unconscious prejudices and beliefs that negatively impact Black teachers. This also includes a recognition of microaggressions, or the subtle ways that school workplace environments might be discriminatory or 216
perceived as discriminatory towards Black teachers. The effort to increase the diversity
of California’s teaching force by retaining Black educators is a main priority in a
transformative environment.
In order to actualize organizational change for Black teachers, transformative
leaders must be knowledgeable of the crucial political role that they must enact. This
entails the involvement and coordination of key stakeholders who will be critical in
helping foster the new policies and practices necessary to eliminate discriminatory
practices from the school environment (Nevarez, Wood, & Penrose, 2013). Keeping in
mind that interest convergence as recognized in CRT plays a large role in educational
institutions committing themselves to actualize change, transformative educational
leaders must possess the ability to read a situation and anticipate the opportune moments
to act so as to maximize the desired results. Transformative leadership theory argues that
within a global economy, already privileged populations disproportionately benefit from
economic opportunity and growth. This phenomenon is apparent in diversity gap of
California’s teaching force, thus demanding the creation and implementation of new
policies that promote and protect equity for marginalized Black teachers.
In an analysis conducted at Columbia University, Jahan (2000) challenged
traditional male-dominated leadership paradigms by highlighting an alternative view of
TL that is founded in a feminist view of leadership. Examples of women’s leadership
styles include such attributes as “the capacity to ‘empower’ and ‘service’ others, ‘co-
operation’, ‘consultation’, ‘sharing’, ‘consensus-building’, (Jahan, 2000, p. 3). See Table
43. 217
Table 43
Characteristics of Transformative Leadership A. Vision and Commitment B. Institutional Behavior · Equality · Participatory · Equity · Egalitarian · Empowerment · Responsive · Human rights · Transparent · Peace · Accountable · Sustainability · Non-corrupt · Shared power, responsibility, · Consensus-oriented well-being · Empowering (Jahan, 2000)
Jahan’s study identified various examples of women’s movements to highlight the specific characteristics of transformative leadership that led to successful change throughout the world. Of particular importance was the need for transformative leaders to possess innovative vision and dedication to the struggle for equity and empowerment
(Jahan, 2000). The potential for such theory to impact the professional experiences of
Black educators is profound as it necessitates a reconsideration and deconstruction of existing practices and mind states. In order to improve educational environments so that
Black teachers will want to remain in the profession, existing administrations and faculties “need to be committed to use power not as an instrument of domination and exclusion, but as an instrument of liberation, inclusion, and equality” (Jahan, 2000, p. 3).
Transformative leadership rejects the notion that competition for power should govern an organization and places a high emphasis on the principles of equity, human rights, sharing power, responsibility, and well-being (Jahan, 2000). Workplaces that exemplify these qualities must also uphold participatory, accountable non-corrupt, 218
consensus-oriented practice in order to empower their faculties (Jahan, 2000). The ultimate goal of TL is a social order that is based on new institutional policies and practices. These new policies must involve the consistent participation and voice of the people; in schools, these policies would necessitate the input of the faculty that are impacted by inequity. Transformative educational leaders would be held accountable for ensuring that the behavior of the people in their organizations is non-corrupt and inclusive. Within a TL paradigm, power is used as a source of liberation and not domination (Jahan, 2000). Traditional administrative structures in schools would shift from authoritative and controlling entities into organizations that are concerned with and that promote involvement of the diverse faculties they serve. Transformative school environments welcome and support diversity as an asset and aims to break down fear and misunderstanding of culture and race. See Table 44.
Table 44
Traditional Politics Transformative Politics Values Values · Power as domination · Power as liberation · Win/Loss · Win/Win · Conflict and war · Peace and co-existence · Authoritative control · Stewardship and service · Homogeneity · Diversity Processes Processes · Top down · Participatory · Secretive · Transparent · Corrupt · Clean · Burdensome · Empowering · Selective · Inclusive Institutions Institutions · Hierarchical · Egalitarian · Autocratic · Accountable · Bureaucratic · Responsive The feminist vision of transformative politics. (Jahan, 2000) 219
There are several obstacles to transformative change including: resistance from
dominant groups; cooptation; and weaknesses in transformative organizations (Jahan,
2000). Initiating transformative change in school environments requires restructuring a
system that has been controlled by dominant groups who will not be willing to succumb
to changes or relinquish their power.
Another challenge of transformative educational leaders has to do with
fragmentation and organizational weaknesses of change groups (Jahan, 2000). Small
group size and decentralization often lead to inconsistent meeting and lack of cohesion
among people fighting for change. Despite such obstacles, however, it will be the dedication, fortitude, and perseverance of transformative educational leaders that can lead to meaningful and lasting change in school environments for Black teachers. As Jahan
(2000) affirmed, “The prospects of transformation depend on how each one of us will define our own responsibility and commit ourselves to a long-term struggle without
calculating short run victories” (p. 13).
Vested interests of dominant groups
Transformati Problems of ve Leadership co-optation
Weakness and fragmentation of pro- transformation organizations
Figure 23. Barriers to transformative leadership (Jahan, 2000) 220
While the problem of Black teacher retention can be explained in large part
through the lens of Critical Race Theory and Organizational Culture Theory, potential solutions are presented through an application of Transformative Leadership Theory.
TLT presents an equity and justice based standard of practice that school administrations can integrate into their school cultures to develop more inclusive and supportive
environments. School administrations should be evaluated through Transformative
Leadership rubrics to gauge their capacity to implement School administrators can
embrace TLT by: being open to dialogue and communication with staff about racial and
cultural issues; bringing in professionals who can help staff navigate these difficult
waters; providing teachers with cultural and material resources; supporting Black
teachers by listening to their concerns; recognizing their hard work; integrating the ideas, expertise, and theory of Black educators into the culture of their schools.
The following surveys were designed for application by schools to evaluate and
assess the presence of Transformative Leadership Characteristics in their administrations
and school environments. See Tables 45 and Table 46.
221
Table 45
TRANSFORMATIVE LEADERSHIP Never Sometimes Always ADMINISTRATOR CHART 1 2 3 4 5 Equality: Administration promotes equality for teachers, students, and parents Equity: Administration promotes equity for teachers, students and parents Empowerment: Administration empowers teachers, students, and parents Human rights: Administration promotes human rights for teachers, students, and parents Peace: Administration instills peace among teachers, students, and parents Sustainability: Administration promotes sustainability for teachers, students, and parents Shared power: Administration shares power and responsibility with teachers, students, and parents Well-being: Administration supports the well-being of teachers, students, and parents
222
Table 46
TRANSFORMATIVE LEADERSHIP: Never Sometimes Always SCHOOL CHART 1 2 3 4 5 Participatory: School promotes participation and is inclusive of teachers, students, and parents Egalitarian: School promotes egalitarian practices with teachers, students, and parents Responsive: School is responsive to the needs of teachers, students, and parents Transparency: Policies and practices are transparent for teachers, students, and parents Accountable: School is accountable to teachers, students, and parents Non-Corrupt: School policies and practices are seen as non- corrupt by teachers, students, and parents Consensus-Oriented: Key decisions involve the consensus of teachers, students, and parents Empowering · Schools promote the empowerment of teachers, students, and parents
223
Figure 24 presents a model of the connections between administrators as transformative leaders, liberatory workplace environment, and Black teacher retention.
Administrators
as Transformative Leaders Liberatory Workplace Environment Support and Recognition Shared Power
Racial/Cultural Competency
Black Teacher Dialogue Retention
Autonomy
Empowerment
Respect
Figure 24. Black teacher retention model.
224
Summary
The purpose of this study was to examine the workplace factors that support or
inhibit Black teacher retention and to identity solutions to keep them in the profession.
While the issue of teacher retention is the focus of much research, quantitative research
examining the specific workplace factors that impact the retention of Black teachers is
less available. This study’s findings support that Black K12 teachers have positive
impacts on many aspects of student success; educational organizations and school
districts throughout the nation must invest in efforts to sustain this teaching force. I propose that America can benefit from data that specifically identifies the factors that promote Black teacher retention.
