Living In/Between Two Worlds: Narratives of Latina Cultural Brokers

in Higher Education

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

Jennifer Rose Lando, MA

Graduate Program in Education: Policy and Leadership

The Ohio State University

2015

Dissertation Committee:

Dr. Tatiana Suspitsyna, Advisor

Dr. Theresa Delgadillo

Dr. Susan R. Jones

Jennifer Rose Lando

2015

Abstract

The purpose of this narrative study was to explore how Latina cultural brokers

understand their role in translating and interpreting complex, adult situations for their

families, called cultural brokering, and how that background shapes their collegiate

experiences. While much of the higher education literature in recent years has focused on

the access, retention, and unique experiences of underrepresented students, little is known

about the unique experiences of cultural brokers and their college processes.

Methodologically, narrative inquiry was conducted through semi-structured interviews and multiple modes of coding and analysis. Ten Latinas from a large, predominantly white institution in the Midwest discussed the stories of their background and everyday experiences. Each distinct narrative was presented individually to preserve the women’s voices and emphasize the students’ unique lived experiences.

The findings of this study were analyzed through four central themes: familial engagement, sense of independence and self-efficacy, seeking “The College Experience,” and giving back. Additionally, Spanish language performance was seen as a cultural marker; cultural brokering was both advantageous to the family and to the broker, as well as a burden to the broker. As students prepared for or entered the college environment, familial engagement was a factor as students made decisions. In college, their cultural brokering background emerged, as students utilized what they gained in terms of utilizing the acquisition of authority, being a speaker or advocate, with a sense of accomplishment,

ii independence and self-efficacy, and giving back, as they navigated college-going processes and sought “The College Experience.” As a result, many of the participants stated that they often felt as if they lived “in” or “between” two worlds.

This phenomenon of living in/between two worlds was compared to Gloria

Anzaldúa’s (1987) Borderlands. This is a new consciousness with a tolerance for ambiguity as students both maintain their ethnic identity and adapt to the college environment. A model of Cultural Brokering In/Between Two Worlds was presented, suggesting that navigating between the two worlds both overlaps and is fluid, which does not require students having to choose between multiple identities, ideologies and cultures.

The results of the study may be beneficial for informing institutional policy, particularly in terms of academic programs, admissions, engaging parents, financial aid, and support services as well as behavioral and psychological aspects of campus climate.

Additionally, since cultural brokers are living in/between two worlds, their ability to adapt to an otherwise unwelcome environment, with the support and engagement of their families, is a significant benefit. The students themselves have a set of experiences that foster a sense of independence, accomplishment, and self-efficacy that is not always present in traditionally aged college students.

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Dedication

This dissertation is dedicated to my parents,

Phyllis and Richard Lando,

My very first educators, who have inspired, loved, and supported me beyond measure,

Con amore.

In Loving Memory of

Salvatore and Rose Lando, Frank and Caroline Bentivenga,

And my great-grandparents who left their world behind in Italy to provide a better life for

their family in New York.

Con amore, risposare in pace

Acknowledgments

When I applied to the doctoral program, someone had told me that writing a dissertation was “a very solitary, lonely process.” While that is (mostly) true, in my experience, it truly takes a village. Many thanks to my dissertation committee for sharing their wisdom, engaging in this project, and challenging me. To my advisor, Dr. Tatiana

Suspitsyna: From the very first course I took with you, as a non-degree student, in your first quarter at Ohio State, through the completion of this manuscript, you have challenged me to make this the best it could be, to think critically, and most importantly, you stuck with me and shepherded me through this dissertation process. Your rigorous approach has made me a better writer and your humor eased my anxiety. I look forward to our continued relationship and future collaborations. To Dr. Theresa Delgadillo: The early stages of this dissertation topic were formulated during your course and the memoir we read. You have been a part of this project from its inception, and I am indebted to you for your knowledge, insight, and extensive contributions, which challenged me to consider multiple options and possibilities with my analysis. To Dr. Susan Jones: I very much appreciate you agreeing to serve on my committee and offer your expertise, thought-provoking, detailed feedback, and the developmental lens, all of which improved this manuscript greatly.

I was fortunate to receive a Department of Educational Studies Dissertation

Research Grant in the spring of 2015, which helped fund this study. Thank you to Dr.

Eric Anderman, Chair, and the faculty and staff on the committee.

To members of my cohort, Sean, Seth, Mitsu, and Tara: We’ll always have

Cazuela’s! Seth and Mitsu, I appreciate you giving me feedback on my proposal through the years. Tara, your encouragement always came when most needed. Sean, my friend, I

will always value our coffee dates, shared outlook, and your humor and encouragement.

To the #sadoc community, Dr. Melissa Johnson, Dr. Monica Fochtman, Dr. Cindy

Kane, Dr. Carolyn Golz, Dr. Josie Ahlquist, Liz Gross, Laurie Berry, Rich Akers, Jason

Cottrell, and others: Your support and our twitter chats have been invaluable and always

seemed to provide the motivation I needed. I look forward to continued conversations.

I have had the extraordinary privilege of working with supportive faculty and staff

during my career. Dr. Jackie Blount: thank you for allowing me the time to complete my candidacy exams and providing me with additional resources. Dr. Bryan Warnick: thank you for your support during the final push. It’s truly a pleasure working with you and I look forward to continuing to do so. Dr. John Wanzer: I have known you from my first days at Ohio State, which makes me very fortunate. I appreciate your wisdom, humor,

sensibility, esoteric vocabulary, and the willingness to field emails and phone calls with the never ending odd questions for which I need advice. Thanks to my staff in

Undergraduate Student Services for their patience and understanding, and to Ben Forche,

who applied his design expertise on the model. To one of my dear friends, Kynthia

Droesch, thank you for always standing by my side throughout the years and especially

on defense day. Love you, friend!

To my four peer reviewers, two who wish to remain anonymous, Ramsey Piazza,

and especially Dr. Holly Asimou, who I dubbed my “dissertation guardian angel.” Your

feedback and comments helped improve my thinking about my data and findings. Holly,

I cannot thank you enough for all of your support, texts, chats, feedback, and

encouragement during the home stretch. We are lucky to have you on our staff!

To my family, Aunt Jane, Aunt Marianne, Aunt Joan, and Aunt Carol: thank you

for your love, unending support, and check-ins, which have meant the world. I truly am blessed with a great family. To Pat and all of the Schirtzingers: thank you for welcoming me into your family and providing me with encouragement. I love you all so much.

To Melissa: you were there for me at the beginning of this process and finished strong at the end. You gave me the time and space to write papers and candidacy exams in the middle of the night or early on Saturday mornings while you took care of Alessia.

We’re in each other’s lives for a reason. Thank you for all your support. Lots of love.

To my dear, dear friend and my sister, Leslie Trahant: This dissertation would not have been completed without you! Your support was unwavering, from trying to strategize finding participants, asking thoughtful questions, solving my unending battles with Word, always checking in, and above all else, being a lifelong friend. Love you.

To my Mom and Dad: this dissertation has been dedicated to you. I can only hope that I have made you proud throughout my life. You’ve always pushed me, supported me, and the list goes on. I don’t know if the “intervention” at your house was spontaneous or planned, but it certainly was the turning point to not letting this degree go with everything else that had happened. This is for you and all of the sacrifices you’ve made throughout your lives to ensure I had an education and a path in life. Thanks, Dad, for always being

vii there for me and talking me through things. Thanks Mom, for providing feedback, editing, and contributing thoughts from your own experiences. This is much your achievement as it is mine. And to my smart, beautiful sister, Mary, who is one of the strongest people I know: Thank you for your support throughout life. I love you all.

To my smart, silly, compassionate, beautiful, loving kids, Alessia & Jackson: you are an amazing treature. I never knew that the kind of love I have for you existed until I held each of you in my arms when you were born. You have never known your Mama without being a doctoral student. You have been so patient as I finished my “homework” and had to miss out on your events. To watch you both as you grow up has been the ultimate joy and privilege of my life. I love you two more than all the stars in the sky!

Finally, to my love, my partner, and my best friend, Kelly: it was by chance that we met, but it was always meant to be. Your support, encouragement and love fueled me to the finish line. Everything from telling me to imagine the moment I was done when I was ready to quit, to taking care of the house, playing with the kids, replacing one

Starbucks with another, sleeping out on the couch while I worked from dusk to dawn, listening to my thoughts, complaints, brainstorms, silliness, and just loving me for me:

“My love is never ending… you are my saving grace.” I love you always.

This dissertation would not exist if not for the 11 women who participated. To

Adriana, Claudia, Samantha, Elena, Renata, Natalia, Rosa, Mayra, Luciana, Alexa, and

Emilia, thank you for sharing your stories with me, making me think, and giving me a glimpse of your lived experiences. Thank you for trusting me to honor your voices and experiences. I am excited for your futures and to see where life takes you.

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Vita

May 1993 ...... ………..St. Francis Preparatory High School

May 1997……………B.A. English, minor in Secondary Education, St. John’s University

1997-1998………..………Traveling Educational Consultant, Theta Phi Alpha Fraternity

September 2000………………………..…………M.A. Student Personnel Administration

in Higher Education, New York University

2000 – 2001..…………………...Asst Dir, Student Activities & Orientation, Capital Univ

2001 – 2002.……Assistant Director of Student Activities for Orientation and Greek Life,

Bridgewater State University

2002 – 2004.....Academic Counselor, College of Arts and Sciences, The Ohio State Univ.

2004 – 2006………..Director of the ASC Curriculum Office, The Ohio State University

2006 – 2008……….Coordinator of Academic Advising, College of Arts and Sciences,

The Ohio State University

2008 – present…………...Assistant Dean, College of Education and Human Ecology,

The Ohio State University

Fields of Study

Major Field: Education: Policy and Leadership

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... ii

Dedication ...... iv

Acknowledgments ...... v

Vita ...... ix

Table of Contents ...... x

List of Tables ...... xvi

List of Figures ...... xvii

Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1

Purpose of the Study ...... 3

Latinas in Higher Education ...... 4

Cultural Brokering ...... 5

Gender ...... 7

Biculturalism ...... 8

Research Questions ...... 9

Significance of the Study ...... 9

Operationalized Definitions ...... 10

Hispanic/Latino/a: Problematic Categories ...... 10

Retention vs. Persistence ...... 13 x

The Family ...... 14

Research Design ...... 15

Organization of the Study ...... 16

Chapter 2: Review of the Literature ...... 17

Cultural and Family Considerations ...... 18

Within-Group Differences ...... 18

Mexican Historical Migration Patterns ...... 21

Central American Historical Migration Patterns ...... 21

Puerto Rican Historical Migration Patterns ...... 22

Transnationalism ...... 23

Role of Family and Community ...... 24

Role of the Spanish Language ...... 26

Citizenship and Immigration Status ...... 29

Education...... 31

Economic Differences ...... 32

Influences of Gender in Latina Cultures ...... 33

Multiple Dimensions of Identity ...... 35

Issues Facing Latinas at Predominantly White Institutions ...... 37

First-Generation College Students and Financing a Higher Education ...... 37

Campus Climate and Adjustment to College ...... 42

Persistence/Retention of Latinas ...... 44

Conceptual Framework ...... 49

Biculturalism ...... 49

Acculturation ...... 49

Early Views of Biculturalism: Enculturation and Cultural (Frame) Switching ...... 50

Modern Biculturalism ...... 52

Bicultural Orientation Model and Cultural Orientation ...... 54

Cultural Brokering ...... 55

Conclusion ...... 58

Chapter 3: Research Design ...... 59

Purpose of the Study and Research Questions ...... 59

Components of the Constructivist Paradigm ...... 60

Methodology ...... 60

Research Methods ...... 62

Research Setting ...... 62

Sampling Criteria ...... 63

Sample Size and Participant Selection ...... 65

Data Collection ...... 67

Data Analysis ...... 69

Trustworthiness ...... 71

Ethical Considerations ...... 72

Researcher Voice and Reflexivity ...... 73

Insider/Outsider Perspective and Positionality ...... 74

Additional Ethical Considerations ...... 77

Conclusion ...... 78

Chapter 4: Narratives of Being a Latina College-Going Cultural Broker ...... 79

Introduction ...... 79

Alexa: “Every Place That My Parents are is Home To Me” ...... 80 xii

Mayra: “It’s Hard Because You’re Young, and [Think], My Mom Should Know English” ...... 82

Emilia: “In Puerto Rico, Parents Say, You Have to Finish High School and Go to College” ...... 84

Rosa: “It’s Just What I Do” ...... 86

Renata: “We’re Between Both Worlds” ...... 87

Natalia: “What If They Didn’t Have Anybody to Translate For Them?” ...... 89

Adriana: “I Was Proud of This Achievement and I Couldn’t Share the Emotion I Wanted” ..... 90

Samantha: “Para Que Aprendas/So That You Will Learn” ...... 93

Luciana: “I Was Always Able to Figure Things Out by Myself” ...... 94

Claudia: “I Tell People That I Don’t Know That I’m Half from the US and Half from Central

America” ...... 96

Ethnic Identity, Self-Identification, and Citizenship ...... 97

Cultural Brokering ...... 102

Spanish Language Performance as a Cultural Marker ...... 103

Code Switching and Spanglish ...... 105

Cultural Brokering as Advantageous to the Family and to the Broker ...... 107

Cultural Brokering as a Burden to the Broker ...... 111

Cultural Brokering as the Acquisition of Authority in Social Spaces ...... 118

Parental Engagement/Disengagement in Education in the Younger Years ...... 127

Conclusion ...... 128

Chapter 5: Cultural Brokering and College Processes ...... 130

Introduction ...... 130

Pre-College Processes and the Role of Family ...... 131

First-Generation ...... 131

Parental Expectations on Education ...... 134

xiii

Re-Thinking the Role of the Family in Pre-College Processes ...... 136

Sense of Independence and Self-Efficacy ...... 137

Personal Goals – Education is Important To Defy Stereotypes...... 137

College Persistence – Attrition is “Not an Option” ...... 139

Financing the College Degree ...... 141

Re-Thinking the Connection Between Independence and Self-Efficacy ...... 147

Seeking “The College Experience” ...... 149

Living Arrangements ...... 149

Academic Experiences ...... 152

Re-Framing The College Experience ...... 155

Giving Back ...... 156

Choosing a Major ...... 156

Outside the Classroom Collegiate Experiences ...... 158

Re-Conceptualizing Latinas’ Campus and Community Involvement ...... 162

Parental Involvement ...... 164

Familial Engagement with College Processes ...... 164

Parental Disengagement ...... 167

Re-Conceptualizing Parental Involvement as Familial Engagement ...... 169

Summary ...... 171

Chapter 6: Discussion and Conclusions ...... 172

Introduction ...... 172

Summary of Key Findings ...... 173

Sense of Belonging In Two Worlds ...... 174

Sense of Belonging ...... 174

xiv

Finding a Sense of Belonging While Navigating Two Worlds ...... 176

What does it mean to Broker? ...... 179

The World of Origin: Family and Culture ...... 181

The World of Choice: The College Environment ...... 182

In/Between: Living at the Borderlands ...... 183

Toward a Model of Cultural Brokering In/Between Two Worlds ...... 185

Implications for Higher Education ...... 187

Limitations of the Study and Directions for Future Research ...... 190

Conclusion ...... 193

References ...... 195

Appendix A: IRB Approved Sample Recruitment Emails ...... 212

Appendix B: IRB Approved Consent Forms ...... 214

Appendix C: Initial Code Book ...... 218

Appendix D: Interview Protocol ...... 220

Appendix E: Sample Vignette ...... 222

List of Tables

Table 4.1: List of Participants ...... 80

Table 5.2: Participants’ Financial Aid ...... 142

xvi

List of Figures

Figure 6.1: Living In/Between the Borderlands ...... 185

xvii

Chapter 1: Introduction

It is not unusual for an adolescent to feel disconnected from her body – a stranger to herself and to her new developing needs – but I think that to a person living simultaneously in two cultures this phenomenon is intensified. ~ Judith Ortiz Cofer,

Silent Dancing: A Partial Remembrance of a Puerto Rican Childhood, p. 124

This quote from Judith Ortiz Cofer’s memoir described a similar struggle of many

Latina students who live simultaneously in both the majority culture and their culture of

origin (Quinones-Mayo, & Dempsey, 2005). It isn’t unusual for adolescents or college students in general to feel this disconnect, but an even greater disconnect may occur for those who are living in both cultures. Living through these experiences, and the skill of negotiating sometimes conflicting worlds, is a background characteristic that these students will bring with them if they attend college. However, cultural brokering is

seldom studied in the higher education literature.

Numerous Latinas enrolled in college today are first-generation college students

(Strayhorn, 2006), and of these, some come from families that immigrated to the United

States. In the K-12 research, several studies have been conducted on language brokers, or those children who interpret and translate language for their immigrant parents (Buriel, et al., 1998; Corona, et al., 2012; Dorner, Orellana, & Li-Grining, 2007; Tse, 1995;

Villanueva & Buriel, 2010). For example, Dorner, Orellana, & Li-Grining (2007) found a

positive correlation between language brokering and academic success in children.

Although Tse (1995) and others refer to this population as language brokers, since they

experience complex, adult situations that require them to interpret, translate, and have a

degree of sophistication, understanding, and awareness of both cultures (Buriel, et al.,

1998; Dorner, Orellana, & Li-Grining, 2007), I refer to these students as cultural brokers.

These students often are asked to interpret both language and culture between their

families and the majority culture as they negotiate everyday life experiences (Benet-

Martínez. Leu, Lee, & Morris, 2002), and in doing so, both translate and help shape

messages that are conveyed between their parents and other adults in society (Buriel, et al., 1998). Many of these students live between and in their two cultures and take that experience with them when they arrive on campus. The higher education literature reveals very little about how this background shapes the collegiate experience for these students.

In addition, much of the research on Latina students in higher education focuses on the access, retention, and attrition for them and other underrepresented students, such as African Americans and Native Americans, which is always lower than their white and

Asian American counterparts, particularly at four-year institutions (Anaya & Cole, 2001;

Ceja, 2006; Perna & Titus, 2005; Strayhorn, 2008; Swail, Redd, & Perna, 2003). This is a concern due to the extrinsic value of a college education: the holder of a degree earned at least double those with a high school diploma; in 2012, they earned 57% more than high school graduates (Swail, Redd, & Perna, 2003; U.S Department of Education, 2014).

When studying the Latino/a population, access and retention become a particular

concern. Latino/as are the largest minority group in the United States, growing by 43%

between 2000 and 2010, and comprising 16% of the national population (Ennis, Rios-

Vargas & Albert, 2011), but they continue to lag behind every other minority group in degree attainment (Anaya & Cole, 2001; Ceja, 2006; Perna & Titus, 2005). Higher education research, in particular, has often focused on a deficit model, asking questions such as what these students lack, or what can universities do to bridge the gap between what the students need and where the university is deficient. The literature also often focuses on the access and retention of Latino/a students, or student development theory that focuses on demographic variables or one attribute such as ethnicity, socioeconomic status, race, gender, or sexual orientation (Evans, Forney, Guido-DiBrito, 1998; Jones &

McEwen, 2000; Jones, Torres, & Renn, 2009). Rather than viewing Latinas in college from a deficit perspective, exploring the narratives of cultural brokers is intended to illuminate how this background may be beneficial in shaping college processes.

Purpose of the Study

This study explored the narratives of Latina students who were cultural brokers

for their families and how that background shaped their college experiences. This study

specifically focused on Latina women, as they most often deal with additional challenges compared to their male counterparts, particularly because of gender, class, and ethnic

issues (Castillo & Hill, 2004; Gomez & Fassinger, 1994; Villanueva & Buriel, 2010). In

doing so, I recognized that other aspects of identity might also have an influence, such as

gender, ability, age, and sexual orientation, as well as the cultural aspects of each Latina’s individual background. The goal was to provide a new perspective on college-going

Latinas, and raise awareness of this subset of the population in institutions of higher

education.

Latinas in Higher Education

Many of the current issues that college-going Latinas face are historical in nature

and continue through to the present day. As a minority group, Latinas have struggled for

equity in access to higher education, financing their degrees, being prepared to enter the

college environment, and garnering the support necessary to complete their degrees and

persist to graduation. The reality for the Latina population is the disproportionate

enrollment when compared to the overall population (Ceja, 2006; MacDonald, 2004;

Perna & Titus, 2005; Solórzano, Villalpando, & Oseguera, 2005; Strayhorn, 2008;

Torres, 2003). Although there are more Latinas in college than before, less than half of

the students who enroll will persist to a degree (Anaya & Cole, 2001; Ceja, 2006;

Hernandez & Lopez, 2004; Perna & Titus, 2005). Additionally, the K-12 educational

system has provided inadequate preparation for Latinas who would aspire to go to college

(Solórzano, et al., 2005). Meritocracy, or a “formal system by which advancement is

based upon ability and achievement,” (Zink, 1997, p. 23) may also be an issue; students

from underrepresented groups, particularly those having inadequate preparation, may not

even apply to colleges and universities with selective admissions policies for fear of

rejection. In turn, admissions officers are often asked to recruit the best and brightest

minority students, often without considering what these students need to succeed and

persist (Chapa, 2009; Zink, 1997). Until true educational reform is reached, Latinas may not have access to and success in college in large numbers because of under preparation.

Since a college degree can create many opportunities, enrollment and attrition are

both significant. For the individual, enrollment at a University and leaving devoid of a

degree can result in a loss of earning potential, as well as significant loans to repay

lacking the potential to be employed in the types of jobs that he or she would have access

to with the degree (Swail, Redd, & Perna, 2003). Without the earning power of a degree,

many of these individuals may default on their loans, which may affect their credit rating

and future potential for purchases, which will, in turn, not be able to stimulate the

economy (Swail, Redd, & Perna, 2003). At the institutional level, low retention rates result in higher tuition and fees as colleges and universities attempt to attract additional students to enroll (Bean & Eaton, 2000); institutions may also suffer a poorer reputation as “people want to know whether an institution gets students through” (Swail, Redd, &

Perna, 2003, p. 8). As many researchers note, colleges and universities who admit students have a responsibility to assist students in their persistence toward a degree

(Edwards, 1993; Swail, Redd, & Perna, 2003; Tinto, 1997). As colleges and universities seek to increase the enrollment of the largest U.S. minority group, understanding the needs of these students is critical.

Cultural Brokering

For first-generation Latina college students, who are often second generation in the United States, Spanish may be the primary or only language spoken at home. These

students often act as cultural brokers for their parents or family members as they

negotiate life in the United States. Since they have daily engagement in the English

language in school, they often are called upon to translate and interpret for members of

their family who are Spanish-only speakers (Buriel, et al., 1998). In the K-12 literature,

5 these students are referred to as language brokers (Buriel, et al., 1998; Corona, et al.,

2012; Tse, 1995), however, since translating and interpreting situations on behalf of their families often goes beyond language, and often includes the interpretation of cultural norms and the majority culture, they can also be called cultural brokers (Buriel, et al.,

1998).

