"I HAVE A DREAM"

MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. AND THE IMPACT OF HIS SPEECH AT THE 1963 MARCH ON WASHINGTON.

-AN ORAL HISTORY WITH THE REVEREND CRAIG EDUARD EDER~

ALICE MARY VICTORIA GREMMINGER INSTRUCTED BY: GLENN WHITMAN FEBRUARY 4, 2002

OH ORE 2002

Gremminger Alice Gremminger, 2

-TABLE OF CONTENTS-

I. CONTRACT PAGE THREE

II. STATEMENT OF PURPOSE PAGE FOUR

III. BIOGRAPHY OF REVEREND CRAIG EDER PAGE FIVE

IV. A HISTORICAL CONTEXTUALIZATION,

"THE IMPACT OF MARTIN LUTHER KING ON THE AMERICAN CIVIL

RIGHTS MOVEMENT" PAGE SEVEN

V. INTERVIEW OF REVEREND CRAIG EDER PAGE SIXTEEN

VI. INTERVIEW ANALYSIS PAGE TWENTY-FIVE

VII. APPENDICES PAGE THIRTY-ONE vni. WORKS CONSULTED PAGE FORTY- SEVEN ST. ANDREW'S EPISCOPAL SCHOOL

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-STATEMENT OF PURPOSE-

The 1963 March on Washington, where Martin Luther King Jr. presented his revolutionary "I Have a Dream" speech, was a pivotal moment in the civil rights movement in the United States of America. Both the event and the legacy of Martin

Luther King are examined in this oral history with the Reverend Craig Eder, who attended the March on Washington on August 28, 1963. The pm-pose of this interview is to discover a personal account of one individual who attended the March on Washington and lived through the American civil rights movement. Gremminger, 5

-BIOGRAPHY OF THE REVEREND CRAIG EDUARD EDER-

Craig Eduard Eder was bom in Ridley Park, Pennsylvania, September 6, 1919. He grew up with his sister Shirley and his parents Charles Eduard Eder and Whilhimina

"Minnie" Fredricka Schweikhart. He attended The William Penn Charter School and graduated in 1938, to go on to Harvard University. After graduating from Harvard in

1942, with previous intentions of becoming a physician, he enrolled in The Virginia

Seminary, Alexandria, Virginia, following in the footsteps of his father by becoming an

Episcopal Minister.

In 1944, he became the Assistant Curate at All Saints Church, Chevy Chase,

Washington D.C. until 1947, when he served at the Greenbrier Episcopal Churches, West

Virginia. In 1953, Reverend Eder returned to Washington D.C. to become the Chaplin at

Saint Albans School until 1973. While at Saint Albans, he became interested in Civil

Rights and in 1963, attended the March on Washington. Afterl973, he held many positions such as interim priest at Saint Albans Parish, Priest at All Souls Church,

Washington D.C, and in 1975 became a priest at Saint Columba's Church, Washington

D.C. until 1976, when he became head priest at Saint Mary's Church, Saint Mary's,

Maryland. In 1980, he went on to Saint Francis Parish, Potomac, Maryland and then returned to Saint Columba's from 1981-1988. Gremmmger, 6

After forty-six years of service. The Reverend Craig Eder "retired" in 1990 but he still took on many jobs. In 1990, he was a volunteer priest at Saint Columba's and priest at the Washington Cathedral. In 1994 he became head priest at Saint Columba's and is presently the Associate Rector Emeritus.

When people meet Craig Eder they are instantly aware of his kind nature and true humanitarian essence. Now at age eighty-two, Eder resides on a house on Cathedral

Avenue with liis wife, Edith and their dog. Gremminger, 7

THE IMPACT OF MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. ON THE AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT A HISTORICAL CONTEXTUALIZATION

In 1936, Mohandas K. Gahandi wrote, "It may be through the [American]

Negroes that the unadulterated message of nonviolence will be delivered to the world."

(Phillips 127) Gahandi's philosopliies of non-violent tactics as well as Jesus Christ's

"Sermon on the Mount," were the major inspirations for Martin Luther King Jr. to become the most prominent American civil rights leader in history. King had faith in

America, the American Dream and the American People. He believed strongly in

Freedom. In King's autobiography he states that "Freedom is contagious," and King tmly proved himself correct, as he inspired millions ofpeople across the world, and will continue to in the future. (King 220) King could not have altered the mystique of

American thought without the support of millions of Americans, of all races. King's most influential action was his "I Have A Dream" speech at the March on Washington

D.C. on August 28, 1963, during the height ofthe American civil rights movement. King stated, "Even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.

It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed-—we hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal..." (King 225) America was forever altered by these words that would become essential teachings in the contemporary American philosophy. Martin Luther King Jr. was a vital figure in the American civil rights Gremminger, 8 movement and by his teachings, "injected a new meaning into the veins of history and of civilization."' (King 61)

Early Black rights advocate and author of The Souls of Black Folk, W.E.B.

Dubois, stated, "the problem ofthe twentieth centxiry is the color line." (Ansbro 200)

Dubois was one ofthe first of African American leaders in the struggle for racial equality in the twentieth century United States. In 1865, under the presidency of Abraham

Lincoln, America concluded its Civil War, As a result, enslaved black Americans were free under the Thirteenth Amendment, guaranteeing that, "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude... shall exist within the United States." In 1868 and 1870, amendments Fourteen and Fifteen instated citizenship for blacks, with all ofthe rights previously given only to whites, including the right to vote. However, in 1896, the

Supreme Court case, Plessy vs. Ferguson, legalized racial segregation, stating that

"separate but equal is equal." (King 12) The Reverend Martin Luther King Jr., would later describe this segregation as "separate but always unequal." America, the nation that was to be a "city upon a hill,"'^ had ultimately failed itself Thus, while America entered the Twentieth Century as a world power, it also was a segregated and racist nation.

Historian Studs Terkel calls the Twentieth Century, "the American Century.'* In many regards, this statement can be justified because at the opening ofthe Twentieth

Century, after a period of industrialization and what historian John Garraty calls, "non- colonial imperialism," America had emerged as the leading industrial and most economically sound nation in the world. Furthermore, we proved to be true world leaders

' Dl Martin Luther King's Autobiography, he concludes his speech, given on December 5, 1955, the day of Rosa Parks' trial, by stating these words. These are his hopes for "a race ofpeople, a black people." (King, 61) ^ John Winthrop, Governor ofthe 1630, Massachusetts Bay Colony, in his sermon, "A Modelle of Christian Charity." Gremminger, 9 after American involvement in WWI and our role at the post-war peace conference.

After WWI, the "Roaring Twenties" in America was a prosperous time in regards to culture, economics and imiovations. However, in addition to a fanner's depression and half of the nation living in poverty, African Americans were extremely disenfranchised in

America. The Ku Klux Klan (KKK), who reemerged and lynched African Americans across the South, was extremely active. In 1929, the Stock Market Crash marked the beginning ofthe Great Depression in America. Franklin Roosevelt's two "New Deals" created many programs that would relieve, reform and recover the nation and the "fear economy." Afiican Amen'cans were excluded or only partially aided by many of these programs, though they switched to support ofthe Democratic Party. In 1941, FDR called for the first peacetime draft in American history and on December 7, 1941, America entered WWII after the bombing of Pear! Harbor. African Americans as well as wiiites were sent to Europe or the Pacific essentially to "make the world safe for democracy."