Limitations
While the study produced findings that can be used to help school districts, school
boards, and school administrations identify strategies that increase the retention of their
Black teacher populations, there are certain limitations of the research that must be
acknowledged. First and foremost, as Black/Latina woman who has taught in urban high
schools for the past 13 years, I have a particularly critical perception of the American
school system. While my knowledge and expertise served to inform various aspects of the
study, it may have introduced bias, as my experiences were often tainted by negative
interactions with school administrations and systems and overshadowed by overt and
covert racism. 225
Another limitation of the study was that the qualitative research included the responses
of a small number of teachers (10) and a relatively small number of survey participants
(98). This small sample of teacher input may not reflect the experiences of the Black K12
teaching force in America as a whole. The majority of interview participants and all of the
survey participants were practicing teachers who have been in the profession for various
numbers of years; however, assessing an accurate understanding of the reasons Black K12
teachers leave the profession entails having to interview those teachers who have left. The
researcher did not have access or time to seek out those former teachers. Future studies
should seek out those teachers who have left the profession to identify their perceptions
and experiences in American schools.
All 10 of the interview participants and the majority (51%) of the survey
participants were teachers in California. While the survey was sent to teachers,
administrators, and superintendents throughout the nation as a whole, the research did not
present equal representation of teachers from every state. Future studies should extend the
research to teachers from each state to obtain a more comprehensive understanding of the
factors that impact Black teachers’ desire to remain in the profession.
Another considerable limitation of the study was time; the timespan of the data
collection covered approximately one month (5 weeks) of teacher interviews and online survey administration. If given more time, the researcher would have inevitably conducted more interviews and collected more survey responses from Black teachers, increasing the levels of validity and potentially making it possible to conduct random sampling.
226
Implications
As America enters into increasingly more conservative times, the heralding of
White supremacy in political, social, economic, and educational institutions becomes disturbingly more apparent. The Eurocentric psychological stronghold that controls the nation’s K12 school system is gearing up its defense and resistance against culture and change. Hence, efforts made to preserve and grow the Black K12 teaching force are now more important than ever. The marginalization of Black teachers in the American teaching force is dangerous and detrimental for many reasons. It mitigates Black voice, philosophy, and theory, and diminishes their opposition and resistance to very real injustices that are taking place in education to this day. The dearth of the Black teaching population has serious implications for the nation and its schools, students, communities.
The displacement of Black teachers from schools is damaging to the education and lives of Black students. Black teachers have the potential to be the buffer that protects Black students against racism within educational environments. They have the power to redirect many Black students from the “pipeline to prison” phenomenon, from dropping out, and from the degradation to lower ranks to society. They set examples for
Black students that they can be teachers too. Black teachers are perhaps the greatest
advocates for not only Black students, but other students of color as well.
Black K12 teacher retention has critical implications for the achievement gap.
Black teachers’ success with Black and Brown students is proven to impact grades, academic progress, and test scores. Gershenson, et al. (2017) suggested that a teacher’s race is “a useful predictor of teachers’ abilities to reduce demographic gaps in 227
educational achievement” (p. 2). The influence of just one Black teacher in grades 3-5
reduced Black students’ dropout rates, and reduced Black males’ dropout rates to 39%
(Gershenson, et al., 2017). This has the potential to directly impact college readiness,
enrollment, and success.
Black teachers continue to represent the bridge and link between the community
and the school. They serve as much more than just teachers to students in the classroom;
Black teachers are extended family, resource specialists, and support systems for parents
as well. Their marginalization disrupts the connections between schools and communities, and has the potential to effectively sever the community from the school educational institutions. Schools as the heart of the community have always been an integral part of the success of Black people in America. The fragmenting of the Black
community as a result of school desegregation and the ensuing degeneration of Black
education that followed is the greatest example of the importance of keeping schools
welcome and involving of the Black community. The displacement of Black teachers has
implications for the economic wellbeing of Black population as well. Education has been
a viable, sustaining, and rewarding career option for Black people for more than a
century. Negative impressions of the profession repel many potentially brilliant Black
educators from remaining in or entering the field.
While the retention of Black teachers has strong implications for Black students
and communities, it has tremendous implications for the nation as a whole (Delpit, 2012;
Gershenson, 2017). Black teachers bring an energy to the nation’s schools that offers a
fresh counter perspective to the outdated, racist, oppressive, and often inaccurate master 228
narrative. Their attention to liberational pedagogy, human rights, and the power and
beauty of culture enlightens not only Black students but all students.
Recommendations
Chapter 6 includes a list of recommendations to federal, state, district, and local schools as advice on processes and strategies shown to impact Black K12 teacher retention positively. Educational organizations on all levels should be held accountable for efforts towards retaining Black teachers. Federal educational entities must prioritize data collection to assess the demographic characteristics of the nation’s teachers, particularly in regards to the number of students of color. Keeping current and accurate tabs on teacher diversity is critical. Federal educational organizations must also assess the actual rates and costs of teacher attrition. Investment of time, money, and resources to efforts proven to improve teacher retention (teacher induction programs, training, financial incentives, etc.) follow accordingly. See Table 47.
Educational organizations on the state level are also highly responsible in the effort to retain Black teachers. Their responsibilities mirror federal obligations to collect critical data and invest money on teacher training and teacher induction programs. States
should be directly responsible for evaluating and restructuring teacher credentialing
programs to ensure that teacher training includes cultural competency and
Transformational Leadership standards. They must determine methods of school and
administrator evaluations to ensure that schools are being led by not only professionally
qualified, but ethically qualified individuals as well. State departments of education
should also allocate and/or reallocate funding towards financial incentives for Black 229
teachers such as loan forgiveness, discounted or free teacher tests and training programs, and well-being programs. The state must make Ethnic Studies a requirement in K12 schools and integrate humanism and morality as key CCSS. See Table 48.
Table 47
Recommendations for Federal Educational Organizations
1) Collection of national data on teacher and student diversity.
2) Analysis and assessment of national teacher attrition rates and costs
3) Reallocation of funding towards teacher retention
4) Investment in Teacher Retention Strategies (including teacher induction programs, teacher mentors and helpers, and professional development) 5) Investment in Black teacher recruitment
6) Investment in teacher of color recruitment
7) Investment in funding for credentialing students of color
8) Restructuring teacher credentialing programs and processes for effectiveness
10) Establishing more effective and accessible loan forgiveness programs for credentialing students
11) Establishing more effective and accessible loan forgiveness programs for credentialing students
12) Investigation of teacher and student claims of overt and covert racism in schools
13) Prioritizing the decolonization of educational curriculum throughout the nation
14) Mandating Cultural Competency and Responsiveness a Credentialing Requirement
15) Mandating annual Cultural Competency Training as a requirement for administrators and teachers
16) Integrating morality, altruism, and humanism as expectations of Common Core State Standards (CCSS) goals and values.
230
Table 48
Recommendations for State Educational Organizations
1) Collection of state data on teacher and student diversity.
2) Analysis and assessment of state teacher attrition rates and costs
3) Reallocation of funding towards teacher retention
4) Investment in Teacher Retention Strategies (including teacher induction programs, teacher mentors and helpers, and professional development) 5) Investment in Black teacher recruitment
6) Investment in teacher of color recruitment
7) Investment in funding for credentialing students of color
8) Restructuring teacher credentialing programs and processes for effectiveness
9) Establishing more effective and accessible loan forgiveness programs for credentialing students
10) Establishing more effective and accessible loan forgiveness programs for credentialing students
11) Investigation of teacher and student claims of overt and covert racism in schools
12) Prioritizing the decolonization of educational curriculum throughout the nation
13) Mandating Cultural Competency and Responsiveness a Credentialing Requirement
14) Mandating annual Cultural Competency Training as a requirement for administrators and teachers
15) Integrating morality, altruism, and humanism as expectations of Common Core State Standards (CCSS) goals and values.
231
Offices of Education and school districts have tremendous accountability towards
the retention of their Black teaching force. They must enhance the cultural competency
and responsiveness of their schools, create career pathways programs to boost upward
mobility and salary increases for Black K12 teachers, and influence their schools to
promote teaching as a career as early as elementary school.
Table 49
Recommendations for Offices of Education and School Districts
1) Annual collection of district data on teacher and student diversity
2) Investigation and assessment of district teacher attrition rates and costs
3) Reallocation of funding and investment in teacher retention strategies (including teacher induction programs, teacher mentors and helpers, and professional development)
5) Investment in Black teacher/teacher of color recruitment and funding for credentialing students of color
6) Investment in teacher wellness programs
7) Developing and Implementing Career Pathway programs/planning and Black teacher support groups
8) Monitoring the specific placement of Black students with Black teachers
9) Investigation of teacher and student claims of overt and covert racism in schools
10) Prioritizing the decolonization of educational curriculum throughout the nation
11) Developing young teacher programs on all K12 levels
12) Mandating Cultural Competency and Responsiveness a Credentialing and PD requirement
14) Integrating morality, altruism, and humanism as expectations of Common Core State Standards (CCSS) goals and values.