Cultural brokers often experience complex situations that require interpretation, translating, sophistication, and awareness (Buriel, et al., 1998; Dorner, Orellana, & Li-

Grining, 2007). Cultural brokers are often placed in adult situations, and given decision- making authority for their family (Buriel, et al., 1998). Dissonance may occur for these students, as children or adolescent cultural brokers take on responsibility that is normally conducted by adults, while being expected to conform to a typical parent-child relationship at home (Villanueva & Buriel, 2010). Additionally, the complex situations that cultural brokers negotiate may enable students to feel more confident and have a high academic self-concept (Niehaus & Kumpiene, 2014). The ability to successfully navigate their home culture and the prevalent culture, coupled with unique historical and cultural characteristics, familial support, including that of the extended family, and the strong ties to the Spanish language (Cabrera, Nora, Terenzini, Pascarella, & Hagedorn, 1999;

Hawley, Chavez, & St. Romain, 2007; Padilla, Trevino, Gonzalez, & Trevino, 1997;

Torres, 2006), may have an impact on college going processes, and ultimately, degree completion. One study on college-aged language brokers found that acculturation, acculturative stress, heritage cultural values, and ethnic identity were salient; frequent language brokers often felt pressure from both cultures (Weisskirch, Zamboanga,

Bersamin, Kim, Schwartz, and Umaña-Taylor, 2011). Increased persistence often stems

6 from a high level of social support from family, friends and faculty; a strong support network is critical for Latina students. It becomes easier for students to succeed at an institution with the support and guidance of family members at home, particularly when the family is as central to the student as it is with many Latina cultures.

Gender

Latinas in particular often have to manage the stigma of being a “triple minority” because of their gender, class, and ethnicity (Castillo & Hill, 2004; Constantine,

Robinson, Wilton & Caldwell, 2000; Gomez & Fassinger, 1994). Although the experience may also vary based on the culture of the subgroup and the circumstances

(Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2004), cultural and gender norms in the Latino/a community often suggest that men may be expected to work and support their family financially

(Hernandez & Lopez, 2004; Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009), while women may be placed in traditional care giving roles as wife and mother (Castillo & Hill, 2004) and have lower levels of labor force participation (Hondagne-Sotelo, 2004). Historical notions are that men must take care of women and that women must still fulfill specific familial and caretaking obligations while they are in college (Sy & Romero, 2008). This is often incongruent with a traditional college campus culture where much freedom is granted

(Quiñones-Mayo & Dempsey, 2005) and may put a particular strain on Latina women in the college environment.

Further, the evidence that men and women often interact with the university and experience it differently may be discussed in the literature, however, the intersection of being both from a Latina culture and being a woman is rarely studied (Ceja, 2006).

Research has focused on either the cultural experience of Latino/as in a college setting

(Anaya & Cole, 2001; Torres, 1999, 2003, 2006; Torres & Baxter Magolda, 2004), or on gender differences across cultures, both Latino/as and other groups (Constantine et al.,

2002; Corkin, et al., 2008; Hernandez, 2000; Kalsner &Pistole, 2003; Nelson Laird, et al.,

2007; Perna, & Titus, 2005; Rankin & Reason, 2005; Wawrzynski & Sedlacek, 2003), but seldom is the unique experience of being a Latina woman discussed or researched on its own.

Biculturalism

Although many definitions of biculturalism exist, the higher education literature describes it as a relationship between acculturation and ethnic identity (Torres, 1999).

Those with high acculturation and high ethnic identity would be considered as having a bicultural orientation. One of the benefits of biculturalism as a theoretical perspective is to understand variation in students and the choices they have made in negotiating both of their cultures. This is of particular importance for the research setting, which is a predominantly white institution, and a non-neutral space. Some of the research suggests that Latino/as may feel a lack of culture and community within the university environment and a conflict with their cultural values (Torres, 2006). Those with a bicultural orientation may feel more acculturated to the environment while also maintaining a high ethnic identity. Since cultural brokers interpret language and culture for both their culture of origin and the environment in which they are in, biculturalism also serves as a theoretical lens for this study.

Research Questions

The guiding questions for this study were:

(1) How do Latina cultural brokers use the cultural brokering experience to navigate

college-going processes?

(2) How do Latina college students perceive their role as cultural brokers?

(3) How does being a Latina college student and a cultural broker shape the collegiate

experience?

Significance of the Study

The significance of this study was in the approach to examining a subset of

Latinas that are seldom captured in the higher education and student affairs literature.

Rather than consider Latinas in higher education from a deficit model, or the issues, problems, and reasons why students leave (e.g., see Tinto’s body of work on departure), this study instead focused on Latina students’ college-going processes by examining their backgrounds as cultural brokers for their families. This study ultimately sought to illuminate how the unique cultural brokering background can potentially assist students in college. This research will add to the growing body of scholarship on Latinas in higher education, as well as adding the subset of cultural brokers to the higher education literature.

I employed a narrative inquiry approach, which allowed the students to discuss the stories of their everyday experiences of being a cultural broker, as well as their everyday college processes. The findings were presented in both individual narrative and thematic form. The findings in this study may position future research on cultural brokering as a positive aspect that leads to degree attainment.

Operationalized Definitions

Hispanic/Latino/a: Problematic Categories

Hispanic/Latino/a students face unique challenges and may possess distinctive in-

group characteristics. It should be noted that the terms “Hispanic” and “Latino/a”

themselves are umbrella terms that include people of Spanish descent (Torres, Winston,

& Cooper, 2003). These terms are problematic and thus, they are defined here for the

purposes of this study. While the term “Hispanic” is commonly used and is the official

term of the United States Census, the National Latino and Asian American Study calls

those of Spanish origin “Latinos” (Guarnaccia, Martínez-Pincay, Alegria, Shrout, Lewis-

Fernandez, & Canino, 2007). Other studies use the term “Hispanic” to include those of

Spanish descent who are not from the Americas, and those who self-identify as Hispanic

or Latino/a on their institutional and educational records (Torres, Winston, & Cooper,

2003). The term Chicano/a is often used in the southwestern United States and California

to specifically describe Mexican-Americans. Additionally, many in the ethnic subgroups

under the umbrella terms “Hispanic” and “Latino/a” refer to themselves based on their

place of origin, such as “Cuban,” “Puerto Rican,” or “Dominican,” respectively. Students

who are second generation in the United States often refer to themselves in the same way

their parents self-identify (Torres, 2003). These are various reasons ethnic subgroups,

such as Cuban or Dominican, are typically combined together under the umbrella terms

of “Hispanic” or “Latino/a.” One stereotypical view is that they share a colonial past, a

common language in Spanish, and a similarity in both culture and values (Arbona &

Novy, 1991; Quiñones-Mayo & Dempsey, 2005). Another notion is that they are “a

segment of the U.S. population that traces its descent to Spanish-speaking, Caribbean,

and Latin American worlds” (Suárez-Orozco & Páez, 2009, p. 3). However, those who comprise this umbrella category are a complex and distinctive group that is in no way monolithic, and differ from other groups in the U.S. in terms of racialization (Sanchez,

2009; Suárez-Orozco & Páez, 2009). In fact, Latino/as are often a mixed-race people who often do not share a commonality on how to answer questions regarding race based on their individual circumstances (Sanchez, 2009; Smith, 2009; Suárez-Orozco & Páez,

2009).

To further illustrate the issue, researchers asked students in California to identify themselves given a list of various ethnic labels; the vast majority of students selected more than one label (Zarate, Bhimji, & Reese, 2005). Some of the students felt that the term “Hispanic” was imposed upon them and grouped disparate people into a singular category; others felt that the term “Chicano/a” referred to a person with limited language abilities; still others did not choose the label “American” because they felt that they were more “Mexican American” than simply one or the other and saw this category as something completely separate from any of the others (Zarate, Bhimji, & Reese, 2005).

None of these singular categories were satisfactory for this group of students. Although some of the students were born in the U.S., they did not feel that they necessarily identified with the term “American,” and always selected at least one other label, often citing the nation of origin of their parents (Zarate, Bhimji, & Reese, 2005).

Other studies noted that many students tended to strongly identify with their ethnic group and that ethnicity tends to be more important to minority groups than it is to majority groups (Gonzalez,2013; Guarnaccia, et al., 2007; Torres, et al., 2003). Another found that Latino/as are more likely to share more about their ethnicity with other

Latino/as than those of other backgrounds, either through fear of bias, perceptions of disinterest, or simplicity (Gonzalez, 2013). It is vital for researchers to understand the diversity of the subgroups within the term “Hispanic” or “Latino/a,” particularly how and why the groups immigrated to the United States and how the groups are viewed upon arrival, in addition to their attempts to acculturate and describe themselves. These understandings can illuminate Latinas’ experiences within the educational system and then in the college-going processes (Guarnaccia, et al., 2007), particularly in the social contexts of how others perceive them, their marginalization, and how they must negotiate this (Falicov, 2009; Jones, 2009). Assuming that all under the umbrella term “Latino/a” experience the educational system similarly may create misleading results or lead institutions to create inappropriate programming based on incomplete information about socio-historical and cultural norms that have shaped these students’ education.

For these reasons, Guaranaccia et al. (2007) argued that it is not plausible to treat these groups as a singular group, but instead study the acculturation, history, and migration patterns of each of the subgroups, a notion with which I agreed. As Zarate, et al. (2005) note, many of the students often referred to having a bicultural identity even though this is not typically listed on forms or explicitly discussed. In this context, the notion of biculturalism (Torres, 2003) can be used across the Latino/a groups to help describe a specific experience: that of living in both the culture of origin and the dominant culture. Further, I referred to the students in this study as “Latina,” but also asked them how they self-identify. Wherever possible, but limited in order to maintain anonymity for a small segment of the population, I referred to their ethnic culture, but used the term “Latina” to reflect both the commonalities among the ethnic cultures, as

well as the intersection between gender and culture for these female students. As a person

from a strong ethnic background, I tend to reject umbrella terms, but as a researcher, I

understood its usefulness for the audience’s understanding of the group through the

pervasiveness of the term. I recognized that the larger umbrella term is problematic, and

honored the vast diversity and difference within the category’s many disparate cultures.

Chapter 2 will include an in-depth discussion of some of the key differences between the

subgroups.

Retention vs. Persistence

Vincent Tinto (1997) studied retention and why students leave universities in- depth, and developed the theory of departure. However many critiques of Tinto’s theories have developed over the years, particularly when it is applied to underrepresented groups.

Operationally, many universities define retention as keeping students enrolled from year to year, but many use the terms retention and persistence interchangeably. Depending on the institution, retention data could be measured from first to second year, or ultimate degree attainment. Others may refer to these as persistence data, while others refer to persistence as keeping a full-time course load each term. Still others use retention to measure students’ return between fall semester and spring semester and persistence to measure their return from fall to fall. For the purposes of this study, I selected the term persistence and operationalized it to include Latinas who either obtained or intended to remain enrolled until they obtain their degree. In doing so, the students in this study each made a conscious decision to remain at the university and have recently obtained or intended to complete their degree, which is the primary aim of attending college.

The Family

Since this study focuses on the role of individuals in mediating between their

Spanish-speaking parents and English-speaking dominant society and whether that role

has any impact on future educational success, it is worthwhile to consider the role of

parents and families in student success generally so that we might better understand the

significance of brokering. Scholars, activists, politicians, and higher education scholars

have defined familismo in many Latino/a cultures as strong commitment and identification to the immediate and extended family (Hernandez & Lopez, 2004; Nelson

Laird, Bridges, Morelon-Quainoo, Williams & Salinas Holmes, 2007; Saenz & Ponjuan,

2009; Sy & Romero, 2008). A popular notion of familismo is that the women in the family were bound to the family and home, which was male-dominated; this was both romanticized and glorified by El Movimiento in the 1960s and 70s (García, 1997).

Chicana feminists contested this traditional notion and issued a call to women to educate their husbands and sons about their individual needs (NietoGomez, 1997). The extended family often has strong, influential bonds (Ceja, 2006; Hernandez, 2000; Kalsner &

Pistole, 2003; Perna & Titus, 2005; Weisskirch, et al., 2011), and often, extended family members will also migrate (Millard, Chapa, & Crane, 2004). The higher education literature notes that support from parents and the larger family is critical for college

Latinas (Ceja, 2006; Corkin, Arbona, Coleman & Ramirez, 2008; Hernandez, 2000;

Torres, 2003, 2006). Thus, for the purposes of this study, the term family will include parents, siblings, and extended family, including grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins.

Research Design

This study utilized a social constructivist paradigm, which recognizes that

subjective, varied, and multiple realities exist (Crotty, 1998; Guba & Lincoln, 2005).

Using a subjectivist epistemology enabled me to create meaning with the participants

rather than attempting to discover a universal truth (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). This permitted me to ground the study and allowed the students to present the meaning of their own narratives, based on their backgrounds and experiences. Social constructivism allowed for the multiple realities of the students, while giving them each voice, rather than essentializing their experiences into pre-determined fixed categories or identities.

Multiple theoretical perspectives guided this study. Cultural brokering (Buriel, et al., 1998; Dorner, Orellana, & Li-Grining, 2007; Tse, 1995) was a foundational lens for this study, and served as a source by which students can describe their experiences.

Additionally, cultural brokering is used as a framework to explain the participants’ experiences and college-going processes.

Biculturalism is the other guiding theoretical lens. Vasti Torres, a leading researcher on Latino/as in higher education, validated a model of biculturalism that suggested students who are bicultural are able to make choices to successfully navigate between their home culture and the majority/ host culture (Torres, 1993, 1999). Cultural brokering can play an important role in students becoming bicultural, since they are required to be proficient in both cultures in order to help their families thrive in the

United States (Benet-Martinez, et al., 2002; Buriel, et al., 1998; Padilla, 2006; Quinones-

Mayo & Dempsey, 2005). Further, the ability to assist their families as cultural brokers was a key concept of this study as I explored how this shaped the collegiate experience.

It is important to acknowledge that all experiences are not the same. Similarly, in studying various cultural groups within the Hispanic/Latino/a umbrella, I recognized that

experiences varied based on a host of sociocultural and historical factors. Although there

are 10 narratives presented here, these factors were considered in the process of

illuminating each student’s story. I relied on my participants’ views on their own lived experiences as a means for interpreting how those events shaped college-going processes.

Narrative inquiry (Czarnawska, 2004) was the methodology used in this study.

Since the participants were familiar with and living in two or more different cultures and

speak at least two languages, this is appropriate, as narrative inquiry allows for the

possibility of transhistorical and transcultural stories of everyday life (Czarnawska,

2004). Narrative inquiry allowed me to illuminate the participants’ heterogeneous, multilayered, complex, personal stories (Aguirre, 2005) through individual, in-depth, semi-structured interviews.

Organization of the Study

This dissertation explored the ways in which Latina cultural brokers navigated the college experience from pre-college through college-going processes. Chapter Two offers a review of the current higher education literature on Latina students as well as a review of differences between Latina subgroups. Chapter Three provides an explanation of the methodology and theoretical perspectives used to conduct the study. Chapter Four provides the narratives of the cultural broker, and chapter Five offers an analysis of the data. In chapter Six, I present discussion of the central concepts of the study, limitations of the study, and future directions for research.

Chapter 2: Review of the Literature

The purpose of this study was to explore how Latina college students who have a background as a cultural broker experience and navigate the college environment. The purpose of this chapter is to provide context for this study by examining the research pertaining to college-going Latinas. Of particular importance were the backgrounds and cultures of Latinas, and how cultural issues may be different for women than men

(Arbona & Novy, 1991; Torres, 2003). Various historical and cultural characteristics, familial support, including that of the extended family, and other resources, or lack thereof, make the college going, and persistence to degree, a challenge for female students from Latina cultures (Cabrera, Nora, Terenzini, Pascarella, & Hagedorn, 1999;

Constantine, et al., 2002; Hawley, Chaves, & St.Romain, 2007; Hernandez, 2000; Padilla,

Trevino, Gonzalez, & Trevino, 1997; Torres, 2006). To begin, I discuss cultural and family considerations, including salient differences within the umbrella terms

“Hispanic”/”Latino/a,” the role of the family and of the Spanish language, the influence of gender in Latina cultures, and other resource issues. Next, I discuss issues related to underrepresented populations at predominantly white institutions, namely, campus climate and persistence. Finally, I examined the concepts of cultural brokering and biculturalism, which together, provide a framework for this study.

Cultural and Family Considerations

As mentioned in chapter one, Latinas as an umbrella group possess several unique characteristics. The umbrella term itself is problematic, as it represents a wide variety of cultures. Additionally, the role of the parents, family, extended family, and community, the Spanish language, as well as citizenship status, immigration, and transnationalism are important factors. This section outlines these considerations.

Within-Group Differences

As Guarnaccia et al. (2007) noted, the reasons for immigrating to the United

States and cultural patterns are as diverse as the groups, which then affects cultures in the

United States. Mexicans, for example, most often came for employment opportunities, while Cubans came for political reasons during the Cuban revolution of the late 1950s and beyond, while others came for economic reasons, medical care, or family problems

(Gonzalez, 2000). Other groups, such as Puerto Ricans and Dominicans, may be transnational and return to their country of origin often. Groups such as Cubans and

Puerto Ricans come with a sizeable amount of cultural capital in terms of education and income (Guarnaccia, et al., 2007) and may acclimate more quickly and easily to the

American school system. Once in the United States, each of the subgroups may have different experiences based on the individual culture, use of Spanish and English, length of residency and prior schooling (Flores, 1992), as well as individual families and how they choose to activate their cultures in the new environment (Ainslie, 2009).

The differences among Latina cultures are often lost under the umbrella terms

(Torres, 1999) and the emphasis on essentializing race and culture in the United States often leads to this category (Sanchez, 2009) without understanding of the enormous

18 diversity of the subgroups within the umbrella as well as their cultures and their experiences in the U.S. Students do not shed their cultural identity simply by enrolling in college; thus, many must try to resolve the cultural dissonance (Torres & Baxter

Magolda, 2004; Torres, 2006). This is often exacerbated by the general lack of awareness or understanding of the Latina cultures in institutions of higher education (Constantine, et al., 2002; Rankin & Reason, 2005; Torres, 2006), which can be difficult at a predominantly white institution. The system and history of Latinas that fosters the beliefs, cultural traditions, philosophies, lifestyles, customs and religions of the particular in- group of Latinas may be different than others (Constantine, et al., 2002; González, 2000;

Kalsner & Pistole, 2003). Connecting with other Latino/as, particularly those from their own culture, is a way for students to reaffirm their ethnic identity while being able to create a support system for themselves, which aids in persistence (Hernandez, 2000).

For the purposes of this study, I operationalized my use of the term “Latina,” which is outlined in chapter 1. However, in institutions of higher education, the term

“Hispanic” is most commonly used as a way of signifying people of Spanish descent who self-identify as Hispanic or Latino/a on their institutional and educational records

(Guarnaccia, et al., 2007; Torres, Winston, & Cooper, 2003). Many people who identify within this population may refer to themselves based on their place of origin (Hernandez

& Lopez, 2004), such as “Cuban,” “Puerto Rican,” or “Dominican.” Ruiz and Korrol

(2005) wrote an excellent analysis about the diversity within the umbrella terms:

Nomenclature for Latinas in and of itself reveals much about the diversity of

Spanish-speaking peoples in the United States, past and present. There has never

existed a single signifier from Tejanos and Californios… to Latinos and

Hispanics… Latina is an umbrella term referring to all women of Latin American

birth or heritage, including women from North, Central, and South America and

the Spanish-speaking Caribbean. Mexicana and Mexicano refer to those born in

Mexico, with Mexican American indicating birth in the United States. Chicana

and Chicano reflect a political consciousness that emerged out of the Chicano

student movement, often a generational marker for those who came of age during

the 1960s and 1970s. Nuyorican refers to Puerto Ricans born on the mainland, not

just in New York, while Puertorriqueña and Puertorriqueño include islanders and

Nuyoricans alike. Boricua signifies endearment, empowerment and unity for all

Puerto Ricans. For some, regional identification becomes synonymous with

nationality… Others situate themselves in terms of racial location, preferring

perhaps an Iberian connection (Hispanic) or emphasizing indigenous (mestizo/a)

or African (Afro-Latino/a) roots. Cultural/national identification remains strong –

Salvadorans, Dominicans, Brazilians, and Cubans (to name just a few)… These

Americans will be referred to by many names, with Latino and Hispanic as the

most ubiquitous. (p. 5)

Although Latino/a and Hispanic are the most commonly used terms, they mask the varying experience, histories, issues, problems, and cultural characteristics of the ethnic subgroups (Arbona & Novy, 1991; Hernandez & Lopez, 2004), which shape their cultures in the U.S (González, 2000; MacDonald, 2004; Ruiz & Korrol, 2005;

Guarnaccia, et al., 2007). Taking into account the socio-historical and cultural information about the various groups provides a deeper understanding of how their backgrounds shape their educational experiences. The following is an overview of some

of the within-group differences of the major groups with which the students in this study

identify.

Mexican Historical Migration Patterns

Many Mexicans have been in the United States for generations. The Spanish settled parts of Florida and New Mexico in the late sixteenth century, and other colonists settled between Mexico City and Florida, to parts of modern day California, Nevada,

Colorado, Utah, Wyoming, Texas, and Arizona, which became part of Mexico after

Mexican independence from Spain in 1821 (González, 2000; Gutiérrez, 2004;

MacDonald, 2004). Most of this territory became part of the United States after the

United States-Mexican War, which ended in 1848, and the signing of the Treaty of

Guadalupe Hidalgo (Guarnaccia, et al., 2007). In the 20th century, travel between

Mexico’s Baja California and the United States’ California had been routine; it was more

recently that the border between Mexico and the U.S. became an issue for those who

traveled between the two places (González, 2000). Border control and immigration

remain highly charged political issues in the U.S.

Central American Historical Migration Patterns

Central Americans who immigrated to the United States comprise a diverse group from seven different countries, an array of socioeconomic statuses, and an ethnic diversity ranging from mestizos to indigenous and African rooted-populations (Chinchilla

& Hamilton, 2004). Many Central Americans came to the United States as a result of civil wars in their respective countries, many of which included the intervention of the

United States politically, economically, and strategically (González, 2000; Chinchilla &

Hamilton, 2004). Much of the involvement was due to trade: bananas across the

Caribbean coast; coffee in El Salvador; and the building of the Panama Canal and the building of a common market to eliminate trade barriers (Chinchilla & Hamilton, 2004).