Just as Jim Crow laws segregated the South, the United States National Armed Forces were segregated as well. This caused much anger among African Americans. In 1954, the Supreme Court case. Brown vs. Board of Education, mandated an end to public school segregation, but just as the Declaration of Independence ironically states, "all men are created equal," Brown vs. Board of Education did not end school segregation, especially in the South. There was no vigorous enforcement of Brown and in 1956, 101

Southern Congressmen signed the "Brown Manifesto,"^ which further redeemed African

American's inability to rely on the Federal Government. (Colaiaco 21)

^ Also known as the "Southern Manifesto" and "Brown II." On March 12, 1956, 101 Southern members of Congress signed and condemned the Brown decision as "a clear abuse ofjudicia l power... contrary to the Constitution" (Colaiaco 21). Gremminger, 10

One year after the Brown case, the foundations ofthe modem civil rights

movement were established. Historian Eric Foner states, "The movement invoked the

unfulfilled promises ofthe Declaration of Independence, the Emancipation Proclamation

and the Fourteenth Amendment." (Foner 23) This movement was marked by the

December 5, 1955 bus boycott in Montgomery, Alabama, "the Cradle ofthe

Confederacy," in response to the trial of Rosa Parks. Parks was a woman who refused to

give up her seat to a white man on a segregated bus and was therefore arrested, It was

this bus boycott, one of many to come, in wliich Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. became

a spokesman for the cause of black rights (Fairclough 19). King became the president of

the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) (Colaiaco 9). This was not the first

bus boycott;"^ yet, this was the first sustained protest the South had ever seen. African

I Americans stayed off the buses in Montgomery for 381 days, with 99% effectiveness,

making this boycott the "concrete symbol of a new spirit of resistance on the part of I > African Americans in the South" (Fairclough 18). t King was a bom leader. He spoke of peacefiil protest and was persistent to I establish change in the worid. His oratorical skills became evident at an eariy age, civil J J rights historian. Dr. Claybome Carson said King had a "serious intellectual quest for a

method to eliminate social evil." (King 17) His quest could not have been successful

without his speaking abilities and his chosen profession as a minister. The African

American Church played an influential role in spreading King's theories of nonviolence.

Reverend Wyatt T. Walker, Executive Director of King's Southern Christian Leadership

The first bus boycott took place in 1953, in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. Blacks stayed off the buses for a week and were led by a Baptist clergyman. Gremminger, 11

Conference (SCLC) stated, "If there had been no Negro Church, there would have been no civil rights movement today." (Fairclough 42)

After the Montgomery Bus Boycott, African Americans were no longer

"invisible"^ and a national consciousness had been instated (Colaiaco 19). On November

13, 1956, The Supreme Court affirmed that bus segregation was unconstitutional, and on

December 21,1956, the buses were integrated. Martin Luther King was only twenty- seven and although the Montgomery Bus Boycotts were a collective effort. King was the main organizer and gave the boycotts their leader. However, also in 1956, a "white campaign" of "massive resistance" to school desegregation took place throughout the

South (Fairclough 41). This did not stop the flow of non-violent protest urged by King.

African Americans were confident in their protests and exerted them through massive direct action, which was proven to result in positive change.

In response to the success ofthe boycott, the Southern Christian Leadership

Conference was established in 1957 with King as the president. Tlie SCLC's motto was,

"to redeem the soul of America." King was featured in the February edition of Time and thus rose to become an influential, worid-renowned political figure that he was in 1963.

(Ansbro 241) On August 11,1956, he addressed the National Democratic Party Platfonn in Chicago and on June 13, 1957, King met with Vice President Richard Nixon after the

Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedom. Shortly after King's meeting. Congress passed the Civil

Rights Act of 1965, which created the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights and the Civil

Rights Division ofthe Justice Department. After President Eisenhower's September

1957 decision to force integration on Little Rock High School, Arkansas, and the SCLC's

* Tfie Invisible Man by Ralph Ellison, written in 1953. Gremminger, 12 national Crusade for citizenship to increase the number of African American voters. King and Eisenliower met on June 23, 1958.

In 1960, thousands of Americans participated in boycotts and sit-ins and many

Southern cities were forced to desegregate certain public facilities such as transportation, public restrooms and hotels. Also in 1960, the 12 African Nations that gained independence from Europe^ inspired African Americans in their struggle from white oppression. In 1961, the Albany Movement started and throughout the nation, other smaller protests and movements inspired by King were created. Although many of these protests lead to violent arrests, many times of King himself, they proved the determination of their participants. When King was imprisoned in April 1963, lie composed his famous, Letter from a Birmingham Jail, in which he wrote.

Let us al! hope that the dark clouds of racial prejudice will soon pass away and the

deep fog of misunderstanding will be lifted from our fear-drenched communities,

and in some not too distant tomorrow the radiant stars of love and brotherhood

will shine over our great nation with all their scintillating beauty (King 204).

Just one month after King's time in Birmingham, 1000 young Americans were arrested and brutalized by fire hoses and dogs at the "Children's Crusade." However, King had a positive outlook on the events in Birmingham. In his autobiography he wrote,

The contagion ofthe will to be free, the spreading vims ofthe victory which was

proven possible when black people stood and marched together with love in their

* In 1960, Dahomey, Niger, Upper Voha, Ivory Coast, Chad, Congo Brazzaville, Gabon, Senegal, Somalia, Zaire, Mali and Nigeria all gain independence. ^ "The Children's Crusade" was on May 2, 1963 in Birmingham, Alabama. King's fiiend and SCLC staff member, Jim Bevel, had the idea of creating a "D-day" when students would go to jail in mass numbers. More than a thousand students went to jail on May 2. King said ui his Autobiography, "this was one ofthe \visest moves we made... we were able to put in effect the Gandhain principle: "Fill up the jails." (King 206-207). Gremminger, 13

hearts instead of hate, faith instead of fear—that virus spread from Birmingham

across the land and a summer of blazing discontent gave promise of a glorious

autumn of racial justice. The Negro revolution was at hand (219).

In the summer of 1963, according to King, "a great shout for freedom reverberated across the land." (King 218) The revolutionary summer of 1963 changed the face of America and following in the footsteps of A. Phillip Randolph, who was known to King as "the Dean of Negro leaders." Randolph proposed a two-day march that would "dramatize unemployment among blacks" (Fairclough 89). King, expanding on

Randolph's idea, proposed a March on Washington, "the city of Spectacles." (King 221)

On August 28, 1963, King's dream came true. More than two hundred thousand people—black, white, male and female—stood together in front ofthe Lincoln Memorial in the nation's capital. King would later call this gathering his "fighting army" that used love as its weapon. King astonished the audience with his eloquently performed speech.

He inspired ail with his words: "Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksand of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is a time to make justice a reality for all of Gods Children" (King 224).

King spoke ofthe injustice of police bmtality, segregation, Jim Crow laws, the importance ofthe African American vote, the American Dream and most importantly, of freedom. King stated, "I have a dream today... This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning, 'My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty... let freedom ring!' And if America is to become a great nation, this must become true!" (King 227) Gremminger, 14

The August 28"" March on Wasliington was to become "the most significant and moving demonstration for freedom and justice in all the history of this country" (Carson

218). The vision that King described in Ms "I Have A Dream Speech" was according to

King biographer Adam Fairclough, "enfirely hallowed symbols of Americanism" ofthe

Bible, the Declaration of Independence, the Emancipation Proclamation and the

American Dream.

After the March on Washington, Martin Luther King was awarded the Nobel

Peace Prize on December 10, 1964. King called himself, "[A] trustee for the twenty-two million Negroes ofthe United States of America who are engaged in a creative battle to end the night of racial injustice" (Williams 255). Soon after. King went to Selma,

Alabama in order to "Give us the Ballot" (Williams 258). As King was now extremely well renowned, the whole nation quickly became informed of that African Americans were denied the right to register to vote, especially in the South. The SCLC and King began the "Selma Campaign" to demonstrate the violence inflicted on African Americans when they made peaceful attempts to register to vote. In 1965, the civil rights movement's emphasis changed from the issues of education and voting rights to issues such as job discrimination and fair housing for Blacks. In the next few years, after the

Voting Rights Act of 1965, there were riots in Watts, Hariem, Chicago, and Detroit, which went against King's preachings of peaceful protest and non-violent assimilation.

King was assassinated on April 4, 1968, making many more powerful speeches after his trademark "I Have A Dream" Speech. However, no speech would ever be so powerful or so life altering as the "I Have a Dream Speech." The legacy of Martin Luther

King will always remain in America, as he shaped the Civil Rights Movement, proved Gremminger, 15 the effectiveness of non-violent protests, and paved the way for the future of a more equal

America. Historian Studs Terkel was correct when he called race, "America's obsession." Martin Luther King, Jr, did not end this struggle yet was a tremendous aid in its progress. In place of King, groups such as the Black Panthers and leaders, such as

Malcolm X, would rise to power with more violent and controversial methods of establishing equality in America. However, no single individual in America was ever as vital to the Civil Rights Movement as Martin Luther King, Jr Gremminger, 16

INTERVIEW TRANSCRIPTION INTERVIEWEE: CRAIG EDER INTERVIEWER: ALICE GREMMINGER DATE: JANUARY 3, 2002 LOCATION: NW WASHINGTON D.C.

Alice Gremminger; When and where were you born?

Craig Eder: I was bom in Riddley Park, Pennsylvania, on September 6, 1919.

AG: So you grew up in the 1930s?