15) Establishing free school/community events to promote relationship building 232
School administrators have the most direct influence over the retention of Black
teachers. Their responsibilities are predominantly based on investment of time, energy,
and resources towards ensuring that school culture is supportive, inclusive, and respectful
of Black teachers and students. In elementary, students should be encouraged to tutor,
and in middle and high school students should have access to future teacher clubs. Most
importantly, school admin must ensure that Black students, especially Black male
students, are placed with Black teachers for at least one year during 3-5th grade.
Table 50
Recommendations for School Administrators
1) Analysis and assessment of school teacher attrition rates and costs
2) Reallocation of funding and investment (time/energy/money) in Teacher Retention Strategies (including teacher induction programs, teacher mentors and helpers, and professional development)
3) Investment in Black teacher and other teacher of color recruitment and credentialing incentives
4) Investment in teacher wellness programs
5) Investigation of teacher and student claims of overt and covert racism in schools
6) Prioritizing the decolonization of school curriculum
7) Mandating annual Cultural Competency Training for administrators and teachers
8) Integrating morality, altruism, and humanism as expectations of Common Core State Standards (CCSS) goals and values.
9) Establishing free school/community events to promote relationship building
10) Developing and implementing young teacher clubs and/or programs on all K12 levels 233
Future Research
The difficulty in obtaining an accurate assessment of the reasons why Black teachers leave the profession is complicated by the challenge presented in locating, interviewing, and/or surveying those who have left. There is an opportunity for future research to gain information from Black K12 teachers who have left the profession about the factors which drove them out. Future research should also:
1) Investigate the impact of cultural competency training in credentialing programs
on administrator characteristics.
2) Examine the differences between Black female and male K12 teacher experiences
to further determine the impact of gender on retention rates. Does gender play a
role in the ways that Black female or male teachers perceive they are treated in
school environments? A specific study of Black male teachers may increase
understanding on their retention rates. Moreover, a study of Black male teachers
and college students and may shed light on the reasons why so few choose to
enter the profession.
3) Determine the impact of administration and school culture on teachers of color in
general. Data must be collected from K12 teachers of color to identify the factors
that impact their decisions to remain in profession and to compare the results with
the study of Black K12 teachers.
4) Investigate an application of Transformative Leadership training for
administrators to identify its impact on school culture, teacher retention, and
student outcomes. 234
5) Evaluate credentialing programs to determine outdated systems and processing
for credentialing teachers, to assess their inclusion of culturally competency and
responsive courses for incoming teachers.
6) Investigate the evidence of “teacher displacement”, or the systematic removal of
Black teachers from schools under the premise of school reform.
Researcher’s Note
As a teacher of Black and Puerto Rican descent who has been teaching for 13 years, and working with children for more than 28, the experiences of Black educators are of great significance and concern to me. Having personally experienced the complexities and injustices of power, equity, race, and culture in American schools, I chose to examine Black teacher retention in an effort to describe, analyze, and challenge the issue. I frequently found it difficult to refrain from expressing my own personal stories with the strong and profound participants in the research. Our stories are frustrating and heartbreaking, yet affirming, empowering, and critical to share.
In this study, the term “Black teachers” connotes a collective group, however it is important to understand that on individual levels Black teachers hold vastly differing experiences, worldviews, and perceptions. The assumption that all Black teachers possess a collective agenda in education is erroneous. Culture, upbringing, socioeconomic status, birthplace, religion, marital status, sexual orientation, etc. all play into the intricate culmination of an individual. One participant mentioned his disdain for the usage of the term “diversity” as catch all phrase that fails to identify the very specific 235
and critical differences among a group of people. The definition of diversity is certainly oversimplified in its predominant application to race alone. The diversity within the ethnic group referred to as “Black” is infinite within; I would argue the same for any racial or ethnic group.
It is most important to note that the concepts of race, ethnicity, and culture are complex and difficult concepts to define (Bell, 1989). Accordingly, it is extremely hard if not impossible to categorize Black teachers as collectively thinking or behaving in a specific way. We possess an evolving and infinite spectrum of beliefs, experiences, culture, faith, motives, and goals. For example, while the majority of the teachers strongly agreed that helping Black students was a factor in their decision to enter the profession, it cannot be assumed that every Black teacher wants the burden of uplifting the people or views teaching as a liberatory act. Although the voices of resistance and militancy shone through in several cases, the majority of the participants do not consider themselves radical. This point might be part of the problem; to be radical is to challenge the system, and to challenge the system is to put yourself and your career at risk.
That the majority of Black teachers might fail to critique the American educational system as it stands, with its’ ensuing inequities, everlasting achievement gap, and blatant discrimination, is troubling. Several of the participants mentioned that even when they work in schools with other Black colleagues, they are often the only one on site with a passion for justice and change. Differences in philosophy and motive for teaching often divide the already small and fragmented groups of Black K12 teachers within the nation’s schools. The fragmentation and decentralization of the Black 236
teaching force exacerbates the ability to organize and form a collective mission to
demand and enact change.
The journey of this study has been liberating and reassuring, yet disturbing and
frustrating at the same time. It is disturbing to hear my sisters and brothers reiterate
experiences of racism and discrimination that continue to take place in American schools.
Furthermore, it is more than frustrating to know that these experiences are widespread
and common. It is disheartening to know that so many people who work in the schools of
our “progressive” country are capable of hampering Black teacher success. While too
many administrators exhibit oppressive characteristics, however, I attest that there are
indeed positive and inspiring educational leaders working hard every day. I recognize,
appreciate, and respect the efforts of Latino, Native American, Asian, Polynesian, Middle
Eastern, European, and other teachers and administrators who dedicate their lives to
authentically and conscientiously empower Black teachers and students. They too save
lives every day. Just as it is inaccurate to assume that there is a collective “Black
agenda” adhered to by all Black K12 teachers in American schools, the same stands for
White (and other) administrators and teachers. White administrators and teachers who genuinely stand as allies and comrades in the war against Black and other underrepresented students are neither the cause, nor the problem in the demographic gap for Black teachers.
The hope of this study exists in Black teachers’ representation of liberation and
humanism practice in the midst of oppression and inequity. The reflections of Black
educators who stand up against injustice even in the face of job termination, who stop at 237
nothing to advocate children’s wellbeing and rights, and who stay committed to their
students against all odds, validate and justify this body of work. This study stands as
testimony and evidence of the ongoing resistance against oppression in American culture.
It presents an offering of a solution towards the humanization of a dehumanized
institution.
“Education Reparation” means giving back to Black teachers, students, families,
and communities what has been systematically deconstructed and destroyed since the 18th
century. The major challenge of reparations is making sure that America’s educational
system and its schools look and act nothing like they have in the past. Delpit (2012)
asserted
“If we are serious about democracy, if we are serious about providing equal
opportunity for all citizens, if we are serious about equity and injustice, then we
have to undo any model that obliquely serves to replicate a racist past” (p.119).
The minimalizing of the Black teaching force in the nation’s K12 schools is an
exemplar of America’s resistance to Black education since the Slavery Code of 1740
which punished Black teachers and students with death (Rasmussen, 2010). It evokes the
sentiment of the Virginia Revised Code of 1819 which considered Black schools as
“unlawful assembly” subject to terrible punishment (Ritchie, 1819). It reignites the White supremacist eugenics movement of the early 20th century on which our school system
began to promote intelligence as character trait deemed by race (Dorling & Tomlinson,
2016). It revives the oppression of Jim Crow laws that subjected Black teachers and
students to disgraceful educational discrepancies and inequities (Larson, 2016). It brings 238
back the cruelty of Indian boarding schools built by the nation to capture and “break the
Indian” in thousands of indigenous children and to assimilate them into Eurocentric culture and life (Johnston-Goodstar, & VeLure Roholt, 2017). It is reminiscent of the dismantling of Black schools and educators through the guise of civil rights and progress
(Delpit, 2012). The marginalization and displacement of the Black teacher’s power in
2017 is yet another example in the 277-year continuum of racism in American education.