Migration increased in the 1960s and 70s, both legally, and illegally, with some

Salvadorans and Guatemalans passing themselves off as Mexicans. Women played a unique role as they sought jobs in domestic service and outnumbered their male counterparts (Chinchilla & Hamilton, 2004). In general, an immigrant would go to the

United States, find work, and then send for family members and friends, and thus, the migration trajectories followed these paths.

The 1980s saw increased migration from Nicaraguans, Salvadorans, and

Guatemalans, most of whom were undocumented due to escalating violence and civil war. Central Americans tended to form communities in large, urban areas such as Los

Angeles, Miami, New York, and Washington, D.C. (Chinchilla & Hamilton, 2004;

Urciuoli, 2003). Since many were undocumented, they faced deportation during

Immigration and Naturalization Service investigations in the 80s. Work conditions worsened under the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986, which carried penalties for those who hired undocumented workers (Chinchilla & Hamilton, 2004;

González, 2000).

Puerto Rican Historical Migration Patterns

Just as Mexico has a historical background of colonization, so does Puerto Rico, which was colonized by Spain. After the Spanish-American War, Puerto Rico became an official colony of the United States in 1898 (Cabán, 2002; González, 2000; Santiago-

Valles & Jiménez-Muñoz, 2004; Guarnaccia, et al., 2007). A critical point in the migration pattern occurred between 1945-1968, post World War II, when an average of

31,000 people left Puerto Rico per year (Santiago-Valles & Jiménez-Muñoz, 2004); in addition, it was in 1946 that the first governor of Puerto Rico was appointed (González,

2000). By the 1960s, Puerto Rican barrios were established in New York City, as well as

Boston, northern Philadelphia, Hartford, and Chicago (MacDonald, 2004; Santiago-

Valles & Jiménez-Muñoz, 2004). By the mid-1960s, over a million Puerto Ricans were living on the mainland, with the majority concentrated in New York City.

Transnationalism

As noted, many Latina immigrants maintain strong ties to their families and place of origin. Members of some groups, such as Dominicans and Puerto Ricans, may enjoy a transnational lifestyle and are able to return to their respective countries on a regular basis and even vote in elections while abroad (González, 2000; Levitt, 2004; Santiago-Valles

& Jiménez-Muñoz; 2004). For many years, some members of other groups, such as

Cubans and South Americans, were not able to travel back to their place of origin because of the travel embargo and the high degree of undocumented immigrants, respectively (González, 2000; Espitia, 2004; García, 2004; Guarnaccia, et al., 2007), but brought with them a higher degree of social capital in terms of education and socioeconomic status. Mexicans, Central Americans, and South Americans may be able to forge ties with their homeland depending on their immigration status and the reasons for leaving their respective countries (Guarnaccia, et al., 2007). In addition, Cubans tend to have a very high sense of cohesion, whereas Puerto Ricans tend to have a higher level of disrupted family relationships due to this migration (Guarnaccia, et al., 2007;

Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2009). While transnationalism may appear to be a benefit, it can also significantly strain family relationships, and often creates a sense of both presence and

23 absence (Falicov, 2009; Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2009). This is particularly true when women leave their native country and their own children to work in domestic settings in the U.S. taking care of other’s children (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2009). The maintenance of family ties, however, also enables families to support each other long distance as well as sustain life cycle, cultural, and social rituals (Falicov, 2009).

Role of Family and Community

The family unit can be an indispensable component of Latina life. The term familismo was often used to describe the sense of commitment to family and the family being the highest priority (García, 1997; Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2009; Nelson Laird, et al.,

2007;Sargoza, 1997). This is an important historical cultural construct, since it often was used to reinforce a traditional notion of family, with the role of women being in the home and church (Sargoza, 1997). As many feminist scholars challenged this notion (García,

1997), they also observed that many Latino/a families had to reinvent the structure and support, particularly as they migrated and/or lived a transnational lifestyle (Hondagneu-

Sotelo, 2009). Rather than the historical notion of familismo, the cultural tendency is more toward family connectedness and support, regardless of location or space (Falicov,

2009). For Latino/a students, that support may be difficult to leave behind, because unlike their white counterparts, institutions of higher education have not been traditionally welcoming or supportive of them, or their knowledge, experiences, cultures, and histories from which they came (Ceja, 2004; Hernandez, 2000; Kalsner & Pistole, 2003;Knight,

Norton, Bentley, & Dixon, 2004; Padilla, et al., 1997, Perna & Titus, 2005; Strayhorn,

2008), but the interdependence and care of the family can also provide needed support.

The role of the family can prove to be extremely beneficial. In general, studies

have shown that increased persistence to degree stems from a high level of social support

from and a strong support network of family, extended family, friends, and faculty (Ceja,

2004; Constatine, et al., 2002; Corkin, et al., 2008; Hernandez, 2000; Hernandez &

Lopez, 2004; Torres, 2006). Familial support grounds the student and provides him or her

with an advocate for his or her education and additionally, parental involvement is related

to the likelihood of enrolling in college (Ceja, 2004; Perna & Titus, 2005).

Support from both parents and the larger, extended family is critical for collegiate

Latinas (Ceja, 2004; Constantine, et al., 2002; Corkin, et al., 2008; Hernandez, 2000;

Torres, 2003, 2006) A limitation on parents’ and other family members’ understanding of

the college processes can be a language barrier, which may result in family members’

lack of attendance at college information sessions, workshops, or orientations offered by

the university (Ceja, 2004). Since parental involvement is related to the likelihood of

enrolling in college, a language barrier that prevents parental involvement will decrease

the likelihood of Latinas enrolling (Perna & Titus, 2005). However, if the family is

committed to and encouraging of degree attainment it can make a difference. The

perception of their parents’ support may affect their overall outlook on their education, so

if the parents are engaged, this may have a positive effect on persistence. Parents and family members are often supportive and encouraging of Latinas pursuing a higher education rather than seeking employment immediately following high school (Ceja,

2004; Torres, 2006).

Role of the Spanish Language

Language usage is a contested and politicized issue (Torres, 2007). While language is “at the heart of an individual’s social identity. It is the vehicle through which the songs, folklore, and customs of any group are preserved and transmitted to its descendants” (González, 2000, p. 207) and has become highly used by Latino/a groups

(Suárez-Orozco & Páez, 2009). For second-generation Latinas, Spanish may be the primary or only language spoken at home (or English may be spoken, but infrequently) and in familiar environments, and may be the language in which students feels the most comfortable (Buttaro, 2004; Ryan, 2013). In the United States, it also signals a form of discrimination against immigrant groups (Millard, Jeffards, Crane, & Flores, 2004). As native Spanish speakers arrive in the U.S., they encounter a multitude of issues, including a racist outlook by many English speakers and various forms of discrimination, including in schooling and various services where interpreters are not provided (Millard & Chapa,

2004; Zenetella, 2009). Over the years, there have been several failed attempts to declare

English as the official language of the United States, often in response to the number of

Spanish speakers in the country (Chapa, 2009). According to the 2000 Census, about two-thirds, of the over 35 million people of Hispanic or Latino/a origin in the U.S. spoke a language other than English at home (U.S. Census Bureau, n.d.). This question was not asked on the 2010 Census, but instead, reported on the American Community Survey

(Ryan, 2013). In 2011, 62 percent of the population that spoke a language other than

English at home spoke Spanish (Ryan, 2013).

As a result of the number of people who speak Spanish at home, combined with racist notions about language, Latino/a children often suffer from inadequate schooling in

26 the K-12 years leading to unequal access to college (Chapa, 2009). Students who arrive at school speaking primarily Spanish often have varied levels of proficiency in the language, and may differ from both native English speakers and other native Spanish speakers in their classrooms (Carreira, 2007). For those who do attend institutions of higher education, they must adjust educationally, linguistically, and culturally to the college environment; doing so effectively is a predictor to success (Buttaro, 2004;

Coleman, 1992). The Spanish language is a deeply embedded facet of many Latina communities (Ceja, 2006; Corkin, et al., 2008; Torres, 2003, 2006) and may play an influential role in the college experience for those that speak it (Ceja, 2006; Flores, 1992;

Guarnaccia, et al., 2007; Padilla, 2006; Torres & Baxter Magolda, 2004; Torres, 2006).

The more a family participates in culturally relevant activities, such as speaking Spanish at home, the stronger the sense of ethnic identity (Torres, 2003; Torres, 2007), yet researchers who reject a deficit model of language usage show that Latino/as are adept at multiple forms of dynamic language usage, redefining the significance of language in ethnic identity, and expanding the varieties of language usage in both Spanish and

English (Zentella, 2009).

A 2003 study by Torres, Winston, and Cooper contained a random stratified sample of 370 students in institutions where Latino/as are present on campus but not in the local community. Fifty-eight percent of the respondents lived with their parents, 52% were second-generation, and over 88% spoke both Spanish and English, which demonstrated that language and familial usage of language is important. Further, language is seen as transmitting culture, which provides stability in values, traditions, and customs (Quiñones-Mayo and Dempsey, 2005; Suárez-Orozco & Páez, 2009). Language

27 choice is often dependant on a host of interactional and discourse factors (Fuller, J.M.,

Elsman, M., & Self, K, (2007). Guarnaccia et al. (2007) also stated that language usage may vary depending on the situation and context, but since most of those surveyed spoke

Spanish from the beginning of their lives, they felt comfortable in Spanish-speaking contexts and Spanish was often the language of thought. In the classroom, some students may receive subtle messages that English proficiency, including dialects, and accents, is required for both preparedness and ultimate success; students who come from a bilingual background may immediately receive messages that they will not be successful (Torres &

Baxter Magolda, 2004).

Language as a barrier to higher education is a cultural generalization that is likely made due to Latino/a families’ strong ties to the Spanish language and the vast majority of Latino/as who speak it (Guarnaccia, et al., 2007; Pachon & DeSipio; 1994). However, the vast majority of Latino/as are comfortable with understanding English, even though they may not be as comfortable in speaking it (Pachon & DeSipio, 1994). Only a small numbers of Latino/as reported no English ability, between a low of 5 percent of South

Americans and a high of 19 percent of Mexicans (Pachon & DeSipio, 1994). Although first-generation Latino/as may arrive here with limited English skills and many third- generation Latino/as have a very limited Spanish proficiency, many others are bilinguals with excellent linguistic capability in both English and Spanish (Brown, 2008; Torres,

Winston, & Cooper, 2003).

Bilingualism is an umbrella term that encompasses reading, writing, listening, and speaking, with varying levels of proficiency in each (Torres, 2007). Many Latinas are considered bilingual and engage in code switching, or switching between languages and

28 cultural cues (Urciuoli, 2003) for entire sentences, parts of sentences, or parts of conversation (Zentella, 2009). Code switching is often seen as a socialized form of language, based on social identities and contextual clues (Fuller, Elsman, & Self, 2007).

Some refer to “Spanglish,” or a mixture of Spanish and English, as code switching, but it is also seen as a natural development for bilingual Spanish/English communities (Torres,

2007). Native English speakers in the United States have frequently viewed Spanish accents or “broken English” as a mark of poor education, as having low intelligence, or suffering from a deficiency (Urciuoli, 2003) and have stigmatized Latino/s as a result

(Torres, 2007). However, a closer examination of the use of Spanglish and code switching reveals not only bilingualism, but also an array of dialects and linguistic diversity that resists racist notions of language (Zentella, 2009). Those engaging in code switching between or within sentences are also adhering to the rules of grammar of both languages, and demonstrate a complex understanding of the use of language as well as interactions with others (Zentella, 2009). One study finds that Spanish/English bilingualism is extending to the third generation in the U.S. (Torres, 2007), demonstrating a desire to continue this cultural performance.

Citizenship and Immigration Status

Immigration has been a hotly contested issue in the United States in recent years, most significantly with the passage of Arizona’s SB 1040, one of the strictest anti- immigration laws. One of the major issues with the law was the requirement that police determine immigration status during any detention, including speeding violations, which could ultimately lead to racial profiling. This is not only racist, and anti-immigrant, but also disregards the fact that many Latino/as were born in the U.S. or Arizona and are

29 often questioned about it due to their appearance (Flores1997). Even outside of Arizona,

Latino/as may be stereotyped to be undocumented simply if they appear to be Latino/a, regardless of their immigration or citizenship status. However, one of the significant reasons for migration is the demand for immigrant labor in the U.S.; polling showed that many white Americans typically do not want these types of jobs (Cornelius, 2009). Many note that the anti-immigrant sentiment in the U.S. also tends to be anti-Latino/a

(Cornelius, 2009; Torres, 2007). There often exists the stereotype that Latino/a immigrants either do not assimilate as quickly as previous immigrant groups, utilize public resources such as welfare, and that the culture, language, and family structures are a threat to the national identity (Cornelius, 2009). However, studies also show that that immigrant owned businesses are on the rise, and due to family relationships, many

Latino/a families are self-sustaining (Cornelius, 2009; Millard & Chapa, 2004).

Citizenship status varies depending on the ethnic groups. Over three quarters of immigrants had intended to make the United States their permanent residence upon immigration (Panchon & DeSipio, 1994). Those who are eligible for naturalization tend to be female, particularly Dominicans (Pachon & DeSipio, 1994). Mexicans had the lowest rate of naturalization and Cubans the highest. Many other Latinas fall into other immigration categories, including permanent resident, refugee, student visa, tourist visa, and short-term work visa. In recent years, the issue of undocumented residents has become salient for Latinas as well, and immigration reform is currently underway in the federal government.

Puerto Ricans find themselves in a different situation from other Latino/as due to their unique citizenship status. Although Puerto Rico is on an island separate from the

continental United States, it is part of the U.S. as an official territory. It was colonized in

1898 and imperialists wanted those native to the island Americanized (Cabán, 2002). The

imperialists felt that one way they would be able to Americanize the people of Puerto

Rico was through public education, since a racist notion existed that Anglos were

intellectually superior and that public education using English would indoctrinate the

citizens (Cabán, 2002). Public education run by the U.S. government proved to be

inadequate, and once Puerto Rico was allowed to elect it’s own governor, the language of

instruction was changed to Spanish, with English taught as a second language (Cabán,

2002; Torres, 2007); thus, many Puerto Ricans associate English with U.S. authority and

politicization. Language in Puerto Rico is also correlated with socioeconomic status,

since the most fluently bilingual Puerto Ricans are also the wealthiest (Torres, 2007).

Since it is not one of the 50 states, many still view Puerto Ricans as not “true” Americans

(González, 2000) and they often feel caught in this perception as well. However, their status as U.S. citizens allows Puerto Ricans to move between Puerto Rico and the mainland with relative ease, creating a “circular” migration cycle (Santiago-Valles &

Jiménez-Muñoz, 2004) and the ability to maintain strong ties to family, community, and the island itself.

Education

Latino/as suffer from inequitable schooling and preparation at the K-12 level and underrepresentation at the college level. Despite the enormous population growth of close to 58 percent between 1990 and 2000 (Torres, 2003) and another 43 percent between

2000 and 2010 (Ennis, Rios-Vargas & Albert, 2011), and the rise in Latino/a college enrollment by 14 percent since 1994 (Solórzano, Villalpando, & Oseguera, 2005) ,

Latino/as were less likely to enroll in four-year institutions and ultimately persist toward

a degree; they lag behind other minority groups in these areas (Anaya & Cole, 2001;

Ceja, 2004; MacDonald, 2004; Perna & Titus, 2005). Less than half of the Mexican

population in the United States had less than a high school education, while Cubans had

the largest proportion of individuals with 16 or more years of education (Guarnaccia, et

al., 2007).

During the Civil Rights Era, many high school students walked out in protest of

the poor educational system. Among the demands in Los Angeles schools were smaller

class sizes, college preparatory classes, more Mexican American teachers and staff, and

the inclusion of Spanish (MacDonald, 2004). In addition, Puerto Rican students

organized a strike to pressure the City University of New York to allow open enrollment

at City College (MacDonald, 2004) and other universities around the country have

established Departments of Puerto Rican Studies, Chicano/a Studies, and Latino/a

Studies, in addition to others. Governmental reform also provided aid and access to

federal dollars to institutions deemed Hispanic Serving Institutions, with at least 25

percent Latino/a full-time enrollment (MacDonald, 2004). Although the percentages of

high school graduates who go on to earn a bachelor’s degree range from 15.3 percent

(Salvadorans) to 50.1 percent (Venezuelans), the overall percentages of Latino/as who have graduated from high school and college remain low when compared to the general population. This can affect social mobility and socio-economic status.

Economic Differences

In general, many Latino/as, including Central Americans and South Americans,

migrated for economic reasons (Pachon & DeSipio, 1994). In the overall Latino/a

population, a majority of Latino/a students hail from lower socioeconomic statuses, while

others come from more privileged backgrounds (Brown, 2008), particularly the South

Americans (Espitia, 2004). Puerto Ricans and Cubans, who arrived with higher social

capital, often were able to translate this into higher levels of income, while groups such

as Mexicans, with lower social capital, continued to have less household income (Pachon

& DeSipio, 1994; Guarnaccia, et al., 2007). Several studies have shown that finances have played an important role, particularly as it relates to education. Wages for many

workers continue to fall below their white counterparts (Gutiérrez, 2004). Some Latino/a college students deal with stress related to financing their education, as many of them must rely on financial aid, which, is a predictor of success in degree attainment (Castillo

& Hill, 2004; Sólorzano, Villalpando, & Oseguera, 2005).

Influences of Gender in Latina Cultures

A singular Latina experience does not exist; it varies based on ethnic groups and individual circumstances (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2004). Latinas may often deal with additional challenges compared to their male counterparts, particularly because of the intersection of gender, class, and ethnicity (Castillo & Hill, 2004; Gomez & Fassinger,

1994). The literature on Latinas reveals that in some cases, gender norms that promote

“traditional care giving,” in the roles of wife and mother may inhibit study for a college degree, which may be seen as the woman putting her own needs ahead of her family’s,

(Castillo & Hill, 2004). Part of these norms stem from historical factors, such as the U.S. involvement in colonizing Puerto Rico and the influence of the patriarchic social system, which became part of school curriculum (Cabán, 2002), as well as the notion of marianismo in Mexico, which favored the Spaniard as the ideal, rather than the Indian

women or mestizo children (NietoGomez, 1997). Marianismo refers to women being

treated reverentially and as if they require protection, while the men are in charge of the

home and the family. This is derived from the Catholic Virgin Mary, as Hondagneu-

Sotelo (2004) explains: “Traditional gender rules emanating from the figure of the Virgin

prescribe dependence, subordination, selfless devotion to family, bodily modesty and

shame, acceptance of surveillance, restricted spatial mobility, and pre-marital virginity”

(p. 285). Thus, the historical notion is that men must take care of women, which becomes

somewhat of a religious obligation (NietoGomez, 1997).

These gendered views do not extend to all cultures and/or all families. In recent

years, gender norms have broadened and diversified. Although many may adhere to

traditional gender roles, due to the changing economy and world, this may no longer be a

possibility (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2004). Some Latinas continue to encounter these

gendered stereotypes, but are able to put themselves first and take advantage of collegiate

opportunities. Some may find their home culture and collegiate American culture

incongruent, and face parents and extended family who expect cultural loyalty (Torres,

2003; Guarnaccia, et al., 2007; Quiñones- Mayo & Dempsey, 2005). Some parents may feel that their daughter is “betraying” their culture by adapting to the Americanized culture at college (Quiñones- Mayo & Dempsey, 2005).

According to the research, college adjustment may be impeded by the pressure to

complete ongoing family obligations (Kalsner & Pistole, 2003; Smith, 2009). Women

typically have higher levels of attachment to their family and home structure, and are

unsure that they would be able to succeed, which may impede the adjustment process

(Kalsner & Pistole, 2003; Torres, 2006). A sense of independence apart from family

closeness helps female students in particular adjust (Kalsner & Pistole, 2003). However,

since Latina women tend to spend more time at home than men, they also spent more

time studying, which can lead to staying in school longer, acquiring more social capital,

and developing skills such as cultural brokering (Smith, 2009). Women also tend to

thrive in social spaces more than men (Smith, 2009), which could lead to more social

support and/or persistence in the college environment. The literature, therefore, suggests

that the while cultural brokering might be the experience of the daughter submitting to

family needs and demands, it might also be read as the daughter gaining opportunity and

experience in acquiring skills that will be necessary to success in higher education. The

latter question is the focus of this study.

Multiple Dimensions of Identity

One way to account for the complexity of individuals and their social identities in terms of race, class, and gender is through considering the multiple dimensions of their identity. All people have multiple identities with varying levels of salience, depending on the situation, time, place, space, and context. Latinas occupy multiple social locations simultaneously, which is often influenced by power, privilege, and oppression, and/or the lack thereof (Jones, 2009). There may be times in which the Latina ethnicity is highly

salient for a student, where her gender is most salient, or the intersectionality of being a

Latina woman is highly salient. The notion of multiple identities presents both a

challenge and an opportunity when studying Latina students: it reaffirms the vast

heterogeneity of Latinas, and also allows us to explore the multiple and intersecting

identities of the participants.

The Jones and McEwen model (2000) of Multiple Dimensions of Identity reflects this diversity of identities. Importantly, the model acknowledges all aspects of identity, with different levels of salience, depending on the context. The core of the model is the student’s central and personal attributes, identity, and characteristics. Intersecting rings surround the core, which consist of social constructions: gender, religion, socioeconomic status, race, culture and sexual orientation. These rings are fluid, based on the salience to the core at any point in time. There is a larger circle that surrounds the model, which provides context for identity; these include family background, current experiences, career decisions, and life planning (Jones & McEwen, 2000). This model takes all of these aspects of identity into account and allows for them to be salient in different contexts, social spaces, and places in time.

One of the key notions is that students have multiple social identities. Thus, context becomes salient. Jones (2009) described the importance of context:

Understanding context brings depth to constructions of self when multiple social

identities are considered. Context is important in part because it too represents

larger structures of power and privilege… This was particularly apparent in our

discussion of our families of origin and the powerful influence family played in

our understanding of identity. This was not only about how we were raised but

where we were raised – our neighborhoods, communities, schools, churches, and

what we learned from family members about social locations such as race, social

class, gender, and culture. Despite student development theory that emphasizes

moving away from the influence of parents and family… we all found that this

negotiation is ongoing and ever present. (p. 301)

Latinas, particularly those at a Predominantly White University, have multiple, intersecting identities, which are influenced by their own history, ethnicity, experiences, as well as the majority culture’s perceptions of their culture. The literature indicates that the family is central to the lives of Latinas and Jones’ (2009) study reaffirms that

understanding students’ identity is aided by an understanding of the family and the

context in which the student has developed those identities. Students who have served

their families as cultural brokers have assisted in translating and shaping messages

conveyed between their parents and other adults in society (Buriel, et al., 1998).