CE: Yes. Also the 1920s and the 1940s.,, I'm still growing up.

AG: What was it Hke growing up in the 1920s and 1930s?

CE: In 19291 was on a Mediterranean cruise and we went to Greece and Italy. [Petting dog] That was a huge influence on my life. It opened cultural life to my consciousness. That was 1929, in the summer, and then came the terrible depression. I remember the upset. My father had to take a cut in his salary. He lost a lot of money in savings and loans. People were out of work. So many people were selling apples downtown in Pliiladelpliia. Other people were coming to the back door and asking for money or food. There was a depression in spirit as well as in economics. 1 now find that young people leave the lights on when they leave a room. I always turn the lights out. I make sure the doors are closed as soon as possible when it's cold out so we save a little heat. It taught me to be very, very wary of expenditures. I went though the difficult time but times began picking up towards the end ofthe 1930s. We moved into the war with the Nazis and I remember when the first events leading up to the war were occurring. I thought: this is one episode of history that I won't pay any attention to because it will not become anything. I will just forget it. [Grandfather Clock Rings] I learned to drive and was very excited about that... I went to a private school instead of a public school. That was very, very sfimulating, It was a Quaker school called William Penn Charter School. In 1938 I went to Harvard. I found that wonderful... new vistas of life opening up all over the place. I made very good friendships and had a very happy time. That's the 1930s: it starts with the terrible depression and gradually coming out of it and then the coming of the war. I remember [in] \9^\,[pats dog] when we first got in to the war; I was in college and lived at Liveridge house at Har\'ard. I came down to breakfast one morning and a fellow had a newspaper. The beautiftil ship the Normandy had caught on fire on the dock in New York. I loved ships. He had the headline about that and there were headlines about everything going to pieces. He said, "if anybody sat down with a pencil and paper and tried to figure out how to make things as bad as possible, they could not do any better than this. [laughs] Well, that takes care ofthe 1930s.

AG: How big was your family? Gremminger, 17

CE: One sister and a mother and father.

AG: And after you went to Harvard, you decided to become a minister?

CE: I took a premedical course. I was headed to become a physician. During my senior year, I was very much interested in what I thought of as the conflict between science and religion. During senior year 1 was able to come to a resolution and decided to vote for the religious way of life. It seemed that going into the ministry was the appropriate way.

AG: Where did you attend seminary?

CE: I went to Virginia Seminary, in Alexandria, Virginia.

AG: Is that why you decide to stay in [the Washington Area]?

CE: Well, I was invited to become an assistant to my theology professor who was invited to become the rector of All Saints, Chevy Chase. I was there for about three years. Then I went to little churches in Green Briar County, West Virginia.

AG: And then, how did you become interested in the Civil Rights Movement?

CE: I think I can be very specific. When I was in seminary, I went to New York with some friends who were in a movement that later became Moral Rearmament. We went to a conference at Calvary Church. The Rector, Sam Schumacher, was very much interested in this [movement]. One aftemoon at the conference, (there were about two hundred people there), and there were some African Americans. One African American man from Baltimore, somehow as the program went on wejust got up and talked [together]. [Our discussion] moved towards race relations, which was always a big subject. This fellow told [me] what it was like to grow up in a poor part of Baltimore and to be black. He told [me] of coming home one day when he was six years old and saying to his mother, "Mother, what's a Nigger? Somebody called me a Nigger today, what is that?" She had to try and explain. I have no idea how she could do it. He talked about how when he grew up there were white boys who, whenever he walked by their houses on his way home, they yelled at him and threw rocks at him. He went a mile out of his way to go home. I still remember his talk and that was more than fifty years ago. I remember because it was so powerful...just this personal witness. And I could identify with it because when I walked home from school, there was a little section ofthe area where Italian immigrants lived. The kids were very rough. They yelled at me and threw things at me so I walked way around [that area] too and I could understand how this guy felt. So, this [was how I] came to understand how it was to be black in an urban society. It was his personal witness that made me interested in civil rights.

AG: Do remember what year this was?

CE: That would have been 1945. Gremminger, 18

AG: 1945...so after 1945 and after you talked to this man, were there any movements or protests that you attended? CE: No, I'm not a protest person. I think the big March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom [with] Martin Luther King was the first really great protest. I don't remember any before that but there may have been some.

AG: Do you remember hearing about any riots in Alabama and Mississippi before the March on Washington, in the late 1950s [or early 1960s]?

CE: No... when was the March?

AG: The March was in 1963. Do you remember the Bus Boycotts?

CE: Yes. But they were in the distance. I have a vague remembering of that happening. I know a lot ofpeople went by bus from here to Alabama. Someone who was informing people ofthe possibility of going called me and said, "How would you like to be killed?" [Laughs] I didn't know what she was talking about! She said Bill Wendt of Saint Stevens Church, was organizing a bus trip and "do you want to go?" I was the Chaplin at Saint Albans School; I had a lot to do. 1 couldn't just get up and leave. 1 said no and 1 didn't feel called to do it. I was interested but I didn't know what good it would do.

AG: What do you feel led you to attend the March on Washington? How were you informed?

CE: I don't know how I first heard about it. I was in Europe that summer and I knew that the march was to be in the end of August. I arranged to come home so that I would be here for it. I then lived at Saint Albans School. We didn't know what it would be like. We heard that so many people would be coming to Washington. We thought that they were going to be staying ovemight. All of us at the Cathedral [and] Saint Albans School were interested in doing all we could to be helpful. We thought we would have the whole gymnasium open and people could sleep on the floor ofthe gym and there were places in the dormitoiy that they could sleep. As it turned out, we had a wonderful plan where people flew in, in the morning and came in on buses from all over. They left in the evening so there was no ovemight problem. I was all ready to do my part as an administrator of hospitality at Saint Albans School and the Cathedral. As I said, I came back from Europe so that I could be here to do what was to be my part in it. And that would be [with] the headmaster, Ken Martin, Dean Sayre and all of us who were stirred up and excited about it. We knew it would be a great thing and we wanted to do what we could.

AG: The March was on August 28, 1963 and Martin Luther King Jr. gave the "1 Have A Dream Speech." Before August 28, what was your knowledge of Martin Luther King?

CE: I don't remember. When I looked at your questions, I didn't know. I knew I was aware of him. I knew his reputation. He was very famous and regarded as a prophet, a leader for betterment of race relations. He was a clergyman... A week before he was shot Gremminger, 19 he preached at the Cathedral and I was there at that service but that was later than this. So that was the only time that I saw him or the only time I saw him up close. AG: On August 28, 1963, what was your day like, before you heard the speech?

CE: [Smiling[ I was very excited and got up early. I knew that the whole city would be crowded. I can't remember how I made it but I went to Saint Stevens and The Incarnation Church, which on Sixteenth and Newton. A lot ofpeople were there who were really gung ho for the March. I knew quite a few of them and other clergy that I knew [were there] A lot ofpeople that I knew thought this was really great. I went over [to Saint Stevens and The Incarnation Church] and they had set a time to meet. We walked down Sixteenth Street, to the March. As we walked, I kept seeing people I knew. The main thing was that it was a wonderfiil, happy day. We walked and saw people and as we got downtown, the street was more and more filled. We passed Saint John's Church, Lafayette Square. It was having a service and I wanted to go in. It was so packed that no one could get in. I remember they were ringing their bell. The bell came from the time ofthe Revolufion! All these people were gathering and it was just so happy! Black people and white people... whenever 1 saw a black person that I knew I was so pleased that he saw me: that he knew I was there with him. I had taken a bag with a picnic lunch for myself I knew it would be hard to get anytliing to eat. [As] I walked along there was an older lady who was just so excited. She was in her late sixties and she talked to me. I found out that she came from Delaware and really stood up for her beliefs of equality and better relations between white and black people. People had done dirty tricks on her [such as] painting signs on her car and letting the air out of her tires. Shejust stuck firm. When it was lunchtime, I was getting hungry. I realized she didn't have a lunch so she and I shared my lunch with her. She and I wrote back and forth afterwards for several years until she died. I made a permanent friend with her. A boy [at Saint Albans] who was there with his father, a black fellow, whose father was a doctor, I was delighted that they saw me and I saw them.

AG: The others marchers that you talked to that day had all the same feelings [as you]? Everyone was happy...

CE: Yes! It was one ofthe most wonderful, joyous rimes of my life... Just a wonderful atmosphere. There were a lot ofpeople who were afraid that there was going to be a riot or terrible things would happen and people would fight. It was completely the opposite. It was just pure joy.