I find it detestable that the struggle for human and civil rights in America is ever alive and ever growing in 2017. That inequities based on race and socioeconomic status continue to permeate our education system, perpetuate the achievement gap, and relegate the nation’s students of color to lower life outcomes, is unacceptable. There are deep issues needing confrontation in order to rid our schools of racist and oppressive ideology and practice. There is much work to do. This entails paying Black teachers back, both literally and figuratively, for the wrongs that have been committed in the name of racism and injustice throughout centuries of education in American history. Derrick Bell (1992) stated that “At the point we are determined to resist our oppression, we are triumphant”.
It is the greatest honor to offer my contribution to the resistance. With a humble heart I pray that I too, in the footsteps of my foremothers and forefathers, am doing something for the betterment of humanity.
239
APPENDICES
Appendix A
Interview Consent Form
My name is Malika Hollinside, and I am an EDD student at California State University, Sacramento in the Doctorate of Educational Leadership program. I am inviting you to participate in a research study which will involve the interviews and surveys of Black teachers in America’s K12 schools. The purpose of this study is to gain insight to Black teacher experiences in schools and to illuminate the organizational/workplace conditions that influence Black teachers’ decisions to leave or remain in the profession.
If you decide to participate, you will be asked to be interviewed. Your participation in the interview of the study will take approximately 1-1.5 hours. Risks associated with this study are not anticipated to be greater than those risks encountered in daily life.
Your participation in this project is voluntary. You have the right not to participate at all or to leave the study at any time without penalty or loss of benefits to which you may otherwise be entitled. Should you decide to withdraw from the interview, all electronic recordings will be deleted and all transcribed data will be shredded and destroyed.
Interview participants will receive $5 gift cards in appreciation of your time and participation.
Any information obtained in connection with this study that can be identified with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your permission. As the researcher, I will take the following measures to ensure your confidentiality: I will be the only one who can identify the responses of individual subjects; and I will make every effort to prevent anyone outside of the project from connecting individual subjects with their responses. As the researcher, I will take the following measures to ensure your anonymity: the study will not collect identifying information of your name, address, Email address, etc.; the study will not link your responses with your identity.
The physical data obtained in this study will be maintained in a safe, locked location for a period of 3 years after the study is completed in May, 2017. All physical data will be destroyed by shredding by May, 2020.
If you have any questions about the research at any time, please contact Malika Hollinside or Dr. Lisa Romero. If you have any questions about your rights as a participant in a research project please call the Office of Research Affairs, California State University, Sacramento. 240
Appendix B
Survey Participant Form
My name is Malika Hollinside, and I am an EDD student at California State University, Sacramento in the Doctorate of Educational Leadership program. I am inviting you to participate in a research study which will involve the interviews and online surveys of Black teachers in America’s K12 schools. The purpose of this study is to gain insight to Black teacher experiences in schools and to illuminate the organizational/workplace conditions that influence their decisions to leave or remain in the profession.
If you decide to participate, you will be surveyed online. Your participation in the online survey will take approximately 10-15 minutes. Risks associated with this study are not anticipated to be greater than those risks encountered in daily life.
Your participation in this project is voluntary. You have the right not to participate at all or to leave the study at any time without penalty or loss of benefits to which you may otherwise be entitled. If you are participating in the online survey, you have the right to stop and option out of responding at any point. Because the online survey is anonymous, however, it will be impossible to extract and delete a participant’s responses once they have been submitted.
Any information obtained in connection with this study that can be identified with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your permission. As the researcher, I will take the following measures to ensure your confidentiality: I will be the only one who can identify the responses of individual subjects; and I will make every effort to prevent anyone outside of the project from connecting individual subjects with their responses. As the researcher, I will take the following measures to ensure your anonymity: the study will not collect identifying information of your name, address, Email address, etc.; the study will not link your responses with your identity.
The electronic data obtained in this study will be stored on a hard drive and protected by passwords and safety code for a period of 3 years after the study is completed in May, 2017. All electronic data will be deleted by May, 2020.
If you have any questions about the research at any time, please contact Malika Hollinside or Dr. Lisa Romero. If you have any questions about your rights as a participant in a research project please call the Office of Research Affairs, California State University, Sacramento.
Your participation in this study indicates that you have read and understand the information provided above. 241
Appendix C
Qualitative Research Interview Questions
1) What factors influenced your decision to become a teacher?
2) What do you like best/least about teaching?
3) How are you treated by your school administration and colleagues?
4) How does your racial/ethnic identity factor into your experience as a teacher?
5) What support systems, if any, help you as a Black teacher?
6) What obstacles, if any, hamper you as a Black teacher?
7) What factors influence your decision to remain in the profession?
8) What factors influence your desire to leave the profession?
9) What advice would you offer to schools who wish to retain their Black teacher
population?
242
Appendix D
Survey Questions
Q1 - What is your gender? Female/Male/Other
Q2 – What is your age?
Q3 - What is your ethnicity? (Black, Latino, Asian, Native American, Pacific Islander,
White, Mixed-Race, Other)
Q4 – What is your current professional status?
Q5 - Number of years in teaching profession?
Q6 - Highest Degree Earned?
Q7 - Are you currently pursuing a higher degree? (Y/N)
Q8 - Type of Credential Held? (choose all that apply)
Q9 - Type of School? (Public/Charter/Private)
Q10 - Grade Level of School? (Elementary/Middle/High)
Q11 - Location of School? (Urban/Suburban/Rural)
Q12 - What state is the school located in?
Q13 - How many schools have you taught in?
Q14 - Number of Students at Your School? 243
Q15 - Percentage of Students of Color at Your School? (Black, Latino, Asian, Native
American, Pacific Islander)
Q16 - Percentage of Teachers of Color at Your School? (Black, Latino, Asian, Native
American, Pacific Islander)
Q17 - Percentage of Black/African American Teachers at Your School?
Q18 - Percentage of School Administrators of Color at Your School? (Black, Latino,
Asian, Native American, Pacific Islander)
Q19 - Percentage of Black/African American Administrators at Your School?
Q20 - Percentage of English Language Learners (ELL's) at Your School?
Q21 - Percentage of Students with Individual Educational Plans (IEP's) at Your School?
Q22 - Percentage of Low Income Students at Your School?
Q23 - Intentions for Teaching?
Q24 - As a teacher, I have moved from one school/district to another as a result of organizational/workplace conditions in my school. (Y/N)
Q25 - As a teacher, I have considered leaving the profession as a result of organizational/workplace conditions at my school. (Y/N)
Q26 - I have left the teaching profession as a result of organizational/workplace conditions in my school. (Y/N) 244
Q27 - I have been pink-slipped from a teaching position. (Y/N)
Q28 - I have been fired from a teaching position. (Y/N)
Q29 - If you could go back to your college days and start over again, would you become a teacher or not? (Y/N/Maybe)
Q30 - If you are currently teaching, how long do you plan to remain in the profession?
Q31 - I would encourage Black college students to enter the teaching profession. (Y/N)
Q32 - How do you feel about the type of interaction and relationship you have/had with your school administration?
a) I am/was supported my school administration (attention, help, and praise from principal, vice principal, site director, etc.). b) I am/was intimidated by my school administration. (pressure to perform, fear of job security, disciplinary threat). c) I am/was recognized by my school administration for my professionalism and expertise. d) I am/was micro-managed by my school administration. Q33 - As a teacher, how much influence do/did you have during decision making processes in the school?
a) Decisions about curriculum and instruction. b) Decisions about performance standards and student outcomes. c) Decisions about student discipline issues and policy. d) Decisions about staff/faculty professional development. e) Decisions about implementing cultural or alternative pedagogy. Q34 - As a teacher, do/did you have opportunities for upward mobility in the school?
a) My school provides/provided opportunities to enhance my upward mobility as a teacher. b) I have/had the opportunity to earn a specialist position in my school. c) My school provides/provided me with professional development that supports my career growth. d) My salary reflects/reflected the years of experience that I have as a teacher.