The context in which students would have brokered is significant because of the power structures and privileges embedded within. This is true both in their home environment and in college. As students move into the college environment at predominantly white institutions, they may experience issues such as a chilly climate

(Hall & Sandler, 1984; Kelly & Torres, 2006), a set of cultural norms that may be

different than their own and produce conflict (Kalsner & Pistole, 2005; Torres, 2006), or

a lack of community (Hernandez & Lopez, 2005; Strayhorn, 2008; Torres, 2006) that

may call upon their skills as cultural brokers.

Issues Facing Latinas at Predominantly White Institutions

College-going Latinas may face several issues that may help or hinder their

success at predominantly white institutions. This section includes a review the issues

associated with being a first-generation college student, financing higher education,

campus climate and adjustment to college, and access and persistence.

First-Generation College Students and Financing a Higher Education

It is likely that many Latina students are first-generation college students, as first

generation students represent roughly 30 percent of the nationwide enrollment

(Strayhorn, 2006). This bears several significant issues and challenges. Many first-

generation college students have a lower parental socio-economic status, poor high

school preparation, and anxiety over finances, all of which may lead to attrition (Tinto,

1997). Specific to Latinas, retention of Spanish, financial aid, and adherence to initial expectations were factors for retention. Additionally, high school preparation and performance can be key predictors of success (Tinto, 1997; Cerna, Pérez, & Sáenz,

2009).

Many Latina students are the first in their families to go to college; their parents may be immigrants and/or work full-time or work more than one job (Ceja, 2006; Kenny

& Perez, 1996; Torres, 2006). It has often been expected that first-generation college students would obtain employment and support the family immediately following high school or parents may be extremely supportive of the Latinas in attending college but may be uninformed about the processes related to college-going (Ceja 2006; Torres,

2006). Additionally, other parents may consider learning to exist in social spaces within the community as well as in a formalized setting, and may not see the need for a formalized college education (Knight, et al., 2004; Padilla, 2006). Latinas may also face the challenge of arriving on campus with the sense that they may be violating their culture if they experience the freedom to do what they want rather than what their families want (Kenny & Perez, 1996; Torres, 2003).

In general, research has often approached issues surrounding first-generation college students from a deficit model, and found that they tend to have lower integration into college, less positive experiences outside of the classroom and, for those from a

38 lower socio-economic status, additional non-academic concerns, such as finances and demands on their time from both family and college (Padilla, et al., 1997; Strayhorn,

2006; Torres, 2003; Torres, Winston, & Cooper, 2003). First-generation college students from a lower socio-economic status may not have the financial resources to complete a four-year degree, and financial aid may be unfamiliar territory (Castillo & Hill, 2004;

Ceja, 2006; Flores, 1992; Padilla, et al., 1997; Padilla, 2006; Quiñones-Mayo &Dempsey,

2005). The skyrocketing cost of higher education and the dwindling support from governmental entities may be a critical component in the persistence of these students.

The National Center for Education Statistics data revealed that the degree completion rate was 32%, the lowest of any ethnicity (Torres, Winston, & Cooper, 2003). Mexican

Americans, who comprise the largest subgroup of Latinas, have the lowest college completion rates. Roughly half have less than a high school education, and overall tend to be lower on the socio-economic scales (Castillo & Hill, 2004; Guarnaccia, et al., 2007).

Many students must rely on financial aid to complete their degrees and cite financial concerns as a sign of distress (Castillo & Hill, 2004); Flores (1992) noted that inadequate finances were often a reason for withdrawal from college, most likely due to the stress and burden of tuition and related costs. These factors can prove to be an uphill battle for those seeking a college degree.

As noted earlier, people who earn baccalaureate degrees have higher earning power and potential than those with only a high school diploma. The benefits of a degree are also related to the decline in poverty rates connected to higher levels of education (Swail,

Redd, & Perna, 2003). Even though the earning potential over a lifetime may increase substantially with a college degree, it still must outweigh the costs of attaining it; for

39 many low-income students and Latino/as, enrollment in college and persistence to graduation are directly related to the availability of student financial aid (Swail, Redd, &

Perna, 2003). Students who fall into lower income categories have greater amounts of grant aid available to them than loan dollars, but may still be less likely to enroll in four- year institutions, perhaps because of the stress related to financing higher education

(Castillo & Hill, 2004). Those with lower socio-economic status either do not have the resources to think broadly about college choice, have limited financial means in order to even consider a higher education, or struggle with financial aid because of unfamiliarity and the parental/family language barrier and may stop out or drop out as a result (Ceja,

2006; Hernandez, 2000; Nelson Laird, et al., 2007). Studies have shown that minority students are typically less willing to borrow funds to attend college and that need-based grants often increase persistence (Swail, Redd, & Perna, 2003), so this is a salient issue.

An assumption that is inherent in the literature is that families of white students tended to be middle class or upper middle class, while students from Latina families are from a lower socio-economic status (Ceja, 2006). This may be true for the overall

Latino/a population, but there is a diversity of income categories for Latino/as. Students in lower income categories need to find ways to finance their higher education and typically have greater amounts of grants available to them, but the stress related to paying for college may prove to be too overwhelming for some (Castillo & Hill, 2004).

Inadequate finances are often a reason for withdrawal from college, most likely to the stress and burden (Flores, 1992; Lohfink & Paulsen, 2005).

Federal budget cuts to higher education in the past decade have been significant.

Although Pell Grant dollars rose by 23 percent, the rising cost of higher education grew

by nearly 40 percent (Swail, Redd, & Perna, 2003). Additionally, federal aid has shifted

from need-based grants and aid to loans; the federal loan volume more than doubled

between 1990-91 and 2000-01 and continues to rise to present day (Swail, Redd, &

Perna, 2003). One of the primary ways of paying for higher education has been through

the federal Stafford Unsubsidized Loan program. The Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997

allows for tax credits for students enrolled in higher education programs, however most

students who are eligible for the tax credits do not have much tax liability (Swail, Redd,

& Perna, 2003). There has also been a shift in institutional and state grant aid from need-

based to merit-based criteria, which has favored students from middle and upper socio-

economic statuses (Swail, Redd, & Perna, 2003).

The shift from grants and aid to loans is significant. The highest completion rates of

students are those who have aid from a variety of sources, including grants, work-study,

and loans; students whose aid packages were primarily loan based had lower completion

rates (Hernandez & Lopez, 2004; Swail, Redd, & Perna, 2003). Many students have had

to supplement their aid with employment, many working three-quarters or full-time (30-

40 hours per week). Students who receive higher amounts of aid typically work fewer

hours per week and thus had higher grade point averages and were able to connect to the

campus community in more meaningful ways (Hernandez & Lopez, 2004; Swail, Redd,

& Perna, 2003). Latina students are more likely to work a greater number of hours and to

drop out for financial reasons than their non-Latina counterparts in order to defray the cost of college (Hernandez & Lopez, 2004). Work-study, on the other hand, has been positively related to persistence for first-generation college students (Lohfink & Paulsen,

2005), so a small amount of hours spent working may be beneficial to persistence. In

general, the greater amount of hours worked to defray the cost of higher education, the

more often students only attend class and leave without getting involved in activities or

events on campus (Torres, 2006). This could be detrimental to persistence, as Latinas

who find a Latino-based organization or group on campus are typically able to find the

sense of community on campus that is deeply valued in their own cultures as they

develop relationships (Constantine, et al., 2002; Hernandez, 2000).

Campus Climate and Adjustment to College

As mentioned, the number of Latinas enrolled in college is disproportionate to the general population. Part of this stems from the high dropout rate for high school Latinas, which results in a low number of college-eligible students (Torres, 1999); thus, the population of Latinas in college starts small. After four years in college, only 12 percent of Latina women who enrolled actually received a bachelor’s degree (Torres, 2006).

College enrollment should be reflective of the larger society and Latinas should achieve the same rates of academic success as other students, but this does not appear to be the case. One of the issues is that higher education is a non-neutral space and is dominated by the Anglo culture, while it actually consists of multiple cultures and multiple modes of learning.

Perceptions of their environment, academic comfort and the actual transition to college are some of the many factors that affect Latina students and their persistence in higher education (Padilla, et al., 1997). Many of these students do not feel the same sense of belonging in the college environment as they do with their peer groups and extended family at home, and may have difficulty finding a niche, which may be a factor in attrition (Cerna, Pérez, & Sáenz, 2009; Padilla, 2006). Many campuses have been

thought to have a “chilly” climate for these underrepresented groups, which may

ultimately impede their success (Hall & Sandler, 1984). For many students, the college

experience may be the first time they experience an interracial or interethnic interaction

(Rankin & Reason, 2005), thus campus climate is especially important for colleges and

universities who intend to create an inclusive climate where all students have the ability

to learn and grow as individuals.

Hall and Sandler coined the term “chilly campus climate” (1984), as they described the experiences of women who were marginalized on college campuses and unable to participate fully in the educational process because of differential treatment

(Allan & Madden, 2006; Hall & Sandler, 1984). When women feel threatened, they naturally fear their safety, thus, an inadvertent campus climate of fear for women is created (Hall & Sandler, 1984; Kelly & Torres, 2006). There are also a number of researchers who have studied campus climate for underrepresented racial groups

(Cabrera, et al., 1999; Hurtado, 1992; Hurtado & Ponjuan, 2005; Mounts, 2004; Rankin

& Reason, 2005). Rankin and Reason (2005) found that within ten different institutions,

25 percent of students of color responded that they had been the victims of some form of harassment and that over 40 percent of these students felt that the campus climate often felt offensive, hostile, and/or intimidating. A hostile campus climate at non-neutral predominantly white institutions has also been a source of issues of cultural adjustment to campus, dropout rates, negative effects on academic and social experiences, a poor sense of belonging, and anxiety, loneliness, isolation, and depression (Cabrera, et al., 1999;

Hurtado & Ponjuan, 2005; Mounts, 2004). Perception is vitally important to how students feel about their campus climate, as underrepresented groups who have negative

perceptions are often hindered by a weaker sense of belonging on campus and less

commitment to the institution (Cabrera, et al., 1999; Hurtado & Ponjuan, 2005; Mounts,

2004; Rankin & Reason, 2005; Strayhorn, 2008). Women in particular tend to

underreport incidents of the “chilly” climate and are often reminded of their marginalized

role within the academic setting (Allan & Madden, 2006). Students also reinforce the

traditional notion that being involved on campus and that sense of community is

important for persistence. Since it appears from the research that the transition and

adjustment to college may be a challenge for Latinas (Flores, 1992; Strayhorn, 2006;

Torres, Winston, & Cooper, 2003), finding a group or organization on campus may help

ground the student at the university.

Parents in particular can have a profound effect on persistence (Cabrera, et al.,

1999). Support from a Latina student’s family can provide her with an advocate for her education. Since maintaining contact and garnering support from family is critical,

Castillo and Hill (2004) suggested disseminating scholarship and financial aid information to students and conducting workshops on the collegiate atmosphere to parents of students who are considering attending college, as connecting these may make the environment less chilly. Similarly, it becomes significantly easier for a student to make a successful transition to the academic and social facets of an institution with the support and guidance of family at home, particularly when the family is as central as it is with many Latina cultures (Cabrera, et al., 1999).

Persistence/Retention of Latinas

Much of the literature on Latinas focuses on retention (Hernandez, 2000; Kalsner

& Pistole, 2003; Rankin & Reason, 2005; Tinto, 1997; Torres, 2006; Wawrzynski &

Sedlacek, 2003). Research in this area is often approached from a deficit model, meaning

the assumption is that students from Latina cultures are lacking something that students

from the majority culture possess that makes them successful. Studies have shown that

Latinas often experience a less than supportive campus climate (Constantine, et al., 2002;

Hernandez, 2000; Nelson Laird, et al., 2007; Torres, 1999, 2003, 2006; Wawrzynski &

Sedlacek, 2003), have cultural congruence issues (Quiñones-Mayo and Dempsey, 2005) or resource issues that many students from the majority culture do not experience, and these all have an effect on Latinas’ persistence. Retention studies show that persistence occurs from a high level of support (Hernandez, 2000; Constantine, Robinson, Wilton, &

Caldwell, 2002; Torres, 2003, 2006; Ceja, 2004; Corkin, Arbona, Coleman, & Ramirez,

2008). This can be a benefit for students from Latina cultures where emphasis is placed on family pride. Some students who are not able to maintain contact with their place of origin or do not hail from communities with large numbers of Latinas from their area, may not have as high a level of support compared to students from Cuban, Puerto Rican, or Dominican communities that live together and are tightly-knit. Students who do not have the benefits of connection to their ethnic background may have acculturated into white American society or may suffer from acculturative distress, particularly if their families or communities had been targeted by immigration issues or discriminatory practices (Guarnaccia, et al., 2007).

Factors that lead to retention are often intertwined and complex. A majority of the studies reviewed showed that a supportive campus environment is a significant factor in retention (Anaya & Cole, 2001; Constantine, et al., 2002; Hernandez, 2000; Nelson

Laird, et al., 2007; Tinto, 1997; Torres, 1999, 2003, 2006; Wawrzynski & Sedlacek,

2003). Many Latinas are first-generation college students with parents that work full-time

and financial resources may be an issue. Those with lower socio-economic status either

do not have the resources to think broadly about college choice, have limited financial

means in order to even consider a higher education, or struggle with financial aid because

of unfamiliarity as well as parental/family language barrier and may stop out or drop out as a result (Ceja, 2006; Hernandez, 2000; Nelson Laird, et al., 2007). Resources are a

critical component to the persistence of any college student (Ceja, 2006; Hernandez,

2000; Nelson Laird, et al., 2007), and this is a particular challenge for those from lower

socio-economic backgrounds.

Faculty support and intentional institutional practices, especially related to

academics, are vital; those who make connections to faculty, both formally and

informally, have much higher retention rates, particularly if the interactions are high

quality (Anaya & Cole, 2001; Hernandez, 2000; Rankin & Reason, 2005; Torres, 2006).

When faculty members take a sincere interest in Latinas, they assist them in remaining

academically engaged, which helps them to persist as it provides encouragement, support, and a vested interest in the institution (Torres, 2006). For example, Anaya and Cole’s

(2001) study found that underrepresented groups did not interact with faculty on a regular

basis, which appeared be a factor in poor retention rates and lower academic

performance. Additionally, students tend to believe that additional attention given by

faculty to issues of race, both in and out of the classroom, would improve the overall

climate of the institution (Rankin & Reason, 2005). A particular issue for Latinas is in the

suggestion that students disclose to those most similar to themselves; since there

generally exists a lack of Latinas on the faculty (Rankin & Reason, 2005), this becomes

46 an issue. By default, their interactions with faculty are often interethnic. Ethnicity and assumptions are often at play in the interpersonal dynamics and Latinas may feel it is easier to simply not talk to faculty rather than risk them not understanding (Anaya &

Cole, 2001; Rankin & Reason, 2005).

Academics are critical in order for students to be successful and ultimately obtain their degree. The perception of academic and social integration on campus has been demonstrated to improve persistence (Tinto, 1997). One study noted that positive academic behaviors have an effect on retention of students who transfer to an institution different from the one in which they began their college career (Wawrzynski & Sedlacek,

2003). Although this particular article discusses expectations and learning outcomes by race, it compares African American and Asian American results to white results without discussing the Latina students’ results; this may be due to a 6% Latina population in the sample used, which may have not been statistically significant. Since many students transfer between institutions, this study could have implications for Latinas as well.

Although Tinto’s name is synonymous with retention studies, his theory has been critiqued, tested, and revised over time. Bean and Eaton’s (2000) model suggests that

“intentions” to complete a behavior (i.e. graduate from college) in Tinto’s theory is connected to an attitude, which is based on beliefs about the ultimate outcome. For example, empirical studies conducted have demonstrated that the intention to leave college, that is, believing that you will do so, often predicted the persistence of the student. Bean and Eaton (2000) included institutional fit as a supplement to social and academic systems; students may feel comfort or fit at an institution in one of the systems while having a deficiency in the other area. As students attempt to address institutional fit

and make decisions regarding persistence, they use coping behaviors to manage the

stress. Students who are able to cope are more likely to persist (Bean & Eaton, 2000).

Additionally, Bean and Eaton (2000) also cite self-efficacy, or when individuals perceive

their ability to reach an outcome, gain self-confidence, and are able to carry out the task.

Thus, belief in one’s own ability and motivation to be successful can lead to increased academic performance, enhanced integration in the academic and social systems, and ultimately, persistence.

Swail, Redd, and Perna (2003) also devised a retention model. Their framework focused specifically on the relationship between the institution and the student, in terms of both students’ attributes and institutional practices as forces that affect the student experience, persistence, and achievement. Institutional factors include student financial aid, student services, academic services, curriculum and instruction, and recruitment and admissions (Swail, Redd, & Perna). The remaining two sides of the triangle are cognitive factors and social factors. Cognitive factors include academic rigor, quality of learning, aptitude, content knowledge, critical thinking and technological ability, study and learning skills, time management, and academic-related extracurricular activities (Swail,

Redd, & Perna, 2003). The social factors include finances/financial aid, attitudes toward learning, educational legacy, religious background, maturity, social coping skills, communication skills, attitude toward others, expectations, goal commitments, family influences, peer influences, and social lifestyle (Swail, Redd & Perna, 2003). They posit that a less supportive environment may cause deficiencies in self-esteem, and that persistence is difficult when students are not socially integrated. The goal is for students to achieve a balance for them to be able to persist.

Conceptual Framework

A combination of concepts shapes this research. In this section, I will examine the concepts of cultural and linguistic brokering, biculturalism and cultural orientation, which together provide a framework for this study. Biculturalism allows individuals to acclimate and integrate into more than one culture. Cultural brokering occurs when individuals translate both language and culture for others. Together, these concepts will guide this research, as I seek to learn how Latina students use these tools to navigate college processes.

Biculturalism

This section outlines the evolution of biculturalism, from the early notions of acculturation, through encultration and cultural frame switching, and modern views of biculturalism. It also presents an overview of the Bicultural Orientation Model, which defines the bicultural orientation for students in higher education.

Acculturation

Perhaps one of the most striking differences between Latinas and other immigrant groups of the past is the strong ties to their ethnicity (Guarnaccia, et al., 2007), even as groups attempt to become acculturated in the United States. Acculturation is the process of accommodating the newer or host culture by changing values and behaviors to conform (Gomez & Fassinger, 1994). This can be detrimental because it often requires those in the group to lose much of their culture, tradition, customs, and language, which can cause stress (Hawley, Chavez, & St. Romain, 2007; Thompson, 2003; Torres, et al.,

2003) Acculturation is largely a unidirectional process, meaning the more Latinas adopt

to the majority American cultural cues, the further removed they become from their

ethnic culture (Guarnaccia, et al., 2007).

Acculturation typically happens based on the parents, but it can vary greatly based

on the parents themselves, the role of the extended family, and the existence of the ethnic

identity (Padilla, 2006). The second generation in the United States, in particular, is greatly exposed to American culture and the extent to which they adhere to it depends on both their parents’ role and how much the dominant American culture allows them to assimilate (Padilla, 2006). The traditional view was that immigrant groups have often been marginalized by the American society if they have been unable to acculturate, which

has led to identity confusion for these individuals (Padilla, 2006).

The acculturation process has been affected by the various patterns of migration

and the communities the immigrants settled into upon arrival into the United States.

Thus, groups with a strong ethnic center may acculturate slower and/or maintain a

stronger sense of ethnic pride. Research found that Mexicans had the highest degree of

acculturative distress of all Latina groups, while Puerto Ricans had the least (Guarnaccia,

et al., 2007). Puerto Ricans are unique in that those born in Puerto Rico, which comprise

about half the Puerto Rican population, are U.S. citizens, so this may contribute to the

smaller degree of acculturative stress. Mexicans are often the target of immigration issues

and reform, and this may be why they suffer from higher degrees of acculturative stress

(Guarnaccia, et al., 2007).

Early Views of Biculturalism: Enculturation and Cultural (Frame) Switching

A modernized notion of acculturation is that of enculturation, or “the process of

preserving norms of the native group, whereby individuals retain identification with their

ethnic cultures of origin” (Guarnaccia, et al., 2007, p. 513). Many psychologists have

recognized that people are able to have dual cultural or ethnic identities and employ what

they term “cultural frame-switching,” or using the different cultures as they respond to

different situations (Benet-Martínez, et al., 2002). Enculturation, dual cultural identities,

and cultural frame switching can also be called biculturalism, or easily navigating

between two cultures (Torres, 1999, 2003, 2006; Benet-Martínez, et al., 2002; Quiñones-

Mayo & Dempsey, 2005; Padilla, 2006), which also has been referred to as “code

switching” (Urciuoli, 2003). This can vary widely based on a great number of variables

(Benet-Martinez, Leu, Lee, & Morris, 2002).

Many immigrant groups do not want their culture to be lost as their children begin

to interact with American and school cultures, and thus they maintain strong ties to their

cultures (Benet-Martínez, et al., 2002). For many modern Latinas, the ability to maintain a strong tie to the home country, language, and culture is made easier with air travel, inexpensive international phone rates, technology such as video calls, and social media.

Several subgroups have the ability to frequently call and visit their home of origin, such as Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, with ease, which is very different from earlier immigrants who often could not contact those left behind in their home countries and were forced to acculturate into the American mainstream (Guarnaccia, et al., 2007). The key to preserving language and culture while adapting to America for Latinas who never quite fully identify with one culture or the other is biculturalism (Zarate, Bhimji, &

Reese, 2005).

Several researchers have studied biculturalism in different contexts. An early

model of biculturalism found that seven dimensions captured the essence of being

bicultural:

(a) communication ability, (b) role repertoire, (c) cultural awareness and

knowledge, (d) beliefs and values, (e) level of personal identity development, (f) a

sense of being grounded or bicultural efficacy; (g) positive attitudes toward both

cultures, and (h) acceptance by both groups (Coleman et al., 1992, p. 6)

This early model noted that as students were more acculturated, they also benefited from higher levels of adjustment to college, higher grades, and better retention, but perhaps what they termed “acculturation” was, in fact, the more modern notion of biculturalism.

In defining bicultural efficacy, they noted, “an individual’s expectations that they can or cannot manage the stress and conflict of living in two cultures at the same time without suffering negative psychological consequences or compromising their personal and cultural identities” (Coleman et al., 1992, p. 7). They go on to explain that those from lower socio-economic statuses who can separate themselves from their home culture tend

to persist at predominantly white institutions. This definition would exclude modern

biculturals who feel comfortable in both cultures and do not lose their ethnic identity

while becoming part of the American landscape and a predominantly Anglo culture.