AG: Was there a large police presence?

CE: I wasn't aware of it. I think there was.

AG: When you physically got to the Mall, what was your location in regards to the speaker's podium, in front ofthe Lincoln Memorial?

CE: I kept walking around. I remember it was quite a hot day. I went down to the reflecting pool and some people were sitting on the side, bathing their feet. I did this too. Gremminger, 20

I put my feet in the reflecting pool, which is near the Lincoln Memorial. I don't have many specific memories of [my location.] AG: When you arrived at the mall and were walking arotmd, did you take into account the symbolism ofthe Lincoln Memorial as a backdrop?

CE: I don't think I did. I was fairly familiar with [the area]. I'm sure that I thought about Marian Anderson, singing there. When there wouldn't let her sing there, in D.A.R. Constitution Hall. I knew that was a real historic mark. I think this was something parallel to that. This was huge.

AG: I understand that there were many speeches before Dr. King Spoke—

CE: Yes! And they were dull as dishwaters!

AG: That's what I read. But, do you remember what any of these speeches were like?

CE: Not at all. They had the loud speakers—I think I can go to your next question—No one v/ould pay any attention! They would introduce somebody... it just went on and on. As far as 1 could see, 1 could see anyone listening. But then, it was very late in the afternoon and Martin Luther King was introduced. When he started to speak—I don't know how many people were there, three hundred thousand. They were silent, I listened and I remember thinking: This is a historic moment and I am taking part in it. You probably read the speech or heard a recording. It had many biblical references that touched people very deeply... Beautiful language. It was a huge privilege to be present at that historic moment.

AG: Were you aware that Martin Luther King was going to make a speech?

CE: Yes. Everyone knew. He was the center ofthe March.

AG: When [Martin Luther King] first stood at the podium, and started to speak, what was your initial reaction?

CE: I was part of a crowd of three hundred thousand: I couldn't see him. But I could hear it. As I said, when he first stared to speak there was this great silence. [Looks out the window] Listening just descended on the multitude. It was remarkable.

AG: There was a large response from the crowd when he started to speak and throughout his speech?

CE: The response was silence and listening. It was such a contrast to the general babble, where nobody was listening. All those people were trying so hard! [Laughs] Poor people! But I guess they got famous because they gave a [speech] the same time as Martin Luther King did. Gremminger, 21

AG: So you recognized, when you were listening to the speech that this was an important historical moment?

CE: I did. I really did.

AG: You instantly recognized that these words were always going to be a standard [of the twentieth century]?

CE: [pauses] Like Lincoln' Gettysburg Address, I think it is one ofthe great speeches of American history. I realized that as soon as he got into it. I was swept away.

AG: After the speech was over, did the crowd start cheering?

CE: Yes. I don't remember much about that. But they did cheer and cheer. That was the big feature ofthe day. After that people started going home, ft was late in the aftemoon

AG: Did you leave the mall after the speech was over?

CE: I did and 1 walked home. I was living at Saint Albans School. I remember walking along and getting to Massachusetts Avenue and there was traffic again. 1 got out ofthe crowds. One ofthe student's mothers was driving her Rolls Royce up the hill. She stopped and saw me to give me a ride. I was pretty tired, having been on my feet all day. I told her [about the day] and went on raving and suddenly realized that she was quite conservative and she didn't like it at all! [Laughs] [Gets up to get a tissue] I found there was quite a different opinion that I had not been exposed to at all. When I got home later that night, I called my stepmother who was living in Pliiladelpliia. I told her I had been to [the March]. She said, "Oh! I saw it on television! And when t was through all that trash on the mall! People had no respect! And not only that but they had pictures ofpeople sitting on the side ofthe reflecting pool with their feet in the water! This was dreadful!" [laughs] And I just laughed...but I found that there was another opinion of what was going on. It didn't bother me, I just laughed about it! [laughs]

AG: You had mostly been exposed to people who felt they wanted racial equality?

CE: Yes. When I first started at Saint Albans School, in 1953, they were arguing about whether the school should be open to black people. There were bitter arguments and I was always on the side of opening the school. We had African American Students by 1963. There were some difficult times in the early days. Cathedral People and [Saint Albans] School People were all pushing for integration and I was part of that.

AG: Were there ever any African American Teachers [at Saint Albans]?

CE: Yes. There was a wonderful guy named Brooks Johnson who hoped to be in the Olympics, but he had an injury and could not make it, He became head ofthe Athletic Department of Saint Albans School. He was there during the Watts Riots because he had been to Watts and told us what it felt like to be in the controlling group. All his life he Gremminger, 22 had been tolerated and people had been nice to him but in Watts, roles were reversed and it was the white people who were discriminated against. I remember he was telling us about that so 1 know he was [at Saint Albans] at the time of Watts. AG: This event obviously altered your life a great deal, correct?

CE: It affirmed and confinned something that I already believed in, but intensified it. It was a great human experience...meeting that nice, older lady and seeing other people I knew. Yes. It was an important moment in my life but an affirmation rather than a change of direcfion.

AG: Do you think that the "I Have A Dream" Speech influenced the Civil Rights Movement a great deal?

CE: Yes, terrifically. It was very important.

AG: Since the march you have spoken many times about your experiences there?

CE: I gave a talk at Maret, to a class, on the twenty-fifth anniversary. That's the only lecture I have given on il.

AG: Have you ever been interviewed about it before?

CE: Not that 1 remember. I think you have veiy good questions.

AG: Thank you very much. The rest of my questions are on Martin Luther King in general and not so much about the March, but on his impact. Do you feel that Martin Luther King deserves a National holiday?

CE: Yes.

AG: Did you ever personally meet Martin Luther King?

CE: No. As I said, I went to the Cathedral the week before he was murdered to hear his sermon. I remember so well that he started out by telling the story of Rip Van Winkle. He told it very dramatically. He ended up by saying, "he slept though a revolution" and he said, "that's what you people are doing! There's a revolution going on and you people are sleeping through it." I don't remember the rest ofthe sermon but it was so powerful. He was a great speaker.

AG: [Was] this was a sermon on a Sunday or was it a special occasion?

CE: They had invited him to come to the Cathedral and preach. Dean Sayre had been in the same class at Union Seminary.

AG: Martin Luther King was a Baptist Reverend and you are an Episcopalian Reverend. Can you relate to his teachings? Gremminger, 23

CE: Absolutely. AG: Do you agree with or did you agree with Martin Luther King's teachings of non­ violence based on Ghandi's principles?

CE: I didn't know much about it and still don't. But, I do agree with it. I don't think [non-violence] applies everywhere but I certainly do [with regards] to this.

AG: You think that [non violence] was appropriate for civil rights?

CE: Yes but I think when the war came along we had to fight the Nazis. Ifyou were non-violent they would just kill you.

AG: The Episcopalian Church canonized Martin Luther King, Conect?

CE: The Episcopal Church does not canonize anybody. Canonization is recognizing someone as a Saint. In the Roman Catholic Church, certain miracles have to have happened because the person has been praying and they feel a miraculous answer came. At the time ofthe reformation in the 1530s, there were so many Saints on the calendar that the Episcopal Church of England, recognized only those who were in the Bible as Saints: the Apostles. You have what was called the feast of a Saint. So, 25 July is the feast of Saint James and the Conversion of Saint Paul is the January 25. Those are called Feasts. We have a book of lesser feasts in which we have special bibie readings for the day Martin Luther King died and became a martyr. There's great recognition but he is not technically made a Saint.

AG: Do you feel that Martin Luther King's "Dream" that he spoke of has been achieved, in America?

CE: [hesitates] Not perfectly attained. I think [Martin Luther King] had a huge influence and there has been a fantastic change. There was a movement in this direction and the speech gave it a huge boost. The movement increased and grew. The whole attitude of people changed. Now, there's not perfect equality. [Pause] I think when Johnson became president and took the programs and ideas of President Kennedy and was able to make them the law, laws against discrimination that would express the general feeling that integration was a good thing. It was a huge boost to a movement that was well underway. [Martin Luther King] had been a leader in the movement before and after [the March],

AG: I was just curious...in 1954, the Supreme Court Case Brown vs. Board of Education [of Topeka], do you remember when that happened?

CE: Yes. I remember the boy who was the volunteer organist for our evening services, his father was a famous news analyst. This boy came in and said that this decision had been made and it was going to change the world. We had taken in African American kids Gremminger, 25

-INTERVIEW ANALYSIS-

Historian Arthur Schlesinger accurately defines the role of a historian as " an old

and honorable profession with distinctive standards and purposes" (Schlesinger 45).