245
Q35 - How does/did your sense of self and cultural identity impact you as a teacher?
a) I feel as if I have/had to change my cultural styles of speaking, behaving, and dressing when around majority groups at my school. b) I feel as if I have/had to down-play my cultural ways of speaking, dressing, and behaving at my school. c) My sense of self-identity and culture protects/protected me from negative organizational/workplace conditions. d) My cultural identity affects/affected my reputation positively at my school. e) My cultural identity affects/affected my relationships positively at my school. d) My self-empowerment protects/protected me from negative organizational/workplace conditions. e) I feel/felt strengthened by other Black teachers and faculty at my school. Q36 - How attentive is/was your school administration and faculty to issues of race, racism, and culture?
a) The administration at my school engages/engaged with teachers in open dialogue about issues of race. b) The faculty at my school engages/engaged with other teachers in open dialogue about issues of race. c) My school provides/provided opportunities for professional development in cultural responsiveness. d) My school creates/created and enacts policy that supports cultural responsiveness. e) The ethnic diversity of my administration and faculty reflects/reflected the ethnic diversity of the students. f) The administration effectively addresses/addressed and solves issues of racism. Q37 - How do/did you feel about the safety and resources of your school?
a) The student discipline policy at my school is/was effective. b) The faculty and students are/were safe at my school. c) My school has/had the resources necessary to support student success. Q38 - As a teacher, do you feel as if you are/were treated differently because of your race/ethnicity/culture?
a) I feel as if I have to prove my professional qualifications to my administration/colleagues. b) I have been suspected of being hired/promoted as a result of racial quotas and/or Affirmative Action programs. c) I have been suspected/accused of favoring Black students. d) I am expected to be the expert on Black students and Black culture in my school. e) I am seen as a radical in my school.
246
Q39 - As a teacher, are/were you impacted by racism or discrimination toward yourself or others in your school?
a) I have personally experienced overt racism or racial discrimination at my school. b) I have personally experienced covert racism or racial discrimination at my school. c) I have witnessed colleagues who have experienced racism or racial discrimination at my school. d) I have witnessed students who have experienced racism or racial discrimination at my school. Q40 - As a teacher, are/were you impacted by the ways in which you might stand out at work because of racial/ethnic/cultural differences?
a) I experience/experienced higher levels of scrutiny from my administration and colleagues than non-Black teachers. b) I have experienced fear or intimidation on behalf of the administration or colleagues at my school. c) I feel/felt as if my administration and/or colleagues have tried to sabotage me professionally at my school. d) I feel/felt as if my administration and/or colleagues possess negative or inaccurate stereotypes about Black people. Q41 - As a teacher, do/did you feel as if you experience repercussions and/or isolation for expressing yourself culturally, religiously, or radically?
a) I feel/felt the need to isolate myself from others at my school. b) I have faced repercussions for my speech, behavior, and/or instruction. c) I have received disciplinary warnings from the administration at my school. d) I have faced disciplinary action from the administration at my school. Q42 - Do/did you feel as if your school’s practice and policy aligns with the racial and cultural needs of the students and teachers?
a) The curriculum/pedagogy at my school is/was effective for diverse student populations. b) My administration and colleagues respect/respected and value cultural diversity. c) School policies are/were effective for students from diverse cultures. d) My school is/was effective in supporting and connecting with students and families from diverse cultures.
247
Q43 - To what extent do you or would you have agreed or disagreed with each of the following statements?
a. The stress and disappointments involved in teaching at my school aren’t/weren't really worth it. b. The teachers at my school like/liked being here; I would describe us as a satisfied group. c. I like/liked the way things are run at my school. d. If I could get a higher paying job I’d leave teaching as soon as possible. e. I think/thought about transferring to another school. f. I don’t/didn't seem to have as much enthusiasm as I did when I began teaching. g. I think/thought about staying home from school because I’m just too tired to go. Q44 - If you have ever left a teaching position, indicate the level of importance that each of the following factors played in your decision to leave:
Personal Life Factors a) More convenient job location b) Personal life reasons (e.g., health, pregnancy/childcare, caring for family). c) Retirement benefits. Q45 - If you have ever left a teaching position, indicate the level of importance that each of the following factors played in your decision to leave: Salary and Other Job Benefits Q46 - If you have ever left a teaching position, indicate the level of importance that each of the following factors played in your decision to leave: Job Characteristics g) Job description or assignment (e.g., responsibilities, grade level, or subject area). h) Lack of autonomy over my classroom. i) Large number of students. j) Too many intrusions on my teaching time. k) Workload. Q47 - If you have ever left a teaching position, indicate the level of importance that each of the following factors played in your decision to leave:
School Factors l) Workplace conditions (e.g., facilities, classroom resources, school safety). m) Student discipline problems. n) Issues with administration. o) Lack of influence over school policies and practices p) Lack of opportunity for leadership roles or professional advancement. 248
Q48 - If you have ever left a teaching position, indicate the level of importance that each of the following factors played in your decision to leave:
Student Performance Factors q) The impact of student assessments/school accountability measures on students. r) Compensation, benefits, or rewards were tied to the performance of my students s) Lack of support in preparing my students for student assessments. Q49 - If you would like to add any information or suggestion in regard to the issue of Black K12 teacher retention, please enter your comments in the following box.
249
Appendix E
Correlations of Retention and Workplace Factors
Correlations of Retention and Workplace Factors
RET AR DM MO SA RB RI SC RCN RES RET 1
AR -.573** 1
DM -.347** .589** 1
MO -.549** .618** .549** 1
SA -.550** .502** .333** .509** 1
RB .433** -.570** -.437** -.588** -.479** 1
RI -.474** .538** .433** .613** .537** -.463** 1
SC -.081 .187 .132 .119 .200 .039 .243* 1
RCN -.303** .275** .206* .327** .452** -.422** .509** .201 1
RES -.341** .171 -.043 .231* .583** -.291** .346** .142 .413** 1
RET= Retention AR= Administrative Relationships DM= Decision Making Influence MO= Upward Mobility SA= Safety RB= Racial Bias RI= Racial Issues SC= Self and Cultural Identity RCN= Racial and Cultural Needs RES= Resources
250
Appendix F
Means and Standard Deviations of Retention and Workplace Factors
Means and Standard Deviations of Retention and Workplace Factors Mean Std. Deviation Retention 3.48 1.27 Administrative 4.35 1.20 Relationship Decision Making 2.20 .70 Influence Upward Mobility 3.71 1.18 Safety 4.18 1.26 Racial Bias 3.19 1.40 Racial Issues 2.94 1.39 Self and Cultural Identity 3.71 .93 Racial and Cultural 3.07 1.52 Needs Resources 4.27 1.43
251
REFERENCES
Achinstein, B., Ogawa, R., Sexton, D., and Freitas, C. (2010). Retaining teachers of
color: A pressing problem and a potential strategy for "hard-to-staff" schools.
American Educational Research Association. Review of Educational Research,
Vol. 80, No. 1. pp. 71-107 Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40658446
Allen, A.; Farinde, A., & Lewis, C. (2016). Retaining black teachers: An examination
of black female teachers’ intentions to remain in k-12 classrooms, equity &
excellence in education. 49:1, 115-127, DOI:10.1080/10665684.2015.1120367
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10665684.2015.1120367
Alliance for Excellent Education. (2005). Teacher attrition: A costly loss to the nation
and to the states. Retrieved from:
http://www.all4ed.org/publications/TeacherAttrition.pdf#search=%22alliance
Anderson, James D. (1988). The education of blacks in the south, 1860-1935. Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press.
Baldwin, S. C., Buchanan, A.M. & Rudisill, M.E. (2007). What teacher candidates
learned about diversity, social justice, and themselves from service-learning
experiences. Journal of Teacher Education, 58(4), 315-327.
Barney, J. & Zajak, E. (1994). Competitive organizational behavior. Chichester: Wiley,
Print. 252
Barnes, G., Crowe, E., & Schaefer, B. (2007). The cost of teacher turnover in five
school districts: A pilot study. National Commission on Teaching and
America's Future.
Barnes, M., Germain, E., & Valenzuela, A., (2016). Teach for America's long arc: A
critical race theory textual analysis of Wendy Kopp's works. Education
Policy Analysis Archives, 24(14),
Barton, P. E., & Coley, R. J. (2010). The black-white achievement bap: When progress
stopped. Policy Information Report. Educational Testing Service.
Bell, D. J. (1980). Brown v. Board of education and the interest-convergence dilemma.
Harvard Law Review, 93(3), 518-34.
Bell, D. (1989). And we are not saved: The elusive quest for racial justice. Basic Books.
Bell, D. A. (1992). Racial realism. Connecticut Law Review, 24(2), 363-379.
Bell, D. (1992). Faces at the bottom of the well: The permanence of racism. New York,
NY: Basic Books.