Modern Biculturalism

Previous definitions of biculturalism referred specifically to those who

immigrated to a closely adjacent country, such as those who emigrated from Mexico into

the U.S. (Derrickson, 2003). In recent years, biculturalism has been updated to include

people who identify with two places that do not share a physical border, such as Puerto

Rico and the U.S. Derrickson (2003) defined biculturalism as “multiple cultures existing

in a shared spatial territory” (p. 124). It was believed that biculturalism developed

because the local environment contains both of the cultures (Gomez & Fassinger, 1994).

This would be true for Latina students who would interact with their home culture and

American culture in the same space. Latinas may find themselves having to choose

between the two cultures at various points in time. Quiñones Mayo and Dempsey (2005)

described the conflict:

Caught between the demands of two major cultures, Latino adolescents try to

respond to the mandates of both. They try to remain loyal to traditions that

promise them nurturing, support, and continued ties to the extended family and

their origin country; they also feel the pull and loyalty to the country whose

language, culture, and peer groups they now belong... The clash between

allegiance to the family or group and the newly internalized concept of

individualism is inevitable. (p. 659)

Students feel the pressure and pull of their competing cultures, and often have to

make a choice between the two. Since many understandably do not want to abandon their culture of origin, they become competent in both of the cultures successfully, and

acquire the ability to negotiate both (Padilla, 2006). Many students who are first-

generation in the United States may have strong ties to their culture of origin, but these

students also experience more cultural dissonance as they try to reconcile the differences

between the cultures (Torres, 2003; Torres et al., 2003). Ethnic loyalty is important for

many Latina groups, but demonstrates the expression of culture; being bicultural is not

viewed as being incongruent with ethnic loyalty (Padilla, 2006). Castillo and Hill (2004)

53 suggest assisting students with developing their biculturalism and increasing their informal support networks both at home in the college environment; additionally, faculty and staff can develop opportunities in both academic and non-academic spaces to encourage Spanish speaking and cultural events at which students can develop information support networks.

Bicultural Orientation Model and Cultural Orientation

Individuals often identify with both their culture of origin and the majority culture

(Benet-Martinez, et al., 2002; Guarnaccia, et al., 2007; Padilla, 2006; Torres, et al., 2003;

Zarate, Bhimji, & Reese, 2005). Biculturalism allows Latinas to adhere to the values of their original culture and maintain a sense of ethnic identity while interacting in a second culture (Suarez, Flowers, Garwood, & Szapocznik, 1997). The Bicultural Orientation

Model was developed in a pilot study by Torres and Phelps in 1997 (Torres, 1999) and validated by Vasti Torres (1999) to describe students’ cultural orientation. It uses the constructs of ethnic identity and acculturation to determine a student’s cultural orientation and the choices they make between the cultures (Torres, 2003; Torres et al.,

2003) while considering the environment in which the students were raised, the influences of their nuclear and extended family, and their own self-perceptions (Torres,

1999).

There are four cultural orientations that describe Latino/a students within the

Bicultural Orientation Model: (1) the bicultural orientation, which indicates comfort and proficiency with both cultures; (2) the Hispanic/Latino/a orientation, which indicates stronger comfort with their individual Latina culture; (3) the Anglo orientation, which indicates stronger comfort with the majority or Anglo culture; and (4) the marginal

orientation, which indicates conflict in the student and a lack of comfort with both

cultures (Torres, 1999). As Torres (1999) noted, students who were raised in more

diverse environments are more likely to embrace diversity and have a stronger sense of

their own culture, which leads to the bicultural orientation. Additionally, parents, the

college environment, and the student’s initial geographic location all had a strong

influence on the student’s orientation. Parents who spoke Spanish at home and

participated in cultural activities often had students who identified strongly with their

ethnic identity (Torres, 2003). Those students who found the environment to not be

accepting of them or of diversity were more likely to identify with a Latina orientation

and engage in more diversity and cultural events (Torres, 2003). Those students who were raised in areas that were less diverse often had higher levels of acculturation and more often had an Anglo orientation, although they typically did not lose their ethnic

pride (Torres, et al., 2003). In validating the model, Torres also found that those with a

stronger bicultural orientation and were proficient both academically and socially tended

to persist in greater numbers (Torres, et al., 2003). For the purposes of this study, this

would suggest that cultural brokers may lean toward a bicultural orientation, which

together might enhance, rather than detract, from negotiating college experiences.

Cultural Brokering

A further definition of biculturalism is the capacity to negotiate both cultures and

adapt to and use the behaviors of one or the other in appropriate contexts, while being

involved in and being able to manage both cultures successfully (Gomez & Fassinger,

1994; Padilla, 2006). Some Latinas are successful because of a desire to learn, self-effort,

and/or flexibility required in various situations; in addition, their culture has been found

to have a profound effect on the desire and motivation to be successful (Buttaro, 2004).

Bicultural students’ success may be due to their ability to fluidly adapt to each culture in

context, adhering to the norms of the Anglo culture while maintaining their own cultural

values (Castillo & Hill, 2004). This can often begin at a very young age for many

students, particularly those who are second-generation and have parents who immigrated

to the U.S. and do not speak much English and/or who face socio-economic issues.

Many of these students are raised in an environment at home that adheres to the

cultural traditions of the origin of ethnicity, and yet, the students are often catapulted into

very adult roles when they enter the societal environment, particularly if parents ask the

children to interpret for them (Benet-Martínez, et al., 2002; Buriel, Perez, De Ment,

Chavez, & Moran, 1998; Padilla, 2006; Quiñones-Mayo &Dempsey, 2005). Children who are required to translate and interpret at an early age become “cultural brokers” or

“language brokers” for their parents, and in doing so, both translate and help shape the messages that are conveyed between their parents and the other adults in society (Buriel, et al., 1998; Corona, et al., 2012; Weisskirch, Zamboanga, Bersamin, Kim, Schwartz, and

Umana-Taylor, 2011). Second-generation students often act as cultural brokers for their parents as they negotiate life in the U.S.; children interact with adults in the Anglo society and are asked to interpret both language and culture for both parties (Benet-

Martínez, et al., 2002; Buriel, et al., 1998). Students who engage in cultural brokering tend to have higher levels of biculturalism because they are required to become proficient in both the cultures (Buriel, et al., 1998; Benet-Martínez, et al., 2002; Quiñones-Mayo and Dempsey, 2005; Padilla, 2006). Studies have shown that proficiency in both cultures and cultural brokering ability enable students to become problem solvers and develop

their interpersonal skills while transitioning between the cultures, which are vital to a

high level of academic performance (Buriel, et al.; Padilla; Zarate, Bhimji, & Reese,

2005) and may have an impact on students attempting to obtain a college degree.

Benet-Martínez, et al. (2002) noted that some biculturals view their competing

cultures differently, some as complementary and some as oppositional, which they term

bicultural identity integration. Some choose to integrate the two cultures and others

chose to keep them separate. Cultural frame switching (Benet-Martínez, et al., 2002),

which is often utilized by biculturals, allows students to read cues in the environment and

exhibit behaviors that are conducive. In contrast, those with lower levels of biculturalism

may react in opposite ways, such as exhibiting behaviors of their culture of origin when they detect American cues in the environment (Benet-Martínez, et al., 2002; Guarnaccia, et al., 2007). It is noted that oppositional reactions and lower levels of biculturalism may stem from discrimination, not being accepted, or a negative environment; these reactions may be a direct result of not feeling integrated in the environment or society resulting in the need to associate primarily with other members of their own cultural group

(Guarnaccia, et al., 2007).

Those cultural brokers with a bicultural orientation can apply different aspects of both cultures depending on the situation and can utilize “a set of tools individuals have available to use in different situations according to their identity dynamics and situational relevance” (Benet-Martínez, et al., 2002, p. 512). Those students who are seeking to earn a college degree, particularly at a predominantly white institution, would be well served by biculturalism. This ability allows students to exhibit and utilize their culture of origin and their American culture depending on the situation, maximizing success while

ensuring their ethnic identity is maintained. Thus, college becomes a transactional

process in which the student benefits from the educational system and is able to use the

Anglo culture to be successful while maintaining their own culture and adding to the

diversity of the college landscape.

Conclusion

As Latinas continue to be underrepresented in higher education, much of the research utilizes a framework of deficiency and a sense of separateness. Latinas have

rich, unique cultures and backgrounds that they bring into the college environment.

Students who are bicultural are able to make choices to allow them to navigate

between their home culture and the majority culture, and to be proficient in both (Torres,

1999). Since many Latinas who are second-generation in this country assist their parents in negotiating life in the U.S., they must also be able to navigate their home culture and the majority culture. While Latinas who are cultural brokers may not always be completely bicultural, cultural brokers tend to have higher levels of biculturalism (Buriel, et al., 1998; Benet-Martínez, et al., 2002; Quiñones-Mayo & Dempsey, 2005; Padilla,

2006). Thus, this study explores students who have been negotiating two cultures for most of their lives. As the narratives and themes are presented, the cultural brokering and bicultural experiences will frame how students approach and navigate college-going processes.

Chapter 3: Research Design

Qualitative research is best described by Denzin and Lincoln (2000) as “a situated activity that locates the observer in the world” (p. 3) with an emphasis on how social experiences are constructed and meaning is made. In conducting any research, there are inherent assumptions and researcher subjectivity that can influence the study and analysis

(Crotty, 1998; Czarniawska, 2004). In this chapter, I explain the research design for this study, including the research questions, epistemology, methodology, research methods and procedures, and researcher subjectivity (Crotty, 1998). I also describe how I addressed some of the potential problems and possibilities in conducting this study.

Purpose of the Study and Research Questions

The purpose of this study was to explore the narratives of Latina cultural brokers and how this skill shapes their collegiate experience. The guiding questions for this study were:

(1) How do Latina cultural brokers use the cultural brokering experience to navigate

college-going processes?

(2) How do Latina college students perceive their role as cultural brokers?

(3) How does being a Latina college student and a cultural broker shape the collegiate

experience?

Components of the Constructivist Paradigm

This study was guided by a social constructivist paradigm, which consisted of a

number of components. The ontological assumption for this constructivist study was

relativist, which involves multiple, specific, co-constructed realities (Denzin & Lincoln,

2005). The epistemology, or a philosophical theory on the nature of the creation of

knowledge and the relationship between the researcher and the known (Crotty, 1998;

Denzin & Lincoln, 2005), was subjectivist. This epistemological view assumes that the findings would be co-created between the participants and researcher, rather than uncovering as a universal truth (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). In addition, my voice as a researcher in this paradigm was that of “‘a passionate participant’ as facilitator of multivoice reconstruction” (Denzin & Lincoln, p. 194), which is critical to this study, due to my positionality as an outsider, which will be discussed later in this chapter.

The aim was to understand and collect knowledge with my participants, and then reconstruct this knowledge. I assumed that multiple realities were possible, and sought to explore the complexity of the world of cultural brokers while being able to search for connections, themes, and patterns, allowing for a broad range of possibilities and experiences between the participants’ narratives (Crotty, 1998; Denzin & Lincoln, 2005;

Guba & Lincoln, 2005). Social constructivism allowed me to begin to understand what it means to be a cultural broker, how that role is perceived, and how that background both shapes the collegiate experience and helps students to navigate college processes.

Methodology

Since I was concerned with everyday social life of being a cultural broker, I needed a methodology that would elicit this information from the participants. Therefore,

I chose narrative inquiry, which is described by Czarniawska (2004) as transnational, transhistorical, and transcultural, and is concerned with stories of everyday social life, which is one of the most typical forms of explaining action and behavior in our society.

Since the research questions guide data collection methods (Jones, Torres, & Arminio,

2006), it was appropriate to use narrative analysis in order to gather stories of the

everyday experiences of being a cultural broker, and additional stories about using this skill in their college-going processes. As Coffey and Atkinson (1996) noted, stories allow

research participants to discuss their experiences with strangers. Most people remember

key events in their lives as a series of narratives, or stories. Using narratives in this study allowed the participants to discuss their experiences of being cultural brokers and served as a lens to share how they have navigated processes in the college setting.

Chase (2005) offered five key points regarding narrative: (1) as a distinct form of discourse, which illuminates the importance of the story, and its emotions and interpretations; (2) as actively creative verbal action that emphasizes voice; (3) as both bound and unbound by possibilities of the self, time, space, place, and cultural and historical location; (4), “as socially situated interactive performances – as produced in this particular setting, for this particular audience, for these particular purposes;” (p. 657) and (5) researchers view themselves as narrators who order and make sense of the data that was collected. In adhering to these five points, this study, guided by narrative inquiry, allowed me to explore the layered social reality and subjectivity within the personal experiences of my participants (Aguirre, 2005).

The advantage of using narrative analysis is that it enabled me to present the participants’ experiences and lived moments (Ellis & Bochner, 2000; Ruiz & Korrol,

2005) as cultural brokers in their families and as college students in the present. I was able to arrange the same set of events around different themes (Czarniawska, 2004), which allowed for flexibility during the analysis. Guided by the theoretical framework of cultural brokering and biculturalism, I analyzed each individual participant’s narrative, in order to honor the voice contained within (Chase, 2005), and then analyzed all of the narratives to discover the themes across the data.

Research Methods

In the following sections, I outline how the participants and site were selected, the data collection process, how the data were analyzed, my role and positionality as the researcher, and limitations of the study and my attempt to address these.

Research Setting

The institution selected for this study was a large, public, four-year Research

University (RU) located in the Midwest. Due to the historical context of Latinas as outlined in the previous chapters, the sample of participants in this study was restricted to women. RU was selected because of its location within a large city (University City) and its lack of undergraduate Latinas. The University has an inherent bias, as it is predominately and overwhelmingly white (72 percent) at the undergraduate level. Since

RU is a non-neutral site, it was likely that a bicultural orientation for Latinas would be enhanced due to the lack of diversity. According to the RU’s Student Enrollment

Reporting Office there were 1,487 undergraduate Hispanics enrolled during the Autumn

Semester of 2013. Of those, 761 students were women, representing 1.72% of the total undergraduate population.

Since such a small number of undergraduate Latinas exist, it may be less likely

for them to develop a sense of community and thus, they are at greater risk for not

persisting to their degree (Torres, 2006). The four-year graduation rates in the past 10 years have varied between a low of 48.8% for the 2004 cohort, and a high of 63.5% for the 2008 cohort. The five-year graduation rates fared better, with a high of 80.5% of the

2005 Latina cohort receiving degrees. In addition, the one-year persistence rates continuously increased from 2004 forward, and remained above 90% until the 2013 cohort. Although RU is making strides in the persistence of these students, the actual receipt of a degree remains an issue; in the best year, the 2008 cohort has graduated

80.2% of its initial class within 6 years, for a total of 77 Latinas. RU typically confers approximately 10,000 baccalaureate degrees per year, and Latinas do not represent even

1% of the degree holders. Thus, the narratives of these students who have persisted were of particular interest.

There are over 150 major programs available at RU, which provides both excellent choice and numerous career paths. Latina women are found in all of the academic colleges within the University, with the vast majority in the College of Arts and

Sciences, followed by Education and Human Ecology, Business, Engineering, and

Exploration (for the undecided population).

Sampling Criteria

In qualitative projects, sampling criteria “refer to those variables, characteristics, qualities, and demographics most directly linked to the purpose of the study, and thus, important to the construction of the sample” (Jones, Torres, & Arminio, 2006, p. 67). I created a sample of Latina college students who had experiences as “cultural brokers,”

63 limiting the sample to women based on existing research that claims women would be more likely to experience the assumption that they should value family over individual needs (Castillo & Hill, 2004; Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2004; NietoGomez, 1997); women are often seen as maintaining various life cycle rituals (Falicov, 2009); and women are perceived as being more successful in social spaces such as schools, the home and community, and professional work environments, than their male counterparts (Smith,

2009). For these reasons, in creating my sample, I worked from the presumption that women were more likely to broker for their families rather than men, and due to these gendered notions, the process might look different for women than for male cultural brokers. Whether or not young men and young women serve as cultural brokers in equal measure, or the male cultural brokering experience are outside of the scope of this study.

Rather, this research seeks to understand cultural brokering and college processes among

Latinas.

A little less than 2% of the undergraduate population at my study site identified as

Latina. Participants in the study included traditionally aged Latina undergraduate students

(18-25 years old) who had been at RU for a minimum of one semester. This allowed me to shape the pool of participants by selecting from students who have been known to persist. Due to the limited participant pool, academic major program did not factor into the sampling criteria, in order to allow for the most breadth of experience.

An important criterion for the study was that the student grew up speaking

Spanish at home and that the primary language of their parents or family members was

Spanish. Since cultural brokering is translating and interpreting language and culture in complex societal situations on behalf of their families (Buriel, et al., 1998), negotiating

language difference is central to this experience. Most of the students in this study spoke

Spanish exclusively at home with their family members, and just a few of them spoke

English with family. Having fluency in Spanish would have been ideal for my research

(Paredes, 1993), especially since I was able to see that my elementary understanding of

the language was helpful to this study, as the participants occasionally used familiar

Spanish words. The lack of fluency would have put me at a disadvantage if I had engaged

in an ethnography or conducted fieldwork with large groups of students (Paredes, 1993),

and likely had a lesser impact on my study, conducted as individual, semi-structured interviews on the college campus where English is the language of delivery for the curriculum, and of these interviews.

While I would have been interested in narrowing the sample to include students from only one ethnic origin (e.g. Cubans or Puerto Ricans), that would have been likely to be a significant challenge given the very small population of Latinas at RU. I affirmed that culture of origin is significantly important in shaping the group’s experience in the

United States and the student’s experience in society, the educational system, and in their personal attributes. As the main function of the research study concerned cultural brokering, a variety of ethnic origins was interesting and compelling, as was the variation in other attributes, geographic location, off-campus and on-campus residents, and different personality types (Parades, 1993).

Sample Size and Participant Selection

The sample size was set at approximately 8-12 students, with a maximum of 12 as approved by the Institutional Review Board (IRB). This sample size provided enough variation to obtain a wealth of experiences, but was small enough to provide depth.

Bearing in mind that “there are no fixed rules for sample size in qualitative inquiry”

(Patton, as quoted in Jones, Torres, & Arminio, 2006), this sample size reasonably

accommodated the issues in this study.

Unlike quantitative studies, which often utilize a random sampling approach in

which the results can then be generalized to a larger population, qualitative sampling

often includes purposeful sampling to generate participants whose stories will yield the

greatest amount of information regarding the topic (Jones, Torres, & Arminio, 2006). In my initial attempt to find participants, I utilized referral sampling by connecting with colleagues on RU’s campus as gatekeepers to the population. An example of the initial email I sent can be found in Appendix A. The 22 gatekeepers with whom I connected included Residence Hall Directors, staff members in Multicultural Affairs, Diversity and

Inclusion that work with this population, the Director of Recreational Sports, a number of staff members in Student Life, and several academic advisors and faculty in five of the academic colleges on the campus. This yielded 21 possible participants, and of those, 8 met the criteria and were interviewed. One of the staff members also posted a message on their group facebook page, which yielded one participant. Once the gatekeepers provided me with names of potential participants, I reached out to these students via email (an

example can be found in Appendix A). I found most of the participants through this

referral method; these gatekeepers were key in gaining access (Chase, 2005;

Czarniawska, 2004; Jones, Torres, & Arminio, 2006). This method was effective due to

my connection to and the efforts of my professional contacts.

I utilized snowball sampling with my participants by asking the students that I

interviewed to locate others that may meet the research criteria. Although I obtained

several names through snowball sampling, I did not find any participants through this

method that met the criteria or that responded to my email asking for their participation.

To continue my quest in purposefully sampling for participants, I reached out to a

number of leaders of student organizations that had a specific Latina or multicultural

focus, and many of which had a Spanish word in their title, which indicated a sense of

cultural pride. Studies have demonstrated the link between involvement and persistence

(e.g. see Astin’s body of work); in addition, involvement in a student organization likely

fosters a sense of community, which can ease adjustment issues and improve the campus

climate (Buttaro, 2004; Coleman, 1992; Hall & Sandler, 1984; Torres, 2003). In total, I

contacted 13 organizations, and offered to facilitate a discussion on cultural brokering;

none accepted, but several provided me names of potential participants. I followed up

with all 14 potential participants via email to gauge their interest and identify if they met

the criteria; of those, I interviewed 3. In all, I interviewed 11 participants; one individual

informed me that she met the criteria, but upon interviewing her, she did not meet the

criteria and was not a cultural broker. I’ve excluded her narrative account from this study

as a result. As I interviewed the participants and transcribed our conversations, many

similar categories, topics, and themes continued to emerge and I felt comfortable that I

had a good amount of rich data after I interviewed the 11th participant.

Data Collection

In utilizing narrative inquiry for this study (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000;

Czarniawska, 2004), the primary method of data collection was semi-structured, oral interviews between the participants and me, in order to yield information-rich data. Chase

(2005) noted that narratives could be a short story about a particular event or an extended

story about a critical event in a participant’s life; the interviews elicited both of these

types of narratives from the participants in this study. I developed a set of questions to

attempt to tease out the broad implications related to cultural brokering and collegiate

experiences, which were based on a previous pilot study that I conducted.

I followed up with all potential participants via email to gauge their interest and

identify if they met the criteria. If so, we organized a convenient time to meet, and I let the participant choose the place to meet in order for her to feel the most comfortable.

Prior to the interview, the participants were asked to review and sign the informed consent form (see Appendix B) to indicate their understanding of the study and their rights in the process and were told that the interview was going to be digitally recorded in order for me to appropriately capture what was said to be sure that I honored the student’s voice. All participants consented, and this also allowed me to develop rapport with the students by providing confidentiality and general sharing about campus-related information.

During the interviews, I asked open-ended questions to allow the participants to choose their own time frames to discuss key, meaningful events (Czarniawska, 2004) around cultural brokering and college going processes (see Appendix D for the sample

Interview Protocol). The participants were free to share any information related to their family, cultural brokering, or their collegiate experiences in the way in which they felt most comfortable. The interviews themselves were just a sample of reality, and I recognized that they were mediated by my own subjectivity, biases, and standpoints, as well as the student’s own multiple identities and biases, and the time and space in which

the interview was located (Czarniawska, 2004). I kept this in mind during data collection

as well as analysis.

The initial interview lasted between 1.5 – 2 hours. After transcription of the

interview and review of the transcript, I then created both a vignette of our interview and

developed follow-up questions. All of the participants were asked to review their vignette

(see Appendix E for an example) for accuracy of what I captured based on our conversation and their lived experience as a form of a member check, and were asked to answer the additional questions that resulted from our interview. This took between .5-1 hour. I also provided the opportunity to add any additional comments or information after reflecting on our interview. All participants received a $10 Barnes and Noble gift card for their time.