According to Schlesinger, the historian's "standards of their trade" are "accuracy,

analysis, and objectivity in the reconstmction ofthe past," that they "do their damnedest

to maintain" (Schlesinger 46). Every historian has "unconscious preconceptions" that

alter the way they interpret facts and analyze histoiy. However, Schlesinger was incorrect

in saying, "There is no such thing as pure history." If he had considered oral history,

Schlesinger might have reconsidered his statement. The most "pure" form of history is a

first hand account of an event. Three months before Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have A

Dream Speech" in 1963, at a mass meeting of Civil Rights demonstrators gathered in

Birmingham, Alabama, King stated, "...you are certainly making history, and you are

experiencing history. And you will make it possible for the historians ofthe fiiture to

write a marvelous chapter" (Ayres 106) This interview with The Reverend Craig Eduard

Eder was both enlightening and historically valuable to the study of Martin Luther King,

the 1963 March on Washington and King's impact on the Civil Rights movement

because it displayed emotions that could not otherwise be obtained from traditional

sources. The necessity of oral history is apparent through this interview by the emotional

impact described by Reverend Eder of his experience at the March on Washington and Gremminger, 26 the influence of Martin Luther King on the Civil Rights Movement and the goal of racial equality in the United States of America.

Russel Moldovan, an oral historian of Martin Luther King has interviewed numerous individuals who encountered King. Moldovan recognizes that there have been many books written about King and liis impact yet, when "ordinary voices" tell their first hand experiences of him and his acliievements, they become "compelling and electrifying" (Moldovan xv) I immediately understood Moldovan only ten minutes into my interview with Reverend Eder when he described how he became interested in the

Civil Rights Movement. There is an enomious difference in reading about the civil rights movement in a history book versus listening to a participant in the Movement such as

Reverend Eder.

In John A Garraty and Mark C.Carnes' Short History of the American Nation, the

March on Washington is described very abruptly. "...Blacks organized a demonstration

in Washington, attended by 200,000 people. At this gathering. King delivered his "I

Have A Dream" address, looking forward to a time when racial prejudice no longer existed and people of all religions and colors could join hands and say, "Free at last! Free at last!" (Garraty 723) After reading these words, it is virtually impossible to sense the

emotions and extreme importance of August 28, 1963.

Historian Thomas Carlyle once said, "History is the essence of innumerable biographies" (Fitzhenry 202). These biographies produce facts of past events yet facts are many times conflicting because every individual interpretation of any event will be

unique. Historian Edward Hallet Carr stresses that the process of creating a fact is a long

one and once created, facts are the "raw materials ofthe historian rather than ofthe Gremminger, 27 history itself (Carr 921) Thus, oral history is important because when a first hand account of an event is recorded, biases and views ofthe individual are preser\'ed. Just as

Carr recommends to "study the historian before you study the past," an oral historian must study the interviewee and know their "preconceptions." Craig Eder is a white, northem, Episcopalian Minister and therefore his views ofthe March and ofthe Civil

Rights movement are unique.

As a student oral historian, my experience interviewing Craig Eder made me appreciate the impact of Martin Luther King more clearly. At the beginning ofthe project, I honestly was disappointed with my selection of Martin Luther King and the

Civil Rights Movement because much of my research would not only be familiar to myself but also to America. Throughout high school and before, I have studied Martin

Luther King, the "I Have A Dream" speech and race relations Historian Studs Terkel said that race is "America's obsession," and growing up in the 1990s and the early twenty first century as an American, I fully understand the validity of this statement.

The most beneficial decision in this project was to read the Autobiography of

Martin Luther King because I quickly became interested in King's character and his public speaking abilities. 1 read through many of King's speeches, such as King's address to the first Montgomery Improvement Association, King's Acceptance ofthe

Nobel Peace Prize, the "I Have A Dream" Speech, and a sermon presented one week before King's death, which Reverend Eder witnessed in April 1968.King was truly a great

speaker and in all his speeches, there are plirases that capture ones attention but none to the extent ofthe "I Have A Dream" speech that would become, according to Craig Eder,

"one ofthe great speeches in American history." Gremminger, 28

My interview with Reverend Eder went very well but when I look at my interview transcription there are many follow up questions and points in the interview where as a historian, I should of asked for elaboration in order to acquire a better sense of what

Reverend Eder experienced. This is especially true in regards to the second time

Reverend Eder heard King speak at the National Cathedral. I also wish that I had started my interview by going through pictures and actually listening to the speech with

Reverend Eder so that we both could refresh our memories and maybe discuss specific portions ofthe "I Have A Dream" Speech.

This interview shows the rise ofthe civil rights movement in the 1950s and

Reverend Eder's personal awareness ofthe poor race relations. Although in the

contextualization, the events leading to the March on Washington were discussed, through this interview, it is now evident that the March on Washington was the climax of

the Civil Rights Movement and it created much public awareness to the cause. It is

obvious now that the March was, as described by Reverend Eder, "a great human

experience" (Eder). In John A. Garraty and Mark Games' history textbook, A Short

History ofthe American Nation, the civil rights movement is described in three and a half

pages and the March on Washington, with regards to the "I Have A Dream" speech is

described in three short sentences that in no way portray the importance of this

momentous event. Most importantly, the legacy of Martin Luther King is evident in this

interview.

Craig Eder attended the March on Washington and first handedly heard the "I

Have A Dream" Speech. This interview is historically valuable because it stresses that

the March was the most important event in the Civil Rights movement and that the "I Gremminger, 29

Have A Dream" speech had an immediate effect not only on August 28, 1963 but in the future. Reverend Eder states, "When [King] first started to speak there was this great silence. Listening just descended on the multitude" (Eder 8).

The progress ofthe Civil rights Movement is evident through this interview because of Eder's discussion ofthe Brown vs. Board of Education case and the

"campaign of massive white resistance" through school integration and racial equality and the Montgomery Bus Boycotts (Fairclough 41). It is evident that their was still much to be done after the March on Washington because, as Eder described, "their was a quite different opinion" ofthe need for racial equality that King stressed on August 28, 1963.

Yet, "a national consciousness" had been instated (Colaicio 19). This national consciousness is apparent because of Eder's thoughts of King's impact in the past and continuation into the future.

Edmund Burke describes history as "a pact between the dead, the living, and the yet unborn" (Fitzhenry 205). It is important to document history and then, as oral historians, analyze and selectively interpret historical facts. The Civil Rights movement was full of violence, non-violence, protests, hope and struggle. When described in a textbook, the movement is not nearly as extraordinary as described first hand. It would be interesting to hear the perspective of an African American Minister and someone who was from the south, simply for comparison of viewpoints. It is always beneficial to hear different view on topics because, as historians, we can peace together the tnie essence of the event. This interview with Reverend Craig Eder provides a new way of looking at the impact of Martin Luther King, the Civil Rights Movement and the March on Washington.

When Reverend Eder described his passion for civil rights and his love of Martin Luther Gremminger, 30

King's ideals, it was apparent that this record of emotions could not be portrayed effectively in any other manner and thus the value of oral history is evident. Gremminger, 31

-APPENDIX A-

MARTIN LUTHER KING'S "l HAVE A DREAM" SPEECH (AUGUST 23. 1963) FROM MARTIN LUTHER KING'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nafion. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity. But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life ofthe Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words ofthe Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which eveiy American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank ofjustic e is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America ofthe fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all God's children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency ofthe moment and to underestimate the determination ofthe Negro. This sweltering summer ofthe Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revoh will conrinue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. Gremminger, 32

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline, we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distmst of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We camiot tum back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels ofthe highways and the hotels ofthe cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindfiil that some ofyou have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some ofyou have come fresh fiom narrow cells. Some ofyou have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northem cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, that in spite ofthe difficulties and fioistrations ofthe moment, I sfill have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of fonner slave owners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose govemor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed Gremminger, 33 into a situation where little black boys and black giris will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the gloiy ofthe Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the fahh with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out ofthe mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With tliis faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land ofthe pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring." And if America is to be a great nation, this must become tme. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of Califomia! But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring! And when this happens, when we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words ofthe old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!" Gremminger, 34

-APPENDIX B-

MARTiN LUTHER KING*S "SLEEPING THROUGH A REVOLUTION" SPEECH AT THE NATIONAL CATHEDRAL (APRIL 4, 1968) COURTESY OFTHE NATIONAL CATHEDRAL ARCHIVES, WASHINGTON D.C.