Bennis, W. (1984). Transformative power and leadership. In T. J. Sergiovanni & J. E.
Corbally (Eds.), Leadership and organizational culture: New perspectives on
administrative theory and practice (pp. 64-71). Urbana: University of Illinois
Press.
Berry, T. R., & Candis, M. R. (2013). Cultural identity and education: A critical race
perspective. Educational Foundations, 27(3-4), 43-64. 253
Boe, E.E., Bobbitt, S. A., & Cook, L.H. (1993). Whither didst thou go? Retention,
reassignment, migration, and attrition of special and general education teachers
in national perspective. Paper presented at the Annual Convention of the Council
for Exceptional Children, San Antonio, TX.
Boser, U. (2014). Teacher diversity revisited: A new state-by-state analysis. Center for
American Progress Retrieved from:
https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/race/report/2014/05/04/88962/teacher-
diversity-revisited/
Boser, U. (2011). “Teacher diversity matters: A state-by-state analysis of teachers of
color.” Center for American Progress.
Bouchard, T. J., Jr. (1976). Field research methods: Interviewing, questionnaires,
participant observation, systematic observation, unobtrusive measures. In M. D.
Dunnette (Ed.), Handbook of industrial and organizational psychology: 363–
413. Chicago: Rand McNally.
Campbell, C. J. S., West, J., & Littles, S. (2017). Transformative education and Freire’s
pedagogy of love: A PhD graduate’s experience. Journal of Transformative
Learning.
Carnegie Forum on Education and the Economy, Task Force on Teaching as a
Profession. (1986). A nation prepared: Teachers for the 21st century.
Washington, DC. 254
Carter, R., Coleman, W., Greenberg, J., McNeil, G., & Smith, J. (1998). In tribute:
Charles Hamilton Houston. Harvard Law Review, 111(8), 2149-2179. Retrieved
from http://www.jstor.org/stable/1342456
Casey, L., Di Carlo, M., Bond, B., & Quintero, E. (2015). The state of teacher diversity in
American education. Albert Shanker Institute.
Collins, P.H. (2000). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness and the politics
of empowerment (2nd ed.). New York, NY. Routledge.
Cose, E. (1993). The rage of a privileged class. New York: Harper Perennial.
Cox, T. (1994). Cultural diversity in organizations theory, research, and practice. San
Francisco: Berrett-Koehler Publishers.
Cox, T. H., & Finley-Nickelson, J. (1991). Models of acculturation for
intraorganizational cultural diversity. Canadian Journal of Administrative
Sciences. 8 (2), 90-100.
Creswell, J. (2003). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative and mixed methods
approaches (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications.
Creswell, J.W. (2007). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among
approaches (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Creswell, J. W. (2009). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods
approaches. Los Angeles: Sage. 255
Curry, T. (2008). Philosophical studies in education, v39. p 35-46. (EJ1071987)
Eisenberg, E., & Goodall Jr, H. L. (1993). Organizational communication. New York:
St.
Emdin, C. (2016). For white folks who teach in the hood…and the rest of y’all too.
Boston: Beacon Press.
Foster, M. (1997). Black teachers on teaching. New York: The New Press.
Delgado, R. (1989). Storytelling for oppositionists and others: A plea for
narrative. Michigan Law Review, 87(8), 2411-2441.
Delgado, R., & Stefancic, J. (2012). Critical race theory: An introduction. NYU Press.
Delon, F. G. (1994). The legacy of Thurgood Marshall. Journal of Negro Education,
63(3), 278-88
Delpit, L. (1988). “The silenced dialogue: Power and pedagogy in educating other
people’s children” Harvard Educational Review 58. p. 280.
Delpit, Lisa D. (2012). "Multiplication is for white people": raising expectations for
other people's children. New York: New Press: Distributed by Perseus
Distribution.
Delon, F.G. (1994). The Legacy of Thurgood Marshall. Journal of Negro
Education, 63(3), 278-88. 256
Denzin, N.K. (1978). The research act: A theoretical introduction to sociological
methods. New York: Praeger.
Denzin, N.K., & Lincoln, Y.S. (2005). Introduction: The discipline and practice of
qualitative research. In N.K. Denzin & Y.S. Lincoln (Eds.), The sage handbook
of qualitative research (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Dittmer J. (1980). Black Georgia in the progressive era. Champaign: University of
Illinois Press.
Dorling, D., & Tomlinson, S. (2016). The creation of inequality: Myths of potential and
ability. Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies (JCEPS), 14(3).
Douglass, F., & Garrison, W. L. (1846). Narrative of the life of Frederick Douglass: An
American slave. Wortley, near Leeds: Printed by J. Barker.
Elfers, A. M., Plecki, M. L., & Van Windekens, A. (2017). Understanding teacher
retention and mobility in Washington state.
Egalite, A. J., Kisida, B., & Winters, M. A. (2013). Representation in the classroom: The
effect of own-race/ethnicity teacher assignment on student
achievement. Pridobljeno, 1(9), 2014.
Ethridge, S. (1979). Impact of the 1954 Brown vs. Topeka Board of Education decision
on Black educators. The Negro Educational Review, 30(4), 217-232 257
Fairclough, A. (2006). The costs of Brown: Black teachers and school integration. The
Journal of American History Vol 91, Issue 1. Retrieved from:
http://www.historycooperative.org/journals/jah/91.1/fairclough.html
Farinde, A. A., LeBlanc, J. K., & Otten, A. S. (2015). Pathways to teaching: An
examination of black females' pursuits of careers as k-12 teachers.
Educational Research Quarterly, 38(3), 32-51.
Fetters, M. D. (2016). ‘‘Haven’t we always been doing mixed methods research?’’
Lessons learned from the development of the horseless carriage. Journal of
Mixed Methods Research, 10(1), 3-11.
Force, C. T. (1986). Carnegie forum on education and the economy. A nation prepared: Teachers for the 21st century. New York: Author.
Foster, M. (1997). Black teachers on teaching. New York: The New Press.
Franklin, V. (1973). Historical revisionism and black education. The School
Review, 81(3), 477-486. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/1084475
Gay, G. (2000). Culturally responsive teaching: Theory, research and practice. New
York: Teachers College Press.
Georgia Teachers and Education Association History Committee. (1966). Rising in the
sun: A history of the Georgia teachers’ and education association, 1918-
1966. Atlanta, GA: Harris Specialty Lithographers. 258
Gershenson, S., Hart, C. M.D., Lindsay, C.A., & Papageorge, N.W. (2017). The long-run
impacts of same-race teachers. John Hopkins: Institute of Labor Economics.
Gordon, B. (1990). The necessity of African American epistemology for educational
theory and practice. The Journal of Education, 172(3), 88- 06. Retrieved from
http://www.jstor.org/stable/42742188
Gordon, J. (2000). The color of teaching. New York: Routledge Falmer.
Graham, A., & Erwin, K. D. (2011). "I don't think black men teach because how they get
treated as students": High-achieving African-American boys' perceptions of
teaching as a career African-American teachers and students.” Journal
of Negro Education, 80(3), 398-416. Retrieved from http://web.ebscohost.com
Grissmer, D. W., & Kirby, S. N. (1987). Teacher attrition: The uphill climb to staff the
nation's schools. R-3512-CSTP. The RAND Corp., 1700 Main Street, PO Box
2138, Santa Monica, CA 90406-2138.
Haney López, I., (1994). The social construction of race: Some observations on
illusion, fabrication, and choice. 29 Harvard. C.R.-C.L. L. Rev. 1.
Harris, C. (1993). Whiteness as property. Harvard Law Review 100. P. 1721
Hart, P. S., & Massachusetts Univ., B. I. (2002). Race, ethnicity and public education.
Trotter Review.
Haycock, K. (2001). Closing the achievement gap. Educational Leadership, 58(6), 6-11. 259
Haynes, M. (2014). On the path to equity: Improving the effectiveness of beginning
teachers. Alliance for Excellent Education.
Henig, J. R., Hula, R. C., Orr, M., & Pedescleaux, D. S. (1999). The color of school
reform: Race, politics, and the challenge of urban education. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press.
Herzberg, F. (1976). The managerial choice: To be efficient and to be human.
Homewood, IL: Dow-Jones-Irwin, pg. 71.
Horkheimer, M. (1972). Traditional and critical theory. Critical theory: Selected essays,
188-243.