Data Analysis

While there are several forms of narrative analysis, and no universal approach exists, narrative as chronicle lends itself well to interview data (Coffey & Atkinson,

1996). “As social actors, we are all involved in retelling our experiences and lives… time is placed into a personal history, where the past is giving meaning in the present” (Coffey

& Atkinson, 1996, p. 68), which was a goal of the analysis. The accounts and retelling

that the participants chose to use provided insight into their perspectives on cultural

brokering and the importance of other key people in their lives. After each interview, I

transcribed it verbatim using ExpressScribe software. Both Czarniawska (2004) and

Coffey and Atkinson (1996) note that reading and transcribing the data serve as an

elementary form of analysis. I then randomly chose pseudonyms based on a list I had

generated of names of Latina friends and colleagues I have known throughout my life for

69 each participant. Following transcription, I did an initial round of analysis in order to create a vignette or profile of the participant (Coffey & Atkinson, 1996; Czarniawska,

2004). I sent each participant’s vignette to her and asked her to review it for accuracy, provide clarification or additional information, and answer lingering questions I had as a result of our interview.

The goal of the data analysis was to identify themes and expressions that gave an overview of cultural brokering in terms of background, life history, identities, and how that is brought to bear on college going processes. I reviewed each of the transcripts multiple times. I performed a series of descriptive coding, line by line, to determine an index of each transcript’s topics (Saldaña, 2013; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). I then performed a second series of analysis, using in vivo coding, which extracts words and phrases actually found in the interview transcripts (Saldaña, 2013). This was especially useful with narrative analysis, as using the words and direct quotes of the participants gave voice to the students and deepened my understanding.

After conducting the two series of coding by hand, I then used MAXQDAPlus software to load the transcripts and code the data. I ran a code matrix to categorize the codes and arrive at themes across the data. I solicited input from several peer reviewers, who read a random subset of my transcripts and provided their interpretation of the themes and data. The resulting themes and results of this process are presented in chapters five and six. Meanwhile, I developed a “top 10 list” (Saldaña, 2013, p. 247), which included one key element from each of the transcripts that highlighted that participant’s experience. I also arranged the data in a narrative format to provide voice for each participant’s story and what they chose to discuss (Coffey & Atkinson, 1996),

and then used the top 10 list as subject headers for each participant’s narrative in chapter

four.

Trustworthiness

Unlike a quantitative study, which focuses on validity and reliability, a qualitative

project emphasizes trustworthiness (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). The four criteria that

Lincoln and Guba (1985) established were credibility, transferability, dependability, and

confirmability.

To insure credibility, a triangulation of methods was used in order to involve

many perspectives in collecting and analyzing the data (Guba & Lincoln, 2005). As

mentioned in an earlier section, I prepared vignettes for each of the participants and asked

them to review and provide additional comments. This member checking was one of the

most important techniques to ensure that the participants were able to review their stories

and interpretations and make any necessary corrections (Guba & Lincoln, 2005).

Additionally, utilizing peer reviewers who were familiar with college students, student

development theory, and the Latino/a population (and Latino/a themselves) was essential

in unpacking analysis that was implicit to me but not explicitly written (Lincoln & Guba,

1985).

Qualitative research projects can enhance their trustworthiness through transferability, which allows the reader to determine if the data and results are applicable in their own circumstances (Guba & Lincoln, 2005). This is often done through thick description, which displays much detail and depth of the data (Guba & Lincoln, 2005).

By virtue of use of narrative inquiry, the goal was to enhance trustworthiness by constructing the data in detail, which can be found in chapter four.

Dependability refers to the research methods, and the ability of future researchers to repeat the process (Guba & Lincoln, 2005). During the course of the study, I kept field notes on my methodological processes and updated the methods section accordingly.

Field notes were also used to establish confirmability. In addition to the methods, I also took field notes on my own research process and reactions to my involvement. This ensures that the findings are related strictly to the data and not my own biases, some of which I have documented in this chapter (Guba & Lincoln, 2005).

Ethical Considerations

As I designed this study, I had to consider the potential ethical considerations to protect the participants, others, and myself (Jones, Torres, & Arminio, 2006). The obvious ethical issues, confidentiality and anonymity, were addressed through the IRB process and the statement of informed consent that were expressed to the students prior to their participation. To preserve anonymity, I offered each participant the ability to select a pseudonym. None of them expressed concern with the information they revealed and did not choose to select a pseudonym on their own. To protect their data and narratives, I therefore randomly assigned pseudonyms based on a list I generated of friends and colleagues from Latina cultures. All IRB protocol for the confidentiality of the data was preserved.

Stating my positionality was paramount, as it had the potential to alter the perceptions, reactions, and responses of the participants (Jones, Torres, & Arminio, 2006;

Paredes, 1993). From my position, I made “decisions about how to conduct the study, what to ask participants, how to interpret and represent what [I] hear[d] from participants, and what implications will be suggested” (Jones, Torres, & Arminio, p. 109). Although

72 the study itself is about Latinas, my own subjectivity, power, and privilege as a researcher were brought to bear on the processes and outcomes of the project. It was important to be cognizant of my biases, privilege, and standpoint of how I am viewed by the participants. In addition, DeVault (1995) suggests that to conduct a good study, we need to “hear” race and ethnicity in talk, and as part of attention during and analysis in and after the interviews, of which I was mindful. For example, having fluency in Spanish would be ideal for studying this group (Paredes, 1993), but having an elementary understanding of the language was helpful to this study, as the participants occasionally used familiar Spanish words. The lack of fluency might have put me at a disadvantage if I had engaged in ethnography or conducted fieldwork with large groups of students

(Paredes, 1993). However, in the context of individual, semi-structured interviews on the college campus where English is the language of delivery for the curriculum, this did not prove to be problematic.

Researcher Voice and Reflexivity

Researchers often begin with what they know and examine the institutional practices that shape experiences through text, language, and other research in a social context (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). In doing so, it was important for me as the researcher to disclose my interest and subjectivity in order to uncover any potential biases and provide a glimpse into my voice as a researcher to allow readers to understand my interest in the project (Chase, 2005).

Chase (2005) discusses three voices of narrative researchers: (1) the authoritative voice, in which long passages of text are followed by the researcher’s interpretations of the stories; (2) the supportive voice, in which the experiences of the participants are

highlighted; and (3) the interactive voice, which incorporates the researcher’s own

experiences into the study and displays the intersubjectivity between the participants and

the researcher. For the purposes of this study, my primary voice as a researcher was

supportive, which is consistent with many Latin American testimonios (Chase, 2005) and

is appropriate for studying cultural brokering. This allowed me to maintain “a self-

reflective and respectful distance between researchers’ and narrators’ voices” (Chase,

2005, p. 665), while providing room to organize the stories.

Insider/Outsider Perspective and Positionality

My own background, including ethnicity, culture and population of New York

City where I grew up, gender, education, and experiences, all shaped the research

process. All choices, including the topic for the study, the methods used, how the data

was collected, and most importantly, analysis and interpretation, reflected my own

positionality.

When considering positionality, one of the critical perspectives that emerge is that

of insider/outsider. Those who identify with the race, ethnicity, and/or gender of those

being studied are typically considered “insiders” (Bishop, 2005; Foley, Levinson, &

Hurtig, 2001; Jones, Torres, & Arminio, 2006). Typically, insiders may have easier

access to the participants and develop a deeper rapport because of commonality of

background (DeVault, 1995). Insiders may also be able to ask more meaningful questions

since they have a sense of history and culture that an outsider may not possess, and may

provide a richness and fullness of data that is not possible without the same deep

knowledge that insiders have (Bishop, 2005; Foley, Levinson, & Hurtig, 2000). The other aspect of being an insider is that bias may exist precisely because of the insider

knowledge, or that insiders may not apply the same critical skills when investigating an issue because they are too closely embedded in the culture (Bishop, 2005). Being an insider is relational, however (Foley, Levinson, & Hurtig, 2000). For example, a Puerto

Rican researcher studying Cuban students may be considered an insider because he or she shares the commonality of the Spanish language, a colonial past, and cultural traditions, but Puerto Ricans are U.S. citizens at birth, while many Cubans escaped Cuba under threat and pressure; those background experiences are very different. They may have similar experiences with assimilation, politics of being Latina and language, but those of different genders, education, class, age, gender and/or sexual orientation may also not be considered true insiders (Bishop, 2005). Simply being from the same background and even speaking Spanish does not necessarily make a researcher an automatic “insider”

(Ricourt & Danta, 2003).

Outsiders may not be as sensitive to cultural issues as insiders (Bishop, 2005).

There also may exist an element of distrust, particularly when someone from the dominant culture interviews or studies underrepresented populations (Foley, Levinson, &

Hurtig, 2000). Many researchers who are considered outsiders seek the insider knowledge, and may have a passion for the subject under study, but lack the complete knowledge and background of someone on the inside. The benefit of being an outsider seeking to find insider knowledge is the sensitivity toward rich and meaningful cultural difference (Foley, Levinson, & Hurtig, 2000). Participants may leave out key elements, truths, or anecdotes as a way of resisting the outsider researcher’s perspective (DeVault,

1995). They also may provide a different, fresh perspective on the issue under study to which an insider may be “too close.” It is important to note that neither the outsider nor

the insider perspective offers a universal standpoint, and that multiple perspectives are

present in any issue. The main focus is on understanding our own lens, position, and

biases in order to recognize our reaction and the reaction of others (Jones, Torres, &

Arminio, 2006). The researcher’s identity mediates the access, rapport, and ultimate

outcome of the study (DeVault, 1995), and a power structure still exists between the

researcher and the participants in which the researcher has both power and privilege

(Guba & Lincoln, 2005; Jones, Torres, & Arminio, 2006).

In terms of my own positionality, I considered myself an outsider in this study.

Although I was raised in an area where ethnic culture was strong, I am not Latina. I have

a working knowledge of the history, migration patterns, and cultural traditions of the

various Latina cultures, but I do not have lived experiences inside any of these cultures. I

was cognizant of this throughout the research process and brought sensitivity to my role

as researcher. To situate myself and attempt to resolve my insider/outsider conflict, I

addressed my interest in the subject matter to the participants in terms of the common

salient issues: stereotypical cultural norms and expectations for women to take care of

family first (Castillo & Hill, 2004), the intricate inclusion of the extended family

(Quinones-Mayo & Dempsey, 2005), and as a first-generation college student from a

lower socio-economic status (Castillo & Hill, 2004; Padilla, et al., 1997; Quinones-Mayo

& Dempsey, 2005). I do not share, however, the Spanish linguistic tradition, the specific cultural traditions, or growing up in a bilingual or bicultural home. My participants all appreciated this perspective and seemed glad that I took on this project and allowed them to “reveal themselves in their own words” (Ruiz & Korrol, 2005, p. 4). One participant in particular, Claudia, expressed that she was glad I was doing this and was “happy to help

and try to put a stop to it and the negativity behind it as well” (meaning the negativity of

the predominantly white culture in terms of discussing underrepresented groups

persisting in higher education and instead focusing on the skills that cultural brokers

bring to the environment).

Additional Ethical Considerations

As I started to recruit participants and then proceeded with interviews, I realized

that students arrived to this study with a wide variety of experiences. Immigration and

national status (Guarnaccia, et al., 2007) certainly played a role, as immigration issues are different today than they were 10 or 20 years ago, when families were allowed to cross the borders more freely. For certain students that were citizens, they may have had family members in the U.S. who are undocumented, or family members in other countries that are attempting to return. The political issues embedded within the issues in this study caused an impact to those families, and it was, at times, difficult to temper my concern for these students and their family members. Additionally, in allowing for a breadth of experiences, I interviewed several participants whose parents do not live in the U.S.

Initially, I may have ruled these individuals out, but learning about their experiences added another dimension to this study.

Although my recruitment attempts clearly stated that I was interested in interviewing students who spoke Spanish at home and served as cultural brokers for their families, one student, Elena, participated in the study even though, unbeknownst to me until after the interview began, she was not a cultural broker. Thus, her narrative is not

included here.

Conclusion

The goal of this study was to construct “storyworthy” narratives about college- going Latinas and their roles as cultural brokers, and how this background shapes their college processes. I utilized a subjectivist epistemology and a constructivist paradigm to understand the nature of the students’ experiences. By doing so, I assumed that multiple realities are possible (Crotty, 1998; Guba & Lincoln, 2005). By utilizing narrative inquiry as the methodology for research, I was able to co-construct narrative accounts from the participants in this study and to determined themes both across and through their narratives.

As an outsider to the Latina cultures, I was committed to understanding that access to the knowledge I gained was both facilitated and limited by my own location, assumptions, biases, and perceptions (DeVault, 1995). In addition, if this study were to be conducted by someone from a Latina culture, the possibility exists that the stories elicited would be different based on the students’ perceptions. The goal, as an outsider, was to conduct the recruitment of participants, the interview processes and collection of data, the analysis, member checking, and ultimately, presentation of the narratives with gentleness, empathy, and understanding for cultural differences between and within the groups and between and within the individual students. By contextualizing the issues and uncovering my own researcher subjectivity, I attempted to ensure that goodness and trustworthiness are the guiding forces for the project.

Chapter 4: Narratives of Being a Latina College-Going Cultural Broker

Introduction

The goal of this study was to explore Latina students’ experiences as both cultural brokers and college-going students. This chapter presents the narratives of 10 women that were interviewed at a large, research university (RU) in the Midwest (University City).

The accounts of these women begin with background information, self-reported ethnicity, and an introduction to their narratives. Each narrative is presented individually in this chapter in order from the smallest degree of brokering to the greatest degree of brokering, to highlight the unique lived experiences of each woman (Ellis & Bochner, 2000). I then highlight common patterns and themes among the participants in terms of their experiences with the Spanish language, reasons for cultural brokering, examples of how they have brokered, and difficulties with cultural brokering. Table 4.1 provides information about the participants in this study and serves as a guide for reading this chapter.

Table 4.1: List of Participants

Alexa: “Every Place That My Parents are is Home To Me”

Alexa’s parents are from Central America, where the rest of her family still resides. Her parents, two sisters, and Alexa moved to different places every three years, including Singapore, Canada, and the Southwest, where she was born, throughout her life as part of her father’s job. If others ask about her ethnicity, Alexa responds:

It’s kind of a hard question just because I’ve moved around every three years. I’m

not really from anywhere anymore I guess, and every place that my parents are is

home to me. Overall, I’d say that if they ask me where are you from since I came

down, I’ll just say Central America because my whole family is still there.

She has returned to Central America often to visit her family. She speaks primarily

Spanish with her family, which was her first language, but switches back and forth

between English and Spanish with her sister, who also attends RU. She primarily served

as a broker for her grandparents, uncles, aunts, and cousins, who have visited their family

in places they have lived. She recounts explaining movies and the jokes within, to them

when they visit. She will also order for them in restaurants or translate for them when out

shopping.

The first time she thought about college was when she was in sixth grade, since her older

sister was in high school. She applied to one other University in addition to RU, but RU is where she wanted to go since her sister was already attending school there. Unlike many other participants in this study, her parents were involved in the college choice process, and Alexa also received a scholarship from her father’s place of employment.

She is, however, considered an international student because she completed high school in Canada. She found it odd to be an international student, since she was born in the US.

Since she had lived so many other places before, Alexa had a very smooth transition to college, saying, “I had been to so many different schools and met so many different people so many times that it was normal to me.” She finds RU to be a good fit for her and currently lives in an off-campus apartment with her sister after living in a residence hall during her first year. Since she always liked math and science, she began as Pre-Med but

then switched to an Engineering major, inspired by her father, who is also an engineer.

Alexa’s language choice was often based on the context of where she was and the social space in which she was located. When primarily around her family, she would

81 speak Spanish since that was the language with which everyone was most familiar. In the

RU environment, the language of instruction is English, which she spoke most frequently. However, when she was with her sister, they would switch on and off between English and Spanish, based on what they were discussing and if anyone else was in the area. This could be perceived as maintenance of their ethnic identity, a level of comfort with each other and providing each other with a sense of family that sets them apart from others on campus.

Mayra: “It’s Hard Because You’re Young, and [Think], My Mom Should Know English”

Mayra describes herself differently than the participants in the other narratives, and it is likely due to her heritage. If someone were to ask her about her ethnicity, she typically says she’s from Puerto Rico since “people are more used to Puerto Rico.” If she gets deeper in conversation with someone, she’ll say that she was born in South America.

In fact, this is how our conversation went:

Me: Can you tell me a little bit about yourself and your background?

Mayra: So I was born in [a South American country], but I lived my life in Puerto

Rico, since my mom is Puerto Rican.

Me: Is your father [South American]?

Mayra: No, he’s from [a different South American country]... So my mom is

Puerto Rican, my dad is from [one South American country], and I’m from [a

different South American country]. So, a mixture.

Me: And do you have siblings?

Mayra: I do have a sister. She’s 13 and she’s Puerto Rican.

This exchange posed an interesting question: is ethnicity based on where you were born

or where you grew up? Although Mayra would tell people she’s from Puerto Rico, she

considers her identity as belonging to her country of birth in South American. Even

though her father is from a South American country and her mother spent most of her life

in her native South American country before returning to Puerto Rico where she was born, Mayra considers her sister to be Puerto Rican. Ethnicity is often viewed as a social construction, and this is clearly the case for Mayra. Many would consider her a Puerto

Rican since that is where she spent the majority of her life, but since she was born in a

South American country, she considers her ethnicity to be that of her South American country.

Mayra’s mom’s side of the family lives in South America, Puerto Rico, and the continental U.S., and all of her dad’s side of the family lives in a different South

American country. Mayra’s mom and maternal grandfather run a business where they export crafts to both Puerto Rico and the US mainland. Mayra regularly returns to Puerto

Rico for breaks and vacations, but has never been to either South American country. She plans to visit her father’s country upon her graduation from college next year.

Mayra’s mother understands English, but not enough to speak it or hold a conversation. Her father also understands English, but uses it very rarely and prefers

Spanish. Mayra learned English all throughout her K-12 schooling years, but spoke solely

Spanish at home. Her lifelong dream was to attend college in the continental United

States, and although socioeconomically and financially she knew she couldn’t afford it, she always planned to do so. Her parents had encouraged her to attend college in Puerto

Rico, where tuition is a fraction of the cost of most continental institutions. While her

mother was upset with the decision and misses having Mayra in her house, she is

extremely supportive of her and her decision to attend college on the U.S. mainland.

While completing various college applications, Mayra explained to her parents

what she was doing and translated the information for them, and would then just inform

her parents of her decisions. Her mom accompanied her to orientation and has spent time

on campus, and Mayra translates for her and lets her know what is happening. While

reflecting on translating for her mom, she indicated that it’s “hard because you’re young,

and you’re like, oh my mom, she should know English… but she’s lived in a Spanish

speaking country her whole life.” She stated that it is sometimes difficult for her, because

even though she’s the child, she has to be “the strong one” for her mother.

Emilia: “In Puerto Rico, Parents Say, You Have to Finish High School and Go to

College”

Emilia’s parents are both from Puerto Rico, where she was born and raised. Her

father was in the military, so he spent a considerable amount of time overseas. He moved

to University City a few years ago, and once Emilia graduated high school, the rest of the family joined him. The rest of her family is in Puerto Rico, and she very strongly identifies with being Puerto Rican. Unlike Alexa, she is not considered an international

student. She notes:

Some people ask if I'm international and then ask if I'm from the United States.

I've said, "Oh no, Puerto Rico, it's part of the United States but it's not a state but

I'm not an international student. I'm just in the middle.

Emilia’s statement is very telling: she feels in the middle. Puerto Rico itself is neither a

state within the United States, nor a separate country. It is part of the U.S. but as a

84 formerly colonized territory. Thus, how she explains her ethnicity is reflective of this history: she’s not technically from the U.S., but she is not international, either. She’s an

American citizen, but her primary language is Spanish and she was raised off the mainland. This issue of ethnic identity and citizenship will be discussed further later in this chapter.

Her family’s primary language is Spanish, although her father speaks English fluently and her two younger sisters are currently learning English. She said that they primarily speak Spanish at home with a few English words occasionally thrown in, because her mother only speaks Spanish. Since moving to the city, she often has to translate for her mother while out shopping or running errands. Although Emilia herself had a fear of speaking English for how she might be perceived, she finds it important to assist her mother. She stated, “I think it’s a good practice for my mom because she can hear the person talking and I translate it. She can get some things out of [it].”

In terms of college, she always knew she would attend, and first thought about it in middle school. Education was important to her family, and cited that it is rare for her generation not to attend college in Puerto Rico. She said:

In Puerto Rico, your parents say to you, ‘You have to finish high school so you

can go to college.’ It's very rare not to go to college in Puerto Rico. I always

thought I was going to college. I didn't know where I was going to college, but I

knew that I was going.

She chose RU due to its size, opportunities, and proximity to her family, who live less than 30 minutes away and she visits at least once per week. She felt that her family was always behind her and supporting her, encouraging her to achieve good grades to go to

85 college. Once here, she felt that she had a good transition to college and living on campus since her family is in town and she can return home as often as she likes. She will often assist her younger sisters with homework and translating into Spanish and English with them to help them “interact in both environments.” She is a Life Sciences major and plans to go to medical school and become a surgeon.

Rosa: “It’s Just What I Do”

Rosa was born in Mexico and moved with her parents and siblings to the Midwest when she was 8 years old due to her father’s job as a computer programmer. Only her immediate family lives in University City; the rest of her family is back in Mexico. She visits yearly, typically for a month, and often visits 5-6 different cities in Mexico while she’s there. She recently started a full-time job and believes it is likely that she won’t be able to visit Mexico as frequently due to her work schedule.

Rosa has a lot of ethnic pride. When others ask about her ethnicity, she always ensures to tell others that she is Mexican – not Latina or Hispanic. Unlike others that she knows, she was actually born in Mexico and thus feels a deep connection to her country and culture. She said that she also thinks about her identity often due to the number of sociology courses she took; learning about white privilege and identity makes her think all the time about being a Mexican woman and how she interacts in various environments. She primarily speaks Spanish with her mom and describes herself as

“fluently bilingual.” She is careful to make a point to never mix the two languages and she does not use Spanglish; she believes each language should stand on its own. This belief was further reinforced during her time working at a local hospital with multiple

Hispanic post-docs who interacted with patients in professional Spanish, which very

much impressed her.

Rosa primarily interpreted for her mother, who was not comfortable speaking

English. She noted that she was often put in an awkward position between her mother and

to whomever she needed to communicate, but came to accept her role over time by

stating, “It’s just what I do.” It seemed important to her that her mother and her family

thrive, and so she was committed to that role.

