Steve Gunderson GAY REPUBLICAN in the AMERICAN CULTURE WAR
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Nondorf Research and Editorial Assistants Elizabeth Wyckoff, John Zimm, Grace Castagna, and Colleen Harryman Design Nancy Rinehart, Christine Knorr, University Marketing THE WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY (ISSN 0043-6534), published quarterly, is a benefit of membership in the Wisconsin Historical Society. 2 Wisconsin Congressman Steve Full membership levels start at $55 for individuals and $65 for Gunderson institutions. To join or for more information, visit our website at Gay Republican in the American wisconsinhistory.org/membership or contact the Membership Office at 888-748-7479 or e-mail [email protected]. Culture War The Wisconsin Magazine of History has been published quarterly by Jordan O'Conn ell since 1917 by the Wisconsin Historical Society. Copyright ©2016 by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin. 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Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106, www.napubco.com. 54 Letters On the front cover: Members of the Seils-Sterling Circus in Wausau, Wisconsin, 1937 56 Curio PHOTO: CIRCUS WORLD 4059 VOLUME 100, NUMBER 1 / AUTUMN 2016 Wisconsin Congressman Steve Gunderson GAY REPUBLICAN IN THE AMERICAN CULTURE WAR BY JORDAN OXONNELL ess than a year after Republican revolutionaries seized control of Congress in the 1994 midterm elections, eight-term Wisconsin 3rd District representative Steve L Gunderson laughed as he admitted to cable news show host Chris Matthews that he knew he was Republican before he knew he was gay1 First elected to Wisconsin's 91st Assembly District in 1975, Gunderson could not have foreseen the political events that would drive such an intense national interest in his personal life at the twilight of his political career. He later admitted that had he known the trials he would face in the 1990s, he would never have run for the US Congress.2 By the fall of 1995, though, Gunderson had grown accus tomed to the pressure-cooker political atmosphere his identity attracted, both from antigay elements within the GOP and from those simply made curious by the easy coexistence of his conservative values, Lutheran faith, and homosexuality. Fresh off a commanding reelection as the first openly gay Repub lican congressman in American history, Gunderson's victory would be short lived. On the timeline of events that culminated in Steve Gunderson's turbulent political end, his backing of Newt Gingrich for minority party whip in 1989 is seminal. As early as 1985, he and other young congressional Republicans began to believe that they shared a forward-looking spirit with the fiery Georgian that, if properly merged, could produce real party strength and "might well manage to unite Americans as WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY With Gingrich holding the number two Republican lead ership position in the House, minority party strategy turned sharply to the right. The economy was in bad shape and the budget deficit was deepening, and party leaders had deter mined that President George H. W. Bush could not be reelected on an economic agenda and had, according to Gunderson, "decided to embrace the radical right's social agenda."5 In August 1992, with Arkansas Democrat Bill Clinton knocking at the door of the White House, that conservative wave crested at the Republican National Convention in Houston, where Pat Buchannan's infamous culture war speech signaled a new and merciless Republican resolve to win at the expense of gay Americans.6 Gunderson, anticipating the divisive tone the convention would take and troubled by his inability to influ ence his party's strategy direction, did not attend the festivities. In those difficult years he served as Gingrich's chief deputy whip, Gunderson found little comfort in his personal life. To gay Americans living their lives openly, Gunderson's acceptance of the whip position epitomized the "closets of power" issue weakening the political progress of a gay commu nity still dealing with the AIDS crisis.7 Gunderson frequented gay bars while in Washington, and the perceived contradiction between his own apparent sexual identity, the antigay stances of many of his colleagues, and his ostensible complicity as a new member of the House Republican leadership increasingly attracted public confrontation by gay rights activists.8 Though Gingrich had been formally introduced to Gunderson's long time partner, Rob Morris, before he selected Gunderson as his chief deputy whip, Gunderson had never spoken directly to Gingrich about his sexuality. An escalating effort by gay rights groups to out Gunderson in Wisconsin's 3rd Congressional Gunderson carried his reputation as hardworking public servant into District, though, compelled Gunderson to bring the issue out the US House of Representatives in the 1980s. into the open. The first time the two spoke on the subject was a whole across party lines."3 An internal Gingrich campaign in the summer of 1991, when it was clear to both that Gunder tally sheet indicates that Gingrich was, on the back of Gunder son's glass closet homosexuality had made his congressional son's campaigning, able to nearly split Gunderson's moderate seat a political target.9 Though Gingrich quietly affirmed his Republican caucus, the so-called '92 Group, securing nine of support and shared his aspirations to lead a big-tent Repub its twenty members on his way to an incredible 87-85 victory lican Party, he did not encourage Gunderson to formally come over the Republican next in line, Ed Madigan from Illinois.4 out to his constituents.10 Gunderson's commitment to Gingrich was a transfor Gunderson held the position of chief deputy whip under mative event for both the House Republican conference Gingrich through the 102nd Congress, and his unscripted and Gunderson's place in it. Inspired by Ronald Reagan, departure from the position on the opening day of the 103rd Gunderson had carried a reputation as a hardworking Congress signaled that Gunderson had reached his breaking Wisconsin state assemblyman into the US House of Repre point.11 In his memoir House and Home, Gunderson charges sentatives in 1980, and he maintained it through unglamorous Gingrich with disqualifying his concerns over both the nega work on the Agriculture Committee, the Education and Labor tivity of their party's strategies and the emergence of antigay Committee, and the Rural Health Care Coalition. After only rhetoric by Republicans in 1992.12 In his official press release nine years in Congress, Gunderson's pivotal endorsement regarding his departure, Gunderson cited the Houston conven launched him into the Republican congressional leadership.