I need not pause to say how very delighted I am to be here this morning, to have the opportunity of standing in this very great and significant pulpit. And I do want to express my deep personal appreciation to Dean Sayre and all ofthe cathedral clergy for extending the invitation.

It is always a rich and rewarding experience to take a brief break from our day-to­ day demands and the struggle for freedom and human dignity and discuss the issues involved in that struggle with concerned friends of goodwill all over our nation. And certainly it is always a deep and meaningful experience to be in a worship service. And so for many reasons, I'm happy to be here today.

[ would like to use as a subject from which to preach this morning: "Remaining Awake Through a Great Revolution." The text for the morning is found in the book of Revelation. There are two passages there that I would like to quote, in the sixteenth chapter of that book: "Behold I make all things new; former things are passed away."

I am sure that most ofyou have read that arresting little stor>' from the pen of Washington living entitled "Rip Van Winkle." The one thing that we usually remember about the story is that Rip Van Winkle slept twenty years. But there is another point in that little story that is almost completely overlooked. It was the sign in the end, from which Rip went up in the mountain for his long sleep.

When Rip Van Winkle went up into the mountain, the sign had a picture of King George the Third of England. When he came down twenty years later the sign had a picture of George Washington, the first president ofthe United States. When Rip Van Winkle looked up at the picture of George Washington^and looking at the picture he was amazed—he was completely lost. He knew not who he was.

And this reveals to us that the most striking thing about the story of Rip Van Winkle is not merely that Rip slept twenty years, but that he slept through a revolution. While he was peacefiilly snoring up in the mountain a revolution was taking place that at points would change the course of liistory—and Rip knew nothing about it. He was asleep. Yes, he slept through a revolution. And one ofthe great liabilities of life is that all too many people find themselves living amid a great period of social change, and yet they fail to develop the new attitudes, the new mental responses, that the new situation demands. They end up sleeping through a revolution.

There can be no gainsaying ofthe fact that a great revolution is taking place in the world today. In a sense it is a triple revolution: that is, a technological revolution, with Gremminger, 35 the impact of automation and cybemation; then there is a revolution in weaponry, with the emergence of atomic and nuclear weapons of warfare; then there is a human rights revolution, with the freedom explosion that is taking place all over the world. Yes, we do live in a period where changes are taking place. And there is still the voice crying through the vista of time saying, "Behold, I make all things new; former things are passed away."

Now whenever anything new comes into history it brings with it new challenges and new opportunities. And I would like to deal with the challenges that we face today as a result of this triple revolution that is taking place in the world today. First, we are challenged to develop a world perspective. No individual can live alone, no nation can live alone, and anyone who feels that he can live alone is sleeping through a revolution. The world in which we live is geographically one. The challenge that we face today is to make it one in terms of brotherhood.

Now it is true that the geogiaphical oneness of this age has come into being to a large extent through modern man's scientific ingenuity. Modern man through his scientific genius has been able to dwarf distance and place time in chains. And our jet planes have compressed into minutes distances that once took weeks and even months. All of this tells us that our world is a neighborhood.

Tlirough our scientific and technological genius, we have made of this world a neighborhood and yet we have not had the ethical commitment to make of it a brotherhood. But somehow, and in some way, we have got to do this. We must all learn to live together as brothers or we will all perish together as fools. We are tied together in the single garment of destiny, caught in an inescapable network of mutuality. And whatever affects one directly affects all indirectly. For some strange reason I can never be what I ought to be until you are what you ought to be. And you can never be what you ought to be until I am what I ouglit to be. This is the way God's universe is made; this is the way it is stmctured.

John Donne caught it years ago and placed it in graphic terms: "No man is an island entire of itself Every man is a piece ofthe continent, a part ofthe main." And he goes on toward the end to say, "Any man's death diminishes me because I am involved in mankind; therefore never send to know for whom the bell tolls; it tolls for thee." We must see this, believe this, and live by it if we are to remain awake through a great revolution.

Secondly, we are challenged to eradicate the last vestiges of racial injustice from our nation. I must say this morning that racial injustice is still the black man's burden and the white man's shame.

It is an unhappy tmth that racism is a way of life for the vast majority of white Americans, spoken and unspoken, acknowledged and denied, subtle and sometimes not so subtle—the disease of racism permeates and poisons a whole body politic. And 1 can see nothing more urgent than for America to work passionately and umelentingly—to get rid ofthe disease of racism. Gremminger, 36

Something positive must be done. Everyone must share in the guilt as individuals and as institutions. The government must certainly share the guilt; individuals must share the guilt; even the church must share the guilt.

We must face the sad fact that at eleven o'clock on Sunday moming when we stand to sing "In Christ there is no East or West," we stand in the most segregated hour of America. The hour has come for everybody, for all institutions ofthe public sector and the private sector to work to get rid of racism. And now if we are to do it we must honestly admit certain things and get rid of certain myths that have constantly been disseminated all over our nation.

One is the myth of time. It is the notion that only time can solve the problem of racial injustice. And there are those who often sincerely say to the Negro and his allies in the white community, "Why don't you slow up? Stop pushing things so fast. Only time can solve the problem. And ifyou will just be nice and patient and continue to pray, in a hundred or two hundred years the problem will work itself out."

There is an answer to that myth. It is that time is neutral. It can be used wither constructively or destmctively. And I am sorry to say this morning that I am absolutely convinced that the forces of ill will in our nation, the extreme rightists of our nation—the people on the wrong side—have used time much more effectively than the forces of goodwill. And it may well be that we will have to repent in this generation. Not merely for the vitriolic words and the violent actions ofthe bad people, but for the appalling silence and indifference ofthe good people who sit around and say, "Wait on time."

Somewhere we must come to see that human progress never rolls in on the wheels of inevitability. It comes through the tireless efforts and the persistent work of dedicated individuals who are willing to be co-workers with God. And without this hard work, time itself becomes an ally ofthe primitive forces of social stagnation. So we must help time and realize that the time is always ripe to do right.

Now there is another myth that still gets around: it is a kind of over reliance on the bootstrap philosophy. There are those who still feel that if the Negro is to rise out of poverty, if the Negro is to rise out ofthe slum conditions, if he is to rise out of discrimination and segregation, he must do it all by himself And so they say the Negro must lift himself by his own bootstraps. They never stop to realize that no other ethnic group has been a slave on American soil. The people who say this never stop to realize that the nation made the black man's color a stigma. But beyond this they never stop to realize the debt that they owe a people who were kept in slavery two hundred and forty-four years.

In 1863 the Negro was told that he was free as a result ofthe Emancipation Proclamation being signed by Abraham Lincoln. But he was not given any land to make that freedom meaningful. It was something like keeping a person in prison for a number of years and suddenly discovering that that person is not guilty ofthe crime for which he was convicted. And you just go up to him and say, "Now you are free," but you don't Gremminger, 37 give him any bus fare to get to town. You don't give him any money to get some clothes to put on his back or to get on his feet again in life. Every court of jurisprudence would rise up against this, and yet this is the very thing that our nation did to the black man. It simply said, "You're free," and it left him there penniless, illiterate, not knowing what to do. And the irony of it all is that at the same time the nation failed to do anything for the black man, though an act of Congress was giving away millions of acres of land in the West and the Midwest. Which meant that it was willing to undergird its white peasants from Europe with an economic floor.

But not only did it give the land, it built land-grant colleges to teach them how to farm. Not only that, it provided county agents to further their expertise in farming; not only that, as the years unfolded it provided low interest rates so that they could mechanize their faims. And to this day thousands of these very persons are receiving millions of dollars in federal subsidies every years not to farm. And these are so often the very people who tell Negroes that they must lift themselves by their own bootstraps. It's all right to tell a man to lift himself by his own bootstraps, but it is a cmel jest to say to a bootless man that he ought to lift himself by his own bootstraps. We must come to see that the roots of racism are very deep in our country, and there must be something positive and massive in order to get rid of all the effects of racism and the tragedies of racial injvistice.

There is another thing closely related to racism that I would like to mention as another challenge. We are challenged to rid our nation and the world of poverty. Like a monstrous octopus, poverty spreads its nagging, prehensile tentacles into hamlets and villages all over our world. Two-thirds ofthe people ofthe worid go to bed hungry tonight. They are ill-housed; they are ill-nourished; they are shabbily clad. I've seen it in Latin America; I've seen it in Africa; I've seen this poverty in Asia.