Renata: “We’re Between Both Worlds”

Renata’s mother and father are from the same Central American country. Her older sister was also born there, and then the three of them arrived on the West Coast in the 80s to escape the civil war in their home country. While on the West Coast, both

Renata and her younger brother were born. They moved back to her parents’ Central

American country for a few years and then Renata and her siblings (separately) moved to

Washington, DC about 10 years ago; her parents were unable to return with their children due to immigration and visa issues. During breaks and vacations, she returns to DC where she lives with her brother, her sister, who is an undocumented resident, and her sister’s two children. Her parents and the rest of her family live in their Central American country. When she first moved to DC, she would return to her Central American country each year to see her parents. Since she began attending college, she’s not been back in three years. Instead, she works two jobs over breaks, either in University City or at home in DC, in order to pay for her books, clothes, rent, and other expenses, as well as sending money back home to help support her parents. She’s also trying to save enough money in order to support her parents in the U.S. financially, which is a condition of them being

87 able to return.

In the U.S., she will typically tell non-Latino/a people she is Latina, but if she is talking to other Latino/as, she will say she is the ethnicity of the Central American country with which she identifies. She feels like most Americans across the board do not know much about Central America, so she will just use the umbrella terms. She speaks

Spanish exclusively with her family, including her older sister and sister’s young children. She describes her sister:

She doesn’t always feel comfortable speaking English. She can read, like how it

used to be, read and understand things, and hear things fine, but when she wants

to respond, she doesn’t feel really comfortable, saying the things, you know. But

she - she knows. She can do a lot of things on her own. And she’s sensitive. But it

is just fear of what people might say.

Renata often brokers for her sister as a result, either when they are shopping, at a restaurant, when they purchased their cell phones, or when the kids go to the doctor.

Additionally, she also works in housekeeping at a hotel and is often asked to translate for some of the other workers who do not speak English as they are preparing rooms.

She was on her own when it came time to research, apply, and seek out financial aid for college. She chose RU due to its diversity and location within a large city. Her brother, who is getting ready to attend college, faces similar issues. Being essentially on their own in a country different from their parents, with no financial assistance, leads

Renata to believe “we’re in between both worlds... I feel in-between.” She has struggled with the Financial Aid Office because they do not understand that she supports herself completely as a citizen and independent student. For example, a grant was removed from

88 her Financial Aid package because she did not provide a parental tax return:

When they ask for taxes, my parents, they don’t work at all, so they don’t give me

taxes. So they [say] oh so who supports you economically? I’m like, myself. Oh,

but we need your parents to give it. And then, that’s the kind of things that I don’t

think they see that some people here are really on their own with nobody to help

them.

She often has to look for answers on her own on the FAFSA website and then communicate with the Office to try to straighten out many of the financial issues. To save money, she moved off campus into an apartment, but did not tell her parents, who would be concerned about her safety.

Natalia: “What If They Didn’t Have Anybody to Translate For Them?”

Natalia’s parents both emigrated from Mexico about 20 years ago, met on the

West Coast, and moved to University City when Natalia was 5. She lives at home with her mother, two older sisters, and a younger brother and a younger sister. Her parents got married during a two-month trip to Mexico when Natalia was 7 and although her father lived with them for many years, he returned to Mexico about three years ago and has been trying to move back ever since. He’s been unable to return due to visa and immigration issues, and their family is committed to ensuring that he can come back legally. His applications for a visa have been denied, and they have recently filed for an appeal. Her two older sisters also graduated from RU, and she’s in frequent communication with family members both in University City and in Mexico, and tends to go to Mexico at least annually to visit her dad.

She speaks Spanish with both of her parents and her entire family; it is the sole

language she speaks with her parents and family members in Mexico. She primarily

speaks Spanglish with her siblings, depending on the context or who else may be

involved in the conversation. She took Spanish as a foreign language in high school in

order to learn how to read and write it, both for herself and her family. While her parents

can understand some English, they often need translators at doctor’s offices,

appointments, and for job offers, since they often have difficulty finding the correct words they would want to say. Natalia remembers translating many educational documents, including forms, grade cards, and various flyers and papers. For Natalia, she enjoyed being a broker for her parents and felt good about helping them. She stated,

“What if they didn’t have anybody to translate for them?” and often stepped in so that

others wouldn’t assume that her parents weren’t intelligent simply because they didn’t

speak English, “They may not speak correctly, but they understand what they’re trying to

say.”

Adriana: “I Was Proud of This Achievement and I Couldn’t Share the Emotion I

Wanted”

Adriana’s parents each emigrated illegally from their Central American country,

her mother arriving in the States around the age of 15, and her father sometime between the ages of 15 and 18. Her mother had gotten caught and was jailed, but made it the second time. Both of her parents are now permanent residents of the United States; they were never married and currently live separately. Neither of her parents completed high school. She has one sister, who is a year older, and has a different father. Adriana, her sister, her mother, and her maternal grandfather live together in Washington, DC when

90 the sisters aren’t at school. Although they have had family from their Central American country visit them in DC, they don’t visit often, due to visa issues that have arisen in the past decade. Most of Adriana’s mother’s family still lives in their Central American country; Adriana visited there once for three weeks when she was 15 and plans to visit again next summer after she graduates. When asked how she describes her ethnicity if someone asks, she stated,

I say I’m Hispanic. A lot of people don’t really know where [my country in

Central America] is, or what being Central American is… so I say I’m Hispanic, a

lot of the time, and then if they ask, what part? Then I say that I’m [country of

origin in Central American]. But, um, a lot of people here just assume I’m white.

She runs into similar situations in the Midwest, such as eating at Mexican restaurants.

She will talk to the workers and order in Spanish, and often receives surprised reactions due to people assuming she is white.

The Spanish language is important to Adriana and her family. At home, the primary language of her family is Spanish. Adriana continues to speak Spanish with both of her parents and her family members. Adriana and her sister will engage in code- switching (Urciuoli, 2003); depending on the situation, they’ll speak to each other in

English, Spanish, or Spanglish. In addition to speaking it fluently at home, Adriana took

Spanish in high school to learn how to both read and write the language. Later on, she tested into an advanced Spanish course at RU and decided to take it; the classroom climate was less than desirable, stating, “I’m pretty sure [that] I wasn’t supposed to be in that class just because I’m Hispanic.” She reported that she tried not to speak too much in

91 class, and that the other students in the class judged her for being in the course for a seemingly easy grade of A.

Growing up in DC, Adriana described:

I always speak to my parents in Spanish, both my mom and my dad. And my

family. I think I only speak to one cousin in English and that’s cause she knows

English. Me and my sister speak to each other in English but a lot of times we’ll

like switch, speak Spanish but then speak Spanglish, I guess. We switch off a lot.

Her mom would often say, “You know I don’t speak English!” either in the house or when asking Adriana to broker for her. Adriana was able to recall several examples of having to translate for her mom, including helping her get a new cell phone and plan and filling out various forms and applications for school. She often felt annoyed having to translate when she felt that her mother should be able to communicate and make the decisions. She came to later realize that her mom has a thick accent and may not be comfortable with the way her English sounds, or that it was just easier for Adriana to speak to others in English because she’s “always done it.”

This sentiment seemed pervasive throughout Adriana’s life. Educationally,

Adriana’s mom never attended a parent-teacher conference, which she assumed was because she didn’t want to speak English with her teacher. Adriana often wondered why her mom wouldn’t go, and why she wouldn’t want to hear how she was doing in school.

Over time, she knew better than to even bring it up, since it was never an option. This left her to feel as if she were on her own when it came to her education and related decisions.

Samantha: “Para Que Aprendas/So That You Will Learn”

Samantha’s parents emigrated separately from Mexico to the West Coast, each around the age of 18. She notes that when her Dad crossed the border, “it was just a high tide thing,” which is very different than immigration today. They met on the West Coast, got residency through their jobs, and moved to University City when Samantha was 5.

She has two younger sisters and a younger brother. Many extended family members also live in University City, including her paternal grandmother. Her maternal grandfather, who is now a United States citizen, travels back and forth between the US and Mexico frequently, and notes that he “wants to die and be buried in Mexico.” Samantha has visited Mexico many times, and she spent several summers there being tutored in

Spanish.

Spanish is the primary language of her entire family, and she speaks Spanish exclusively with her family members. She attended a Spanish immersion elementary/ middle school, and then the high school that is attached to RU. As the oldest child in her family, she was often asked to translate for her parents and other family members. She describes what would happen:

My mom always, when she had questions, especially at the store, she would say,

‘Samantha, go ask them.’ And my dad would say it too. There’s this saying in

Spanish, para que aprendas. And it’s “so that you will learn.” So they would

always tell me, go do this, or make this phone call so you’ll learn, and it’s like,

shouldn’t you be learning too? But you don’t really say that, you just do it,

because you know that you’ll get a whooping or something if you say that.

Para que aprendas continued through her college career as she took advantage of different kinds of opportunities that presented themselves. She initially sought an

Engineering major, but after taking the Introduction to Biology course, she decided to explore other majors further. Although she had some preconceived notions about it, after attending an information session on a Social Science major, she decided to switch. She completed an undergraduate research paper and was invited to present it at a conference.

She could have graduated early, but instead chose to stay an extra year and take courses of interest, including Spanish for Heritage Speakers, and a Spanish in the Midwest course. She recently graduated and is headed to a Master’s program in the Liberal Arts on the West Coast. She was excited about this opportunity, as well as to connect with family members who live nearby. Additionally, throughout her college career, she worked as a medical translator for a local hospital for Spanish-speaking families, and volunteered for an on campus organization that provided mentorship to both underclassmen and area high school Latino/a students.

Luciana: “I Was Always Able to Figure Things Out by Myself”

Luciana’s parents emigrated from Mexico to University City, where Luciana was born. She is the oldest of five sisters and currently lives at home with all of them. The majority of her family lives in Mexico, although many of them now live in University

City as well. Their family has returned to Mexico often, including a move back there when she was 12 for 5 years; they returned to University City when Luciana was a junior in high school. If asked to describe her ethnicity, she usually states, “I would just tell them my parents are from Mexico, I was born in the United States, I’m Mexican-

American.” She was one of the only participants to describe her ethnicity in this way, by

adding the “American” to the end, even though several other participants were born in the

United States as well.

Spanish is her first language and the language of her family, which she uses

exclusively with her parents. She speaks English with her sisters, but they speak Spanish

when out in public and don’t want others to overhear their conversation. Similar to

several other participants, Luciana does not believe Spanglish is professional, so she does

not use it in her speech. As the oldest daughter, she was always asked to translate for her

family. It would often annoy Luciana, who disliked doing it. She imitated her mother

while shopping to illustrate, saying in a high-pitched voice, “Go ask the employee where the beans are. Go ask the employee where the tortillas are. Go ask where the plastic bags are. Just random little things.”

She first thought about college when she was in eighth grade in Mexico. As noted earlier, she did not like living there. While she initially wanted to go to college to improve their family situation due to poor finances, she had another motive – moving back to the United States and leaving Mexico. Luciana approached her parents about moving back to University City to attend high school in the States in order to receive in- state tuition to RU. At first, her parents refused. She then approached her aunt, who advocated for fighting for custody of Luciana to bring her back to the States. When

Luciana’s mother found out about this plan, she then demanded that their family move back to the Midwest, where Luciana completed high school. She had always planned to attend RU because of its national reputation, the fact that it was in the town in which she was born and raised, and that several of her cousins attended. Since it also involved moving from Mexico, she was always very focused on RU. She noted that her skill as a

cultural broker prepared her for the college processes, since her parents did not help her

with anything related to college, and often directed her to do so. She stated, “I was

always able to figure things out by myself.” This seemed to be matter of fact for her,

rather than a commentary on her individual situation.

Claudia: “I Tell People That I Don’t Know That I’m Half from the US and Half from

Central America”

Claudia arrived in the United States and University City when she was 11 years old. Her father arrived a few years earlier to get settled, and then brought Claudia, her mother, and her older brother to live. She spent the first part of her life in her Central

American country, and last year, she returned there for the first time since she was 15 for a month. Most of her family is still there, and they come to the States to visit often. When asked about her ethnicity, she often tells people she was born in her Central American country, but sometimes she’ll say she’s Latina instead, depending on her audience. Many times, she “tell(s) people that I don’t know that I’m half from the U.S. and half from [my country of birth in Central America], because I know more history about the U.S. than I do about my own country at this point.” When she visited last year after many years, it was an emotional experience for her, to hear people speaking with the same accent, and to receive such a warm welcome. After a while, she became homesick, but then realized that she felt caught, because “home” is both in the US and in her Central American country of birth.

Although Claudia, her brother, and her father all speak English, their family speaks solely Spanish at home in order to maintain their culture and to support their mother, who is often uncomfortable speaking English because of her pronunciation. At a

younger age, her mother, who was a teacher in their Central American country, would

make Claudia and her brother write letters to each other in Spanish so that they learned to

read and write it as well as speak it. Claudia interpreted for her mom in all settings

outside of their home.

Claudia’s parents always saw education as a priority, and she always knew that

she had to go to college. She always intended to pursue a “helping field,” and chose

Business. Due to the language barrier, she applied to colleges on her own, and let her parents know when she was accepted somewhere. They were involved financially and helped provide resources for her education. As many parents of first generation students

(Strayhorn, 2006), they were concerned about the ability for her to support herself

financially with this degree. She was offered a scholarship by another local, private

University to play soccer, but turned that down, opting instead to begin her college career

at a local community college and then transferred to RU. She preferred RU because of its

national and world reputation. A major goal of Claudia’s was to say, “I’m a minority and

I graduated from this University,” particularly to her family in her Central American

country of birth, who often provided her with additional support. This led to a sense of

not wanting to let her family down because of how engaged they were in her attempts to

succeed. It made a huge difference to her to know how much support she had. She

recently earned her degree and is currently working in Human Resources.

Ethnic Identity, Self-Identification, and Citizenship

One of the noteworthy findings of these narratives is how students self-identify

their ethnic identity. I asked the students to talk about their background, how they

describe their ethnicity and how or if it changes (see Appendix D for the Interview

Protocol and sample questions). Several of the students describe their ethnicity and how they identify themselves to others as one in the same (e.g. Rosa, as Mexican), but nearly all of the other participants stated that they might describe themselves as something different than their self-identified ethnicity depending on the context.

Many of the participants in this study encountered various ethnic stereotypes. For example, Adriana, Samantha, Rosa, and Natalia all met people who would assume they were of a different race or ethnicity. Samantha often got mistaken for white, which didn’t bother her because she did not fit into the “stereotypical” notions of being a Latina, and often made a point of resisting cultural implications. Adriana was also often mistaken as white, which she said made sense because she did not look like a “stereotypical” person from her Central American country with very tanned skin. Although Samantha and

Adriana thought that this meant that they were subverting the typical Latina stereotypes, this also demonstrates the power of context in a racialized society. Letting others assume that they are white likely affords them social privileges of “being white” that others may not bestow upon them if they identified as Latinas.

Natalia also dealt with several kinds of stereotypes. People often assumed she was

Filipina or Puerto Rican, and she would be amused when people tell her she “doesn’t look Mexican.” A lot of people also talk to her about her status as a student, which she recounts:

I’m a student. And they’re like, ‘oh really? Community College?’ I’m like (in a

different tone) ‘no.’ They’re like, ‘oh really, where do you go?’ And I’m ‘I go to

[RU].’ ‘Oh you mean one of the branches?’ ‘No, I go to [RU]. I go to MAIN

campus.’ And they’re like, (surprised tone) ‘OH, REALLY.’ Why is it such a big

surprise? I love to rub it in their face, like, no I don’t go to Community College,

actually I go to University. (laughs)… I don’t know if they think that I don’t look

like I could get into there? I think that maybe they’re like oh maybe she’s

Hispanic or she’s Mexican or she doesn’t have the opportunity… I think it kind of

in a way does bother me, because why would you think that I can’t go to

University? But when I can rub it in their face like noooooo I go to University and

(sarcastically) I’m even on the DEAN’S LIST! Oh wow! (Natalia)

As a comparison, Adriana was concerned about appearing as Mexican:

I mean, I know a lot of people that are like, oh but you were born in the US, you

are NOT foreign, but like, that’s not true. My parents are from [a South American

country] like, that’s all they know, so like, that’s all I know… A lot of people

think that the only Hispanics that are out here are Mexicans. I don’t even mind

people being like, oh you’re white… But if someone calls me Mexican, I’m just

like, (lowers voice) no. You’re ignorant. Like that’s not only Mexicans. A lot of

people think that’s like, you know, all Hispanics are Mexican. It’s just huge. Like

Mexico is huge. [Central American country] is really small, but… Yeah, but that

is definitely one thing that I will correct. If you call me Mexican, no. People just

try to classify all Hispanics the same, but there’s a lot of different parts. (Adriana)

These examples, of Samantha and Adriana being mistaken for white, for Adriana being mistaken for Mexican, and as Natalia reveals her Mexican identity, the assumption that she from a low socioeconomic status is indicative of the lack of understanding regarding Latino/a groups, the marginalization and discrimination that occurs as a result, and these women having to make decisions regarding their self-identification based on

99 social space. Not only do others see Natalia initially as not Latina or Mexican, when they discover that this is her identity, the assumption immediately becomes one of an economic and educational bias (Brown, 2008; Espitia, 2004). First, they assume that she attends the local community college. When she states that she attends RU, the assumption is that she would not be admitted (presumably due to low grades or test scores, based on her ethnicity) or would not be able to afford it (based on the assumptions regarding her socioeconomic status as a Mexican woman). Natalia is able to subvert these stereotypes and takes pride in doing so, but this is an example of a regular occurrence that these women encounter.

This also reveals a cultural hierarchy that the students have acknowledged within the umbrellas terms on campus and in the community. The students who identified as

Mexican in this study had a high sense of ethnic pride and mostly referred to themselves as Mexican or Mexican American. The participants who were mistaken for Mexican also had a high sense of ethnic pride, but were bothered by that assumption and actively ensured that the person was aware of their particular heritage. Even though they all share the “Latina” or “Hispanic” umbrella, several of the students implied that they felt insulted if someone assumed they were Mexican. This is likely due to existing relations of power and difference, the effects of racialized immigration debates and policies, as well as the problem of mainstream generalizations and stereotypes about Latino/as.

Latino/as in the United States have a history of being marginalized, due to anti- immigration sentiment and structures of racism and oppression (Cornelius, 2009) as well as lack of understanding. Currently, we are living in a society in which parts of the country in which anyone appearing to be Latino/a can be stopped and asked to produce

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proof of legal status. Since the debate over immigration continues throughout the U.S.,

those who appear to be Latino/a find themselves under scrutiny, regardless of citizenship or legal status. This is exemplified in Adriana’s narrative; she does not want to be identified as Mexican, and thus, have her citizenship, legal, or immigration statuses called into question, or have others assume she is uneducated. Her stance of insistence on being non-Mexican, however, suggests that the larger societal problem is simply a matter of correct labeling, rather than the racialized attitudes against Latino/as.

Additionally, although Puerto Rico is on an island separate from the continental

United States, it is part of the United States as an official territory. Although Puerto

Ricans are citizens, many still view Puerto Ricans as not “true” Americans (González,

2000) and they often feel caught in this perception as well, as the Puerto Rican students,

Mayra and Emilia noted in this study. When they state that they are Puerto Rican, others

will ask if they are international students, without recognition that Puerto Rico is actually

a part of the U.S. Emilia and Mayra, for example, feel this constant tug of being “in the

middle” due to their unique citizenship status under the Latina umbrella, and others’ lack

of understanding regarding this history and politicization of Puerto Rico.

Since Latina students inhabit these racialized and classed spaces in classrooms, on

campus, and in the community, Latina women have to constantly and strategically make

decisions on how they will self-identify. Several of them noted that when they are speaking to non-Latino/as regarding their ethnic identity, they tend to use the umbrella

terms of either “Hispanic” or “Latina.” This is generally due to perceived lack of

understanding regarding Latina cultures on the part of non-Latino/a Americans, as well as

anti-immigrant sentiment. Since “Hispanic” is a commonly used term by the media, on

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forms, and in educational settings, students may select this term when in a social context

in which they don’t believe others will understand their individual ethnicity.

These are also examples of how the “Hispanic” and “Latino/a” umbrella terms are

problematic. For those that use the umbrella terms, 4 of the participants use “Hispanic”

and 2 use “Latina.” Utilizing the term “Hispanic” favors the Spanish part of the culture,

as the word is derived. While Spain did colonize the countries that comprise the umbrella

category, Latino/as are often a mixed race people, neither European/Spanish nor

Indigenous/Indian, but with ancestry in multiple racial/ethnic groups including

indigenous, African, Asian, European (Anzaldúa, 2012; Sanchez, 2009; Smith, 2009;

Suárez-Orozco & Páez, 2009). Thus, many now use the term “Latina,” but this was not

common to the students in this study. Notably, neither of the Puerto Rican students

referred to themselves as either “Hispanic” or “Latina;” they were either “from Puerto

Rico” or “Puerto Rican.” These students and the two that always identified as “Mexican”

or “Mexican American,” are being more descriptive regarding their cultures and

ethnicities as well as unintentionally subverting the stereotypes of an essentialist and

arbitrary category. The politics of ethnic identity, citizenship, legal status, self-

identification, and racialized notions of Latino/as reveal that these women are often

strategic in adopting a label for their identity based on their place in the overall power

structure in any given moment. The adaptability that they demonstrate in self-

identification based on context is also an essential part of their role as cultural brokers.

Cultural Brokering

The students in this study served as cultural brokers for members of their family

or others close to them (Corona, et al., 2012; Dorner, Orellana, & Li-Grining, 2007; Tse,

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1995; Villanueva & Buriel, 2010). As children and/or young adults, cultural brokers typically interact with adults in society and are asked to interpret language and culture on behalf of their families (Benet-Martínez, et al., 2002; Buriel, et al., 1998, Corona, 2012).

They did so because they were the English speakers in their families and were able to interact in English-speaking environments to interpret both the language and culture for the Spanish speakers in their families. Research primarily conducted with K-12 students indicates that cultural brokers often experience complex situations that require translation and a degree of sophistication and awareness (Buriel, et al., 1998; Dorner, Orellana, &

Li-Grining, 2007). The students in this study all affirmed that notion through their stories of brokering between family members and others, as well as their usage of Spanish and

English, which is highlighted in this section.

Spanish Language Performance as a Cultural Marker

The primary language of all of the participants in this study was Spanish. It was their first language, which they grew up speaking at home and with their family members. Most of the participants’ parents either did not speak English at all or well enough to use it conversationally, and the vast majority of participants still speak Spanish with their family members currently. In Adriana’s case her mother wanted language to be inclusive:

My mom actually always got mad when me and my sister would speak English in

the house. She would want to know what we were talking about. So she’d be like,

you’re not allowed to speak English or promise that you’d have to speak Spanish.