Hrabowski III A., & Sanders, M. (2015). Increasing racial diversity in the teacher
workforce: One university’s approach. The NEA Higher Education Journal
Ingersoll, R. M., & Connor, R. (2009). What the national data tell us about minority and
Black teacher turnover. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American
Educational Research Association, San Diego, CA
Ingersoll, R., and May, H. (2011). Recruitment, retention and the minority teacher
shortage. Consortium for Policy Research in Education, CPRE Research Report
RR-69.
Irvine, J. J. (1988). An analysis of the problem of the disappearing Black educator.
Elementary School Journal, 88(5), 503-514. 260
Irvine, J. (2003). In search of wholeness: African American teachers and their culturally
specific classroom practices. New York: Palgrave.
Jackson, M., Green, D., Martin, L. L., & Fasching-Varner, K. J. (2016). Band-Aids don't
fix bullet holes. A response to "We were there too: Learning from black
male teachers in Mississippi about successful teaching of black students".
Democracy & Education, 24(2).
Johnston-Goodstar, K., & VeLure Roholt, R. (2017). “Our kids aren’t dropping out;
they’re being pushed out”: Native American Students and Racial
Microaggressions in Schools. Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social
Work, 26(1-2), 30-47.
Johns Hopkins University. (2016). Race biases teachers' expectations for students: White
teachers more likely to doubt educational prospects of black boys and girls.
ScienceDaily. Retrieved April 24, 2017 from
www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2016/03/160330123500.html
Kan, L. (2014). In California, teacher turnover higher than other public sector
workers. Retrieved from: http://www.teacherpensions.org/blog/california-
teacher-turnover-higher--public-sector-workers
Kanter, R. M. (1977). Some effects of proportions on group life: Skewed sex ratios and
responses to token women. American Journal of Sociology, 82 (5), 965-990. 261
King, J. (1991). Black student alienation and black teachers' emancipatory pedagogy.
In M. Foster (Ed.), Readings on equal education: Qualitative investigations in
schools and schooling (pp. 245-27:1). New York: AMS Press.
King, J. E. (1991). Dysconscious racism: Ideology, identity, and the miseducation of
teachers. Journal of Negro Education, 60(2).
Kokka, K. (2016). Urban teacher longevity: What keeps teachers of color in one under-
resourced urban school? Teaching and Teacher Education, 59, 169-179.
Kyi, Aung San Suo (1991). Freedom from Fear: And other writings. London Penguin, pp
180, 218-219.
Ladson-Billings, G. (1994). The dreamkeepers: Successful teachers of African American
children. San Francisco: Jossey Bass Publishers.
Ladson-Billings, G., & Tate, W. F. (1995). Toward a critical race theory of
education. Teachers college record, 97(1), 47.
Ladson-Billings, Gloria. (1998). "Just what is critical race theory and what's it doing in a
nice field like education?" International journal of qualitative studies in education
11, no. 1.
Larson, E. D. (2016). Black lives matter and bridge building: Labor education for a
“New Jim Crow” era. Labor Studies Journal, 41(1), 36-66.
Lau, P. F. (2004). From the grassroots to the Supreme Court: Brown v. Board of
Education and American democracy. Durham: Duke University Press. 262
Lee, V., Smith, J., Perry, T., & Smylie, M. (1999). Social suppoer, academic press, and
student achievement: A view from the middle grades in Chicago school research.
Chicago: Consortium on Chicago School Research.
http://ccsr.uchicago.edu/publications/p0e01.pdf
Leedy, P. & Ormrod, J. (2001). Practical research: Planning and design (7th ed.). Upper
Saddle River, NJ: Merrill Prentice Hall. Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications.
Leonardo, Z. (2012). The race for class: Reflections on a critical raceclass theory of
education. Educational Studies, 48(5), 427-449.
doi:10.1080/00131946.2012.715831
Louis, M. (1983) Culture: Yes. Organization: No. Paper Presented at the annual meeting
of the Academy of Management, Dallas.
Lukes, R., & Bangs, J. (2014). A critical analysis of anti-discrimination law and
microaggressions in academia. Research in Higher Education Journal, 24
Lunenburg, F. C., & Irby, B. J. (2008). Writing a successful thesis or dissertation: Tips
and strategies for students in the social and behavioral sciences. Thousand Oaks,
CA: Corwin Press
Mabokela, R. O., & Madsen, J. A. (2000). Organizational culture and its impact on
African American teachers. Texas A&M University. Michigan State University 263
Mabokela, R. O., & Madsen, J. A. (2007). African American teachers in suburban
desegregated schools: Intergroup differences and the impact of performance
pressures. Teachers College Record, 109(5), 1171-1206.
Maxwell, J. A. (2016). Expanding the history and range of mixed methods research.
Journal of Mixed Methods Research, 10(1), 12-27.
Mayfield, V. M., & Garrison-Wade, D. (2015). Culturally responsive practices as whole
school reform. Journal of Instructional Pedagogies, 16.
Miles, R. E. (1965). Human relations or human resources? Harvard Business Review,
43(4), 148–157, pg. 151.
McGee, E. O., & Stovall, D. (2015). Reimagining critical race theory in education:
mental health, healing, and the pathway to liberatory praxis. Educational
Theory, 65(5), 491-511.
Mertens, D. (2003). Mixed methods and the politics of human research: The
transformative-emancipatory perspective. In A. Tashakkori & C. Teddlie (Eds.),
Handbook of mixed methods in social and behavioral research (pp.135-164).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Miles, R. E. (1965). Human relations or human resources? Harvard Business Review,
43(4), 148–157, pg. 151.
Milner, H. R. (2012). Challenging negative perceptions of Black teachers. Educational
Foundations, 26(1-2), 27-46. 264
Milner, H., & Howard, T. (2004). Black teachers, Black students, Black communities,
and Brown: Perspectives and insights from experts. The Journal of Negro
Education, 73(3), 285-297. doi:1. Retrieved from
http://www.jstor.org/stable/4129612 doi:1
Milner, H. & Howard, T. (2013). Counter-narrative as method: Race, policy and
research for teacher education. Race, Ethnicity and Education, 16(4), 536-561.
Moustakas, C. (1994). Phenomenological research methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
National Center for Education Statistics. (2012-13). Schools and staffing survey (SASS)
and teacher follow-up survey (TFS). Data File. Washington, DC: U.S.
Department of Education. Available from http://nces.ed.gov/surveys/ SASS
Quiocho
National Center for Education Statistics. (2016). Digest of Education Statistics,
2014 (NCES 2016-006), Introduction and Chapter 2.
National Center for Policy Analysis. (2004). How Black teachers were hurt by school.
Desegregation. Retrieved from:
http://www.ncpa.org/sub/dpd/index.php?Article_ID=3572http://www.ncpa.org/su
b/dpd/i ndex.php?Article_ID=3572#sthash.xGucQWBk.dpuf
http://www.ncpa.org/sub/dpd/index.php?Article_ID=3572
National Commission on Teaching and America’s Future. (2003). No dream denied: A
pledge to America’s children summary report. Washington, DC. 265
National Historic Landmarks Program. (2000). U.S. Department of the Interior National
Park Service National Register, History and Education.
Nkomo, S., & Cox, T. (1996). Diverse identities in organizations. In S. Clegg, C. Hardy,
& W. Nord (Eds.), Handbook of organization studies (pp. 338-356). Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Neal, Derek. (2005). Why has Black-White skill convergence stopped? University of
Chicago and National Bureau of Economic Research.
Oakes, J., & Lipton, M. (2007). Teaching to change the world. Boston: McGraw-Hill
Higher
Oakley, D., Stowell, J., & Logan, J. R. (2009). The impact of desegregation on black
teachers in the metropolis, 1970–2000. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 39(9), 1576–
1598. Education. http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/rawls/
Owens, C. (2012). "A dialogue about race: African-American teachers discussing
history and experience of African Americans in the teaching profession"
Master's Theses and Capstone Projects. Paper 103.
Pacanowsky, M. E., & O'Donnell‐Trujillo, N. (1982). Communication and
organizational cultures. Western Journal of Communication (includes
Communication Reports), 46(2), 115-130. 266
Quantz, R., Rogers, J., & Dantley, M. (1991). Rethinking transformative leadership:
toward democratic reform of schools. The Journal of Education, 173(3), 96-118.
Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/42742231
Ramsey, E. and Lewis, J. (1980). “A history of Black Americans in California,” in five
Voices: An ethnic history site survey for California (Sacramento: California
Department of Parks and Recreation, p. 61- 62.
Rasmussen, B. (2010). "Attended with great inconveniences": Slave literacy and the
1740 South Carolina Negro act. PMLA, 125(1), 201-203. Retrieved from
http://www.jstor.org/stable/25614450
Rich, M. (2015). Where are the teachers of color? New York Times.
Retrieved from: http://www.nytimes.com/2015/04/12/sunday-review/where-are-
the-teachers-of-color.html
Ritchie, T. (1819). The Revised Code of the Laws of Virginia.
Romero, L. (2010). Student trust: Impacting high school outcomes. UC Riverside:
Education. Retrieved from: http://escholarship.org/uc/item/09s3q09w
Rossman, G. B., & Wilson, B. L. (1985). Numbers and words: Combining quantitative
and qualitative methods in a single large-scale evaluation study. Evaluation
Review, 9, 627-643.
Schein, E. H. (1985). Organizational culture and leadership. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass
Publishers. 267
Shockley, R., P. Guglielmino, and E. J. Watlington. 2006. A national crisis in teacher
education: What are the costs? Retrieved from:
http://www.pearsonschool.com/live/assets/200727/2006_11ShockleyGuglielmino
Watlington_558_1.pdf.
Sleeter, C. & Thao, Y. (2007). “Guest editors’ introduction: Diversifying the teaching
force.” Teacher Education Quarterly 34, no. 4.
Smith, M., & Doyle, M. (2017). Action research: Traditions and perspectives. Teaching
and Learning, 4(2).
Stoskopf, A. (1999). The forgotten history of eugenics. Rethinking Schools, 13(3), 12-13.
Taylor, Quintard. (1999). In search of the racial frontier: African Americans in the
American West, 1528-1990. New York:W. W. Norton & Company, 1998.
Teddlie, C., & Yu, F. (2007). Mixed methods sampling: A typology with examples.
Journal of Mixed Methods Research, 1, 77-100.
Tillman, L. C. (2004). (Un) intended consequences? The impact of the Brown v. Board of
Education decision on the employment status of black educators. Education and
Urban Society, 36(3), 280-303.
Toppo, G. (2004). “Reflections: 50 years after Brown vs. Board of Education”, USA
Today. http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2004-05-14-50-years-after-
brown_x.htm
Toppo, G. (2013). Thousands of black teachers lost jobs. USATODAY.com 268
Trelease, A. (1971). White terror: The ku klux klan conspiracy and southern
reconstruction. New York: Harper & Row.
Urdan, T. (2010). Statistics in plain English. (3rd Edition). New York: Routledge.
U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Schools and
Staffing Survey (SASS), "Private School Teacher Data Files," 1993–94, 1999–
2000, 2003–04 and 2007–08; Teacher Follow-up Survey (TFS), "Current and
Former Teacher Data Files," 1994–95, 2000–01, 2004–05 and 2008–09.
U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Common Core
of Data CCD), “State Nonfiscal Survey of Public Elementary and Secondary
Education,” (2003–04 and 2013–14) National Elementary and Secondary
Enrollment by Race/Ethnicity Projection Model, 1972 through 2025. See Digest
of Education Statistics 2015, table 03.50.
U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics.
(2013). Characteristics of Public and Private Elementary and Secondary School
Teachers in the United States: Results From the 2011–12 Schools and Staffing
Survey (NCES 2013-314).
U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Common Core
of Data (CCD). (2003–04 and 2013–14) “State Nonfiscal Survey of Public
Elementary and Secondary Education,”; and National Elementary and Secondary
Enrollment by Race/Ethnicity Projection Model, 1972 through 2025. See Digest
of Education Statistics 2015, table 203.50. 269
U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. (2013). “Table
209.10: Number and percentage distribution of teachers in public and private
elementary and secondary schools, by selected teacher characteristics: Selected
years, 1987-88 through 2011-12.” Digest of Education Statistics. Retrieved from:
https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d13/tables/dt13_209.10.asp
U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics (2012-13).
Teacher Follow-up Survey (TFS), "Current Teacher and Former Teacher Data
Files," 2012–13.
U.S. Department of Education. (2016). The State of Racial Diversity in the Educator
Workforce. Policy and Program Studies Service Office of Planning, Evaluation
and Policy Development. Retrieved from:
https://www2.ed.gov/rschstat/eval/highered/racial- diversity/state-racial-
diversity-workforce.pdf
U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics (2012-13).
"Current and Former Teacher Data Files," Teacher Follow-up Survey (TFS).
Valenzuela, A. (1999). Subtractive schooling: U. S.-Mexican youth and the politics of
caring. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
Vaught, S. E., & Castagno, A. E. (2008). “I don't think I'm a racist”: Critical race
theory, teacher attitudes, and structural racism. Race Ethnicity and
Education, 11(2), 95-113. doi: 10.1080/13613320802110217 270
Vasquez, R., & Altshuler, D. (2017). A critical examination of k-12 ethnic studies:
Transforming and liberating praxis. Journal of Critical Thought and Praxis, 6(2),
Villegas, A. M., & Irvine, J. J. (2009). Arguments for increasing the racial/ethnic
diversity of the teaching force: A look at the evidence. Paper presented at the
annual meeting of the American Educational Research Conference, San Diego,
CA.
Villegas, A. M., & Lucas, T. (2004). Diversifying the teacher workforce: A retrospective
and prospective analysis. In M. A. Smylie & D. Miretky (Eds.), Developing the
teacher workforce: 103rd yearbook of the National Society for the Study of
Education Part 1 (pp.70-104). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Villegas, A., Strom, K., and Lucas, T. (2012). Closing the racial/ethnic gap between
students of color and their teachers: An elusive goal. Montclair State
University Equity & Excellence in Education, 45(2), 283–301,
Walker, V. S. (1996). Their highest potential: An African American school community in
the segregated South. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.
Walker, V. S. (2013). Ninth annual "Brown" lecture in education research: Black
educators as educational advocates in the decades before "Brown v. Board of
Education". Educational Researcher, 42(4), 207-222.
Washington, Booker T. (1901). Up from slavery: An Autobiography. New York:
Doubleday, Page, 1901; Bartleby.com, 2000. 271
Watlington, E., Shockley, R., Guglielmino, P., & Felsher, R. (2010). The high cost of
leaving: An analysis of the cost of teacher turnover. Journal of Education
Finance, 36(1), 22-37.
Watts, R. J. (1994). Paradigms of diversity. In E. J. Trickett, R. J. Watts, & D. Birman
(Eds), Human diversity: Perspectives on people in context. (pp. 49-81). San
Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass Publishers.
Webb, E. J., Campbell, D.T., Schwartz, R.D. & Sechrest, L. (1996). Unobtrusive
measures. Chicago: Rand McNally, p.3.
Wellman, David. (1977). Portraits of white racism (Cambridge, England; Cambridge
University Press, 1977, p.42)
Wenar, L. (2013). "John Rawls", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Edward N.
Zalta (ed.), URL
West, R., and Turner, L. (2013). "Introducing communication theory: Analysis and
application (2013 Ed.)" Books by Marquette University Faculty. Book 215.
Retrieved from: http://epublications.marquette.edu/marq_fac-book/215
White, T. (2016). Teach for America’s paradoxical diversity initiative: Race, policy, and
Black teacher displacement in urban schools. Education Policy Analysis
Archives, 24(16). http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.24.2100
Williams, C. (2007). Research methods. Journal of Business and Economic Research, 5. 272
Wing Sue, D. (2007). Racial microagression in everyday life: Implications for clinical
practice. American Psychologist 62, no.4. p.27.
Wolfe, B. L., & Dilworth, P. P. (2015). Transitioning normalcy: Organizational culture,
African American administrators, and diversity leadership in higher
education. Review of Educational Research, 85(4), 667-697.
Wollenberg, C. (1978). All deliberate speed: Segregation and exclusion in California
schools, 1855-1975. University of California Press. p. 23-25.
Wood, Peter H. (1974). Black, majority: Negroes in colonial South Carolina from 1670
through the Stono Rebellion. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc. p.19.
Zimmerman, L. W. (2005). The road to Brown: The untold story of “The man who
killed Jim Crow”. Educational Studies, 37(1), 97-100.