I remember some years ago Mrs. King and I journeyed to that great country known as India. And I never will forget the experience. It was a marvelous experience to meet and talk with the great leaders of India, to meet and talk with and to speak to thousands and thousands ofpeople all over that vast country. These experiences will remain dear to me as long as the cords of memory shall lengthen.

But I say to you this moming, my friends, there were those depressing moments. How can one avoid being depressed when he sees with his own eyes evidences of millions ofpeople going to bed hungry at night? How can one avoid being depressed when he sees with his own eyes God's children sleeping on the sidewalks at night? In Bombay more than a million people sleep on the sidewalks every night. In Calcutta more than six hundred thousand sleep on the sidewalks every night. They have no beds to sleep in; they have no houses to go in. How can one avoid being depressed when he discovers that out of India's population of more than five hundred million people, some four hundred and eighty million make an annual income of less than ninety dollars a year. And most of them have never seen a doctor or a dentist.

As I noticed these things, something within me cried out, "Can we in America stand idly by and not be concemed?" And an answer came: "Oh no!" Because the destiny Gremminger, 38 ofthe United States is tied up with the destiny of India and eveiy other nation. And I started thinking ofthe fact that we spend in America millions of dollars a day to store surplus food, and 1 said to myself, "1 know where we can store that food free of charge— in the wrinkled stomachs of millions of God's children all over the world who go to bed hungry at night." And maybe we spend far too much of our national budget establishing military bases around the world rather than bases of genuine concern and understanding.

Not only do we see poverty abroad, I would remind you that in our own nation there are about forty million people who are poverty-stricken. I have seen them here and there. I have seen them in the ghettos ofthe North; I have seen them in the rural areas of the South; 1 have seen them in Appalachia. I have just been in the process of touring many areas of our country and I must confess that in some situations I have literally found myself crying.

I was in Marks, Mississippi, the other day, which is in Whitman County, the poorest county in the United States. I tell you, I saw hundreds of little black boys and black girls walking the streets with no shoes to wear. I saw their mothers and fathers trying to cairy on a little Head Start program, but they had no money. The federal govemment hadn't funded them, but they were trying to carry on. They raised a little money here and there; trying to get a little food to feed the children; trying to teach them a little something.

And I saw mothers and fathers who said to me not only were they unemployed, they didn't get any kind of income^no old-age pension, no welfare check, no anything. I said, "How do you live?" And they say, "Well, we go arovmd, go around to the neighbors and ask them for a little something. When the berry season comes, we pick berries. When the rabbit season comes, we hunt and catch a few rabbits. And that's about it."

And I was in Newark and Harlem just this week. And I walked into the homes of welfare mothers. I saw them in conditions—no, not with wall-to-wall carpet, but wall-to- wall rats and roaches. I stood in an apartment and this welfare mother said to me, "The landlord will not repair this place. I've been here two years and he hasn't made a single repair." She pointed out the walls with all the ceiling falling through. She showed me the holes where the rats came in. She said night after night we have to stay awake to keep the rats and roaches from getting to the children. I said, "How much do you pay for this apartment?" She said, "a hundred and twenty-five dollars." I looked, and I thought, and said to myself, "It isn't worth sixty dollars." Poor people are forced to pay more for less. Living in conditions day in and day out where the whole area is constantly drained without being replenished. It becomes a kind of domestic colony. And the tragedy is, so often these forty million people are invisible because America is so affluent, so rich. Because our expressways carry us from the ghetto, we don't see the poor.

Jesus told a parable one day, and he reminded us that a man went to hell because he didn't see the poor. His name was Dives. He was a rich man. And there was a man by the name of Lazarus who was a poor man, but not only was he poor, he was sick. Sores were all over his body, and he was so weak that he could hardly move. But he managed to get to the gate of Dives every day, wanting just to have the crumbs that would fall Gremminger, 39 from his table. And Dives did nothing about it. And the parable ends saying, "Dives went to hell, and there were a fixed gulf now between Lazarus and Dives."

There is nothing in that parable that said Dives went to hell because he was rich. Jesus never made a universal indictment against all wealth. It is true that one day a rich young ruler came to him, and he advised him to sell all, but in that instance Jesus was prescribing individual surgery and not setting forth a universal diagnosis. And ifyou will look at that parable with all of its symbolism, you will remember that a conversation took place between heaven and hell, and on the other end of that long-distance call between heaven and hell was Abraham in heaven talking to Dives in hell.

Now Abraham was a very rich man. Ifyou go back to the Old Testament, you see that he was the richest man of his day, so it was not a rich man in hell talking with a poor man in heaven; it was a little millionaire in hell talking with a mulfimillionaire in heaven. Dives didn't go to hell because he was rich; Dives didn't realize that his wealth was his opportunity. It was his opportunity to bridge the gulf that separated him from his brother Lazarus. Dives went to hell because he was passed by Lazarus every day and he never really saw him. He went to hell because he allowed his brother to become invisible. Dives went to hell because he maximized the minimum and minimized the maximum. Indeed, Dives went to hell because he sought to be a conscientious objector in the war against poverty.

And this can happen to America, the richest nation in the world—and nothing's wrong with that—this is America's opportunity to help bridge the gulf between the haves and the have-nots. The question is whether America will do it. There is nothing new about poverty. What is new is that we now have the techniques and the resources to get rid of poverty. The real question is whether we have the will.

In a few weeks some of us are coming to Washington to see if the will is still alive or if it is alive in this nation. We are coining to Washington in a Poor People's Campaign. Yes, we are going to bring the tired, the poor, the huddled masses. We are going to bring those who have known long years of hurt and neglect. We are going to bring those who have come to feel that life is a long and desolate corridor with no exit signs. We are going to bring children and adults and old people, people who have never seen a doctor or a dentist in their lives.

We are not coming to engage in any histrionic gesture. We are not coming to tear up Washington. We are coming to demand that the govenmient address itself to the problem of poverty. We read one day, "We hold these tmths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness." But if a man doesn't have ajob or an income, he has neither life nor liberty nor the possibility for the pursuit of happiness. He merely exists. We are coming to ask America to be tme to the huge promissory note that it signed years ago. And we are coming to engage in dramatic nonviolent action, to call attention to the gulf between promise and fulfillment; to make the invisible visible. Gremminger, 40

Why do we do it this way? We do it this way because it is our experience that the nation doesn't move around questions of genuine equality for the poor and for black people until it is confronted massively, dramatically in terms of direct action.

Great documents are here to tell us something should be done. We met here some years ago in the White House conference on civil rights. And we came out with the same recommendations that we will be demanding in our campaign here, but nothing has been done. The President's commission on technology, automafion and economic progress recommended these things some time ago. Nothing has been done. Even the urban coalition of mayors of most ofthe cifies of our country and the leading businessmen have said these things should be done. Nothing has been done. The Kerner Commission came out with its report just a few days ago and then made specific recommendations. Nothing has been done.

And I submit that nothing will be done until people of goodwill put their bodies and their souls in motion. And it will be the kind of soul force brought into being as a result of this confrontation that I believe will make the difference.

Yes, it will be a Poor People's Campaign. This is the question facing America. Ultimately a great nafion is a compassionate nation. America has not met its obligations and its responsibilities to the poor.

One day we will have to stand before the God of history and we will talk in terms of things we've done. Yes, we will be able to say we built gargantuan bridges to span the seas, we built giganfic buildings to kiss the skies. Yes, we made our submarines to penetrate oceanic depths. We brought into being many other things with our scientific and technological power.

It seems that I can hear the God of history saying, "That was not enough! But I was hungry, and ye fed me not. I was naked, and ye clothed me not. I was devoid of a decent sanitary house to live in, and ye provided no shelter for me. And consequently, you cannot enter the kingdom of greatness. If ye do it unto the least of these, my brethren, ye do it unto me." That's the question facing America today.

I want to say one other challenge that we face is simply that we must find an alternative to war and bloodshed. Anyone who feels, and there are still a lot ofpeople who feel that way, that war can solve the social problems facing mankind is sleeping through a great revolution. President Kennedy said on one occasion, "Mankind must put an end to war or war will put an end to mankind." The world must hear this. I pray God that America will hear this before it is too late, because today we're fighting a war.

1 am convinced that it is one ofthe most unjust wars that has ever been fought in the history ofthe world. Our involvement in the war in Vietnam has torn up the Geneva Accord. It has strengthened the military-industrial complex; it has strengthened the forces of reaction in our nation. It has put us against the self-determination of a vast majority of the Vietnamese people, and put us in the position of protecting a corrupt regime that is Gremminger, 41 stacked against the poor.

It has played havoc with our domestic destinies. This day we are spending five hundred thousand dollars to kill every Vietcong soldier Every time we kill one we spend about five hundred thousand dollars while we spend only fifty-three dollars a year for every person characterized as poverty-stricken in the so-called poverty program, which is not even a good skirmish against poverty.

Not only that, it has put us in a position of appearing to the world as an arrogant nation. And here we are ten thousand miles away from home fighting for the so-called freedom ofthe Vietnamese people when we have not even put our own house in order. And we force young black men and young white men to fight and kill in brutal solidarity. Yet when they come back home that can't hardly live on the same block together.

The judgment of God is upon us today. And we could go right down the line and see that something must be done—and something must be done quickly. We have alienated ourselves from other nations so we end up morally and politically isolated in the world. There is not a single major ally ofthe United States of America that would dare send a troop to Vietnam, and so the only friends that we have now are a few client- nations like Taiwan, Thailand, South Korea, and a few others.

This is where we are. "Mankind must put an end to war or war will put an end to mankind," and the best way to start is to put an end to war in Vietnam, because if it continues, we will inevitably come to the point of confronting China which could lead the whole worid to nuclear annihilation.

It is no longer a choice, my friends, between violence and nonviolence. It is either nonviolence or nonexistence. And the alternative to disarmament, the alternative to a greater suspension of nuclear tests, the altemative to strengthening the United Nations and thereby disarming the whole world, may well be a civilization plunged into the abyss of annihilation, and our earthly habitat would be transformed into an infemo that even the mind of Dante could not imagine.

This is why I felt the need of raising my voice against that war and working wherever I can to arouse the conscience of our nation on it. I remember so well when I first took a stand against the war in Vietnam. The critics took me on and they had their say in the most negative and sometimes most vicious way.

One day a newsman came to me and said, "Dr. King, don't you think you're going to have to stop, now, opposing the war and move more in line with the administration's policy? As I understand it, it has hurt the budget of your organization, and people who once respected you have lost respect for you. Don't you feel that you've really got to change your position?" I looked at him and I had to say, "Sir, I'm sorry you don't know me. I'm not a consensus leader. I do not determine what is right and wrong by looking at the budget ofthe Southem Christian Leadership Conference. I've not taken a sort of Gallup Poll ofthe majority opinion." Ultimately a genuine leader is not a Gremminger, 42 searcher for consensus, but a molder of consensus.

On some positions, cowardice asks the question, is it expedient? And then expedience comes along and asks the question, is it politic? Vanity asks the question, is it popular? Conscience asks the question, is it right?

There comes a time when one must take the position that is neither safe nor politic nor popular, but he must do it because conscience tells him it is right. I believe today that there is a need for all people of goodwill to come with a massive act of conscience and say in the words ofthe old Negro spiritual, "We ain't goin' study war no more." This is the challenge facing modem man.

Let me close by saying that we have difficult days ahead in the stmggle for justice and peace, but I will not yield to a polific of despair. I'm going to maintain hope as we come to Washington in this campaign. The cards are stacked against us. This time we will really confront a Goliath. God grant that we will be that David of tmth set out against the Goliath of injusfice, the Goliath of neglect, the Goliath of refusing to deal with the problems, and go on with the determination to make America the truly great America that it is called to be.

I say to you that our goal is freedom, and I believe we are going to get there because however much she strays away from it, the goal of America is freedom. Abused and scorned though we may be as a people, our destiny is tied up in the destiny of America.

Before the Pilgrim fathers landed at Plymouth, we were here. Before Jefferson etched across the pages of history the majestic words ofthe Declaration of Independence, we were here. Before the beautiful words ofthe "Star Spangled Banner" were written, we were here.

For more than two centuries our forebearers labored here without wages. They made cotton king, and they built the homes of their masters in the midst ofthe most humiliating and oppressive conditions. And yet out of a bottomless vitality they continued to grow and develop. If the inexpressible cruelties of slavery couldn't stop us, the opposition that we now face will surely fail. We're going to win our freedom because both the sacred heritage of our nation and the eternal will ofthe almighty God are embodied in our echoing demands. And so, however dark it is, however deep the angry feelings are, and however violent explosions are, I can still sing "We Shall Overcome."

We shall overcome because the arc ofthe moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice. We shall overcome because Carlyle is right—"No lie can live forever." We shall overcome because William Cullen Bryant is right—"Truth, crushed to earth, will rise again." We shall overcome because James Russell Lowell is right—as we were singing earlier today. Gremminger, 43

Truth forever on the scaffold, Wrong forever on the throne. Yet fhat scaffold sways the future. And behind the dim unknown stands God, Within the shadow keeping watch above his own. With this faith we will be able to hew out ofthe mountain of despair the stone of hope. With this faith we vrill be able to transform the jangfing discords of our nafion into a beaufiful symphony of brotherhood,

Thank God for John, who centuries ago out on a lonely, obscure island called Patmos caught vision of a new Jemsalem descending out of heaven from God, who heard a voice saying, "Behold, I make all things new; former things are passed away."

God grant that we will be participants in this newness and this magnificent development. If we will but do it, we will bring about a new day of justice and brotherhood and peace. And that day the morning stars will sing together and the sons of God will shout for joy. God bless you. Gremminger, 44

-APPENDIX C"-

ARIAL PHOTOGRAPH OFTHE MARCH ON WASHINGTON

COURTESY OF EYES ON THE PRIZE (JUAN WILLIAMS) Gremminger, 45

-APPENDIX D-

PHOTOGRAPH OF MARTIN LUTHER KING PRESENTING THE "1 HAVE A DREAM" SPEECH (AUGUST 28, 1963)

COURTESY OF EYES ON THE PRIZE (JUAN WILLIAMS) Gremminger, 46

-APPENDIXES

MARCHERS LED BY MARTIN LUTHER KING AT THE MARCH ON WASHINGTON (AUGUST 28, 1963)

COURTESY OF EYES ON THE PRIZE (JUAN WlLUAMS) Gremminger, 47

-WORKS CONSULTED-

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Baldwin, Lewis V. To Make The Wounded Whole: The Cultural Legacy of Martin Luther King. Jr. Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress, 1992.

Branch, Taylor. Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, 1954-63. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988.

Calloway-Thomas, Carolyn, and John Louis t>ucaites, eds. Martin Luther King and the Sermonic Power of Public Discourse. Tuscaloosa; The University of Alabama Press, 1993.

Carr, Edward Hallett. What is History? New York: Vintage Books, 1961.

Carson, Claybome and Kris Shepard, eds. A Call To Conscience: The Landmark Speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr. New York: Wamer Books, 2001.

Colaiaco, James A. Martin Luther King. Jr. Aposfle of Militant Nonviolence. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988.

Eder, Craig Eduard. Personal Interview. January 3, 2002.

Fairclough, Adam. Martin Luther King. Jr. Athens, GA: The University of Georgia Press, 1990.

Foner, Eric. The Story of American Freedom. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1998.

Garraty, John A, and Mark C. Cames. A Short History of The American Nation. New York: Longman, 2001.

Harding, Vincent. Martin Luther King: The Inconvenient Hero. Maryknoll NY: Orbis Books, 1996.

The Harper Book of Quotations: Third Edition. Ed. Robert I. Fitzhenry. New York: Harper Perennial, 1993.

Holy Bible: New Revised Standard Version. New York: American Bible Society, 1989.

King, Martin Luther Jr. The Autobiography of Martin Luther King. Jr. Ed. Claybome Carson. New York: Wamer Books, 1998. Gremminger, 48

Why We Can't Wait. New York: Harper and Rowe, 1964.

Williams, Juan. Eves On The Prize: America's Civil Rights Years 1954-1965. New York: Penguin Books, 1987

"March on Washington." New York Amsterdam News (August 23, 1963)

Phillips, Donald T. Martin Luther King, Jr., On Leadership: Inspiration and Wisdom For Challenging Times. New York: Wamer Books, 1999.

Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr. The Disuniting of America: Reflections on a Multicultural Society. Knoxville, TN: Whittle Direct Books, 1991.

Zirm, Howard. A Peoples Fhstory of The United States. New York: The New Press, 1980.