So she’s get mad every time we’d speak English. (Adriana)

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Speaking Spanish was about more than just communicating with their parents; it was also a way of transmitting culture (Quiñones-Mayo & Dempsey, 2005):

But I definitely have my roots installed in me. It’s something my parents decided

to do, you know, [having only] Spanish spoken at home, even to this day. [They

said,] it’s your home, let’s speak Spanish. I know you speak English all day long

outside, so let’s speak Spanish at home and keep it going. (Claudia)

In addition, Samantha’s parents also had her attend a Spanish immersion school once they moved to University City when she was in elementary school, in order to learn how to read and write the language properly. It was important to them that Samantha was educated in her first language. This was also true for Claudia, whose mother would have her and her brother write letters to each other in Spanish so that they learned to write it properly.

In fact, most of the women in the study affirmed their appreciation of the Spanish language as a means of transmitting culture for them. For these students, most of who were first or second generation in the United States, Spanish served as a marker for the culture of their homeland to which they felt a connection. Their parents, who came from countries where Spanish was the primary language, also wanted to continue to speak their language and transmit that culture to their students. While the participants primarily spoke Spanish at home with their families, that may have differed with their siblings, friends, and in their larger environments. Most of the participants indicated that they would speak either Spanish or English with their siblings and other Spanish-speaking friends on occasion, depending on the setting, but often spoke Spanish with their siblings as a mark of their culture and family.

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Code Switching and Spanglish

Adriana, Natalia, Claudia, Luciana, and Alexa all talked about switching between

English and Spanish frequently with their siblings, which is considered a form of

language performance known as code switching, or switching between languages and

cultural cues (Urciuoli, 2003). In Alexa and Luciana’s cases, they also stated that they

often spoke Spanish with their siblings when out in public, since it was “more private”

and then others wouldn’t overhear their conversation. Alexa also stated that when talking

to her sister, “we kind of go back and forth. I may talk in English and she’ll answer in

Spanish.” Sometimes code switching occurs without any conscious realization, such as in

this example from Claudia:

I was talking to a coworker the other day. I don’t even know why, I just suddenly

spilled out Spanish. I was like, wait a minute, hold on! I’m sorry. He was just

staring at me. I was like, oh God. I’m like, I’m sorry, I was just talking to my

mom on the phone, and completely stayed in Spanish mode! (Claudia)

The use of Spanglish (a mixture of Spanish and English), another form of code switching, came up frequently, as Adriana, Natalia, and Emilia all indicated that they use some Spanglish with their family members and siblings. For Emilia, this consisted of

“speak[ing] Spanish and throw[ing] a little English word in there.” Natalia indicated that when she and her sisters were young, they would “pretend they were talking English and talk jibber jabber until we learned it.” As they grew older, she spoke Spanglish with her friends and sisters, “mixing up” the languages. Adriana said that when she talks to her sister, she would speak English, and then switch into Spanish, and eventually Spanglish.

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While these students felt comfortable switching between languages, a few of the participants were very much against the use of Spanglish. Rosa, who considers herself fluently bilingual, “make[s] it a goal to never mix languages… like, Spanglish?

Horrible.” She prefers that one language or the other is chosen. Similarly, Luciana was also against the use of Spanglish, wanting others to “pick a language.” Both Rosa and

Luciana indicated that they felt that Spanglish was unprofessional. Interestingly, both of these students had lived a good portion of their lives in Mexico. While a few others also lived in their country of origin for a significant period of time, both Rosa and Luciana have also made numerous return trips to Mexico, and both served as official interpreters during their college careers, which may have provided some perspective on their outlook on code switching. Natalia provides additional insight into the use of Spanglish and how it was beneficial for her:

We speak both. We speak Spanglish. So there’s some words that we use in

English, like, there’s sometimes words in Spanish that I don’t know how to

translate in English and there’s some words that I know in English that I think,

how do you say it in Spanish. So there are words that I don’t know how to say in

Spanish so we pretty much use Spanglish as well. (Natalia)

This instance of certain words that are unable to be translated either from English to

Spanish or Spanish to English came up repeatedly in the interviews with the participants, and will be discussed in more detail in a later section. Spanglish is often maligned as demeaning both English and Spanish, however, it is the intermingling and flexible use of both languages that make it both unique to Latino/as in the U.S. as well as a mark of those who are bicultural (Zentella, 2009).

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Cultural Brokering as Advantageous to the Family and to the Broker

The participants in this study cited many examples of interacting with others in society on behalf of parents and family members. Being able to switch between English and Spanish fluently was found to be advantageous for some of participants as they assisted their families (Corona, et al., 2012) in navigating social spaces. Fundamentally, the students who brokered did so because they possessed the ability to speak both of the languages, whereas their parents, family members, or others were unable. In this way, some of the participants felt proud or that they were helpful to their families.

For example, Emilia brokered for both herself in terms of practicing English, as well as her mother, who she hoped would pick up additional English as she translated.

Alexa saw brokering as a way to help her family members express whatever they were trying to communicate by stepping in and explaining. Natalia explained a similar perspective:

I feel good helping my parents. I like helping both of them out whenever they

need it…what if they didn’t have nobody to translate to them?... So the fact that I

might actually be able to help them and actually clarify like, well this is actually

what they’re saying, is kind of helpful for me. Because I also don’t want them to

be looking like a fool in front of people if they don’t know what we’re saying. So,

I actually find it as a good thing, too, to be able to help them out. (Natalia)

Rosa also stated concern for parents being able to communicate. “When I was in my late teens, it just scared me to think that after I left, they couldn’t communicate with the world around them.” Adriana had a similar concern:

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The hardest part of going out of state has been leaving her behind… I feel like,

once we are grown, she’s gonna like, still live with us. I mean, we have to move

out on our own and all this stuff… This is my first time staying here for the

summer. I would always go home and she felt like it was because I just didn’t

want to be with her… I know she felt upset that I stayed. I don’t think she

understands that it’s not about her, about being in DC, or about being home.

(Adriana)

Claudia extended the concern for her own family to the world around her, including stepping in and translating for Spanish-speaking people in stores. She explains:

I try to do it because you never know, you know, there are nowadays, people who might want to take advantage of other people So, you know sometimes, I can tell someone is trying to sell someone something or you know, or trying to get something but can’t find the product at the store, or maybe they might need it, who knows? So I try to do it, but there are some people that are like, why are you talking to a stranger? So you have to explain it to them, like, you know, I speak Spanish and that’s all I want to tell you, and I can help you out here. That’s the process. (Claudia)

In each of these situations, the students felt that brokering for their families provided a necessary function. Part of this was fear or concern that their family would receive marginal treatment. This was especially salient for someone like Claudia, who not only brokered for her own family, but chose to do so for others she saw in social spaces.

For those who were already away from home or planning to leave it, there was an element of fear that their family members would not be able to communicate and have their needs met without their cultural broker present.

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Many of the students in the study, even those who recognized that they possessed

a unique skill, had never considered the effect that cultural brokering had on them as individuals, on their college processes, or as they navigated life. During the course of these interviews, the students had a chance to consider this skill. Upon reflection, almost all of the students found this to be a benefit (Corona, 2012):

I think it definitely has had an effect. When it just, when it comes to stuff like

that, I don’t even want to, like (pause) I don’t want to do it, because I’m just like,

I’ve been dealing with this for so long. It’s just like, you know... But being

bilingual has worked to my advantage [especially in my job]… I think a lot of the

time people underestimate how beneficial it is to know more than one language.

Communication is very important, and frankly, if you can’t speak someone’s

language, then you can’t accomplish too much. (Adriana)

I always grade myself and there’s those days where you think you did the worst

job possible because you stuttered a lot, or it took you long or it was something

unusual, but then those are the days when the people are like, thank you so much,

thank you so much, you helped me so much, and it’s like, I didn’t do anything. I

did nothing but speak and say what the doctor was saying, but to them, it’s huge

for them. A lot of them would respect me almost as if I was a doctor or a teacher,

in their eyes, and I’m like, dude, trust me, I’m a nobody. Bottom of the pole right

here. Don’t worry about it. (Samantha)

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I find that awesome, to be able to speak two languages, and to be talking one language and switch to the next language… I think it’s a good thing to be bilingual because obviously a lot of the population here is now, a lot of the people are now speaking Spanish. So to be able to translate to parents, so now, I don’t need your children to translate to you, I can tell you myself what I want to tell you. You know, cause I don’t always need to be speaking English. I can also be speaking to them in Spanish. So I think it’s kind of helpful to them as well, to be able to be like, oh we actually have someone that speaks Spanish, or we have someone that speaks their language. So that way, we can actually understand them and explain to them exactly what we want to tell them, instead of having someone else translate for them. (Natalia)

I remember people would always tell me being fluent in two languages is going to help you! And I was like, whatever! Everyone is fluent in two languages. But they’re not… I had a lot of interviews to get my job. People loved that I could speak Spanish. And it wasn’t just like, I can speak it or whatever. I’m a trained

[part-time medical] interpreter and I take it seriously. (Rosa)

I think I’m more open with people, you know, because I, for example, I’m not afraid to step in and help someone. So it definitely, as a Spanish speaker, helps you make more relationships with people …so I think it gives me an advantage sometimes. (Claudia)

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It definitely makes you stronger as a person, especially for me living here by

myself. You’re alone… It also helps you shape and understand what you want out

of friends and different relationships. (Mayra)

It helped me… It was annoying for sure. I hated doing it… I knew I was

helpful… I’ve always been good at listening to people, giving advice. Helping

people out with their problems… and I did everything on my own. (Luciana)

Additionally, Renata said, “I felt proud of knowing another language that I can

relate to, so that I can be more beneficial,” while Emilia commented that she “can get

used to things pretty quickly” as a result of being a broker. Thus, nearly all of the

students found that although brokering was at times difficult, frustrating, or challenging,

they gained an important and unique skill as a result. Not only was there the benefit of

being able to talk with people in either Spanish or English regardless of circumstance,

most of the brokers found that it was also beneficial to them when interviewing or

working at part-time jobs or in assisting others. For those that would step into situations

with strangers or do medical interpreting, they often received an abundance of gratitude.

Further, many of the students felt that having had the brokering experience, they were

able to build relationships, help others, or be more independent and self-sufficient than

many of their peers.

Cultural Brokering as a Burden to the Broker

Although many of the participants felt that cultural brokering was advantageous,

some also viewed it as either a burden or a responsibility, particularly because they were placed in this position at a young age. Corona, et al. (2012) also noted this in their study

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as “speaking two languages is not always easy” (p. 793). Several of them would often

feel frustrated or annoyed with their families:

I just did it to get it over with. Cause I was just like, oh, why can’t you do this by

yourself type of attitude. Um, so I’d just go and do it and be like, whatever. So it

wasn’t really that attachment to it. I was just that kid that was like, gosh, and now

you’re making me do something else, mom. Like another chore to learn.

(Samantha)

Samantha, who began brokering at a very young age, saw this task as another on her list of chores. At the time, she didn’t place any value on helping her family, especially since

it was framed as being helpful for her, which she neither understood nor believed. In

Adriana’s case, the same frustration would manifest itself during brokering encounters:

I know that she knows what they’re saying. She can respond back, she just

doesn’t want to. So we’ve always had to be her translators. It gets really annoying

sometimes, just like, do it yourself! I know you can do it! But, you know,

whatever. (Adriana)

Many of the participants speculated that there were complex reasons they were asked to broker, such as embarrassment for not pronouncing words correctly (Claudia); discomfort speaking English or anxiety in doing so (Adriana, Rosa, Renata); difficulty understanding English through their accent (Claudia, Adriana, Natalia, Renata); the preference for others speaking for them (Adriana, Luciana); fear of missing or comprehending something important (Samantha, Natalia, Renata); or simply because it was easier (Luciana, Samantha).

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Sometimes cultural brokers were placed in awkward situations. Both Rosa and

Luciana experienced this in stores. Rosa typically interpreted for her mother, who would often get anxious about trying to speak English. She was placed in a position where she had to negotiate a dispute between a cashier and her mother and her resulting feelings:

Even at grocery stores I had to interpret. Well, not interpret. I guess it is kind of

interpreting, but not formally for my mother. And it’s kind of frustrating because

she would get angry because she thought someone wanted something when they

didn’t, and then we had to explain. I remember one time, it was at a grocery store,

and there was something wrong with the receipt, but then, but the cashier was

right and my mom was wrong but she just got mad and then I had to explain. I

was like, mom, calm down. This is what happened. And then I had to explain it all

again to the cashier. I just remember that. Because my mom doesn’t get mad

easily and she was mad that day… I didn’t like going grocery shopping with her

because I was like, she’s going to get mad at someone because she doesn’t

understand and I’m going to have to be the one to explain it to both people and

it’s just going to hold up the process. (Rosa)

In turn, Rosa didn’t enjoy shopping with her mom. Although she was sometimes uncomfortable and annoyed being put in this position, she saw the benefit of it as well, and paid it forward. When she was 13, she volunteered for a program that encouraged families to install car seats correctly, and she interpreted for the Spanish-speaking families that would attend. She also became a trained medical interpreter and would both be paid and volunteer for interpreting at various events, hospitals, and doctor’s appointments. She said that when she was in her late teens, “it scared me to think that

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after I left, they [her parents] couldn’t communicate with the world around them,” and

went on to say that even though her mom can now communicate better, she sometimes

still asks Rosa to make phone calls for her, particularly if she knows there will be a lot of

talking involved, which is fine with Rosa, “It’s just what I do.”

Of all the participants, Luciana was the most frustrated with having served as a broker. Luciana was often directed by her parents to ask where various items are, which

sometimes embarrassed her. She begrudgingly understood her role as the broker between

her family world and the community. She felt that her parents could – or should – be able

to figure it out, took advantage of her skill set by “never learn[ing] how to do it

themselves because they always had someone there that would do it for them, aka me.”

To her, it “wasn’t the end of the world;” in fact, she stated that if they made her mad, she

would “refuse to translate” and watch them “struggle to understand what was

happening.” This frustration would have her feel as if she were on her own and having to

advocate for herself, since her parents wouldn’t do it for her. She would often try to have

her mother take one of her younger sisters to the store instead of her to avoid brokering.

There were other instances in which cultural brokering was seen as a burden that

the students had to carry. When most of these students brokered, interpretation services

were not widely available in various settings; it is only in recent years that interpretation

services have become more widely available to those with limited English proficiency.

Additionally, the racialized, anti-Latino/a society often includes encounters with those

who show frustration with non-English speaking people. This can put the broker,

particularly a younger child, in an awkward, uncomfortable position when encountering

those who are hostile. Rather than be protected by the parents, as a child or teenager

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would be, they may be placed in the role of being the protector, or, in translating, risk the embarrassment of their parents. It can be difficult for a child to make the decision to relay racist words or messages to their parents. Doing so may cause shame and/or embarrassment, and not relaying the messages causes the broker to bear the burden of a racist interaction.

Concern with appearing uneducated. One of the reasons that the participants brokered was to ensure that their parents didn’t appear uneducated. Urciouli (2003) noted that others in the United States have viewed a Spanish accent or broken English as a mark of poor education, low intelligence, or a deficiency. This stereotype may have been at the forefront of the minds of cultural brokers, and one they felt that they had to resist. As

Claudia, whose mother was a teacher in Central America, described:

People think the Latinos come here [and] they don’t speak English, so they must

be uneducated. It takes so much to know two languages, and I just feel like, you

come here - for students who come here or maybe they were born here, and are

learning two languages… you are actually using Spanish all the time every day,

and English, and having to go back and forth between those languages - it takes a

lot of skill to do, and I don’t think that’s something that a lot of people realize.

And in some ways, you’re a lot smarter than other people, because you have to

use those skills and figuring out how to structure sentences and going back and

forth and those kinds of things. I feel like that’s something a lot of people don’t

think about or realize. It’s just like, well, you don’t speak English, so therefore,

you must be X, Y, and Z. (Claudia)

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Specific translations. One of the most often discussed examples of difficulty

with brokering was with translating specific words. The participants often felt that they

were being tested when they were in a situation where a word was said in Spanish that, to

their knowledge, doesn’t exist in English, or words said in English that do not exist in

Spanish. Adriana described this challenge, saying, “I have to know what I’m saying in

English and making sure that’s right, and the way I’m saying it in Spanish is right.”

Sometimes, as Natalia noted, there were words that were difficult and that affected the

meaning of what someone was trying to say. She said, “I don’t know what this word means, but I know that it’s basically saying that you need to do this.” Luciana and

Claudia would also try to “make a definition of the word” so that others understood, and

Alexa would “find a way to say it.” Brokering and navigating between two languages sometimes took longer, as Emilia said, “Instead of saying just a word, you have to give a whole explanation.”

Vocabulary limitations. One of the frustrations that many of the participants felt was limitations on vocabulary and not being able to find “words for common things that I might not know the words for,” as Samantha said. Occasionally while speaking one language and not being able to find an appropriate word, the brokers will try to define it or create a new definition. Rosa provided an example regarding a common household item:

Something [that] I noticed when I moved in with my roommate… I never thought

of this, but I don’t know the word for most household things, because at home, I

always speak Spanish. So it’s like, ‘Sophie, we need that thing, you know, it flips

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over stuff, you know, while cooking?’ She’s like, ‘you mean a SPATULA?’

(laughs) I’m like, ‘you’re SO good at vocabulary!’ (laughs)

Mayra encountered something slightly different, having primarily learned English in

Puerto Rico. “Some of the English words are based on Latin, so I use the difficult words that people are not used to hearing here,” which leads her to having a better vocabulary than most of her peers. Still, she had difficulty in certain courses, such as chemistry, when her professor would talk about “pipettes” and she did not know what those were.

Renata had the same issue when she learned algebra in Central America, and was able to see a problem on the blackboard in high school and solve it, even when she didn’t understand the words for “multiply” or “equals.” Even in college, she may translate a homework assignment into Spanish to help her better understand it. Emilia, who was the youngest of the women interviewed, noted that she had similar difficulty with learning terminology for lab equipment or mathematical terms. In recent years, however, she has the benefit of technology and being able to search an app in her phone to find the meaning of common scientific words.

Part of the frustration for cultural brokers lies in self-perception as well as socialized notions of language. When confronted with having to broker for their families, not knowing common words for everyday items, or trying to translate words or phrases from one language that do not exist in the other language, their main concern was that either their family members or themselves would appear uneducated. Several of the participants had family members who attended college in their home country, and all of the women in this study attended an excellent university in RU, and were bright, intelligent women. Since they often battled against a stereotype of immigrants in general

117 and Latino/as in particular that to not speak English meant that they were not smart, the participants did their best to subvert this notion. Several of them noted that those who broker or are bilingual may actually be smarter than those who are monolingual, as they know and adhere to two sets of language systems. Being a cultural broker is not a simple task; they were often asked to interpret in highly specialized contexts, such as hospitals, social service agencies, and within major business and financial transactions, that were often above and beyond their level of education and vocabulary. Many of these spaces where cultural brokering occurs can be confusing for monolingual adults as well; the lack of interpretive services caused these brokers to have to reach above their level of proficiency and comfort.

Cultural Brokering as the Acquisition of Authority in Social Spaces

While brokering may have been seen as a responsibility or a burden, all of the participants discussed complex situations; these often required interpretation, translating, sophistication, and awareness (Buriel, et al., 1998; Dorner, Orellana, & Li-Grining,

2007). The participants described three main social spaces in which brokering would occur: in various types of businesses, in medical situations, and around education and schooling. In these situations, the participants were asked to negotiate on behalf of their families in what otherwise would be an adult situation. In this way, the students obtained authority on behalf of their families that many other non-cultural brokers typically do not experience until later in life.

Businesses. One of the primary sites of cultural brokering occurs with businesses.

Adriana recalled an example in which she accompanied her mother to a car dealership and felt that she had to explain everything:

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I went to the dealership with her and you know, obviously, I had to explain

EVERYTHING. Like everything that they were saying. I was like a translator. I

had to make sure she knew like everything about the payments, the insurance, all

that stuff. Basically, I just felt like a translator. And that’s usually how I feel like

when I go to places like that because I always have to make sure that she

understands everything and if she has any questions, she asks me and I have to

ask them. It’s always like, a 3-person thing. It’s never just a 2-person thing.

(Adriana)

In a similar example, she went with her mother to a cell phone store in order to obtain a new phone and contract. Although she felt her mother understood what the employees were saying, she translated the entire conversation between the salesman and her mother.

Other times, her mother will have her call the cable company on her behalf:

I would call and say, “I’m Maria,” which is my mom’s name, “and this is my

account number.” We’d do whatever my mom wanted, you know, to have done,

because she doesn’t want to speak to a person... even when you can pay for stuff

with automated systems and there’s a Spanish option. (Adriana)

When Adriana’s sister graduated from college, both of her parents (no longer in a relationship) asked the sisters to book the hotels and rent a car. There have also been many instances in which her mom would call Adriana and ask her to call a pizza or

Chinese food restaurant for her in DC to order food and have it delivered. Samantha,

Natalia, and Claudia also pay bills on behalf of their parents. Since she lives at home,

Natalia contributes to the rent that her mom pays, and makes cell phone payments for her

119 own phone and both of her parents’ phones. Samantha described paying her father’s phone bill:

But even now to this day, my dad will call me and my roommate is sometimes

like, why are you paying your dad’s phone bill? And it’s like, he just called and

asked me to. I don’t really ask questions. You just do it, you know? Because I

know that, okay, I might be paying a $150 phone bill, but, it’s not like I’m

keeping tabs on you dad, now you owe me this much… Or sometimes, he’d be

like, I really don’t want to call them. You call them. And to them, especially for

children to do that, it’s very typical. So, even now, to this day, my parents ask.

My mom’s will be like, so that you will learn. Para que aprendas. And it just

makes me laugh every time. Because I’m like, I really have been living on my

own for 4 years now. I don’t know anything, right? But it’s just, what they

say…They would always tell me so that you learn… I knew it was because they

didn’t know how to ask the question. And a lot of times, even now to this day, it’s

just easier for me to ask the questions. (Samantha)

As noted in the previous section, some brokers, including Samantha, felt that part of the motivation in having the students broker as children was because their parents did not know how to ask or preferred that the broker did instead. It did not matter if they were comfortable or not. In Claudia’s household, she is considered the “family secretary;” she makes all the calls for household bills “because I can do it faster or I know shorter ways to do it.” There are times in which her mother will write the check for a utility but question what Claudia is doing, “Here check it and tell me why it’s so high.

I’m like, it’s because you consumed a lot of energy this month!” Additionally, she

120 continues to interpret for her dad, who now speaks good English, but prefers for Claudia to help. He recently was about to sign a contract with a company, but asked her to read it over first, prompting her to exclaim, “I should have went to law school instead!”

Natalia recalled going with her mother to have the family’s taxes done. The tax preparer asked many questions that her mother didn’t quite understand. After a few minutes, he began directing questions toward Natalia instead:

He asked about family members, how many people live there, her income, what

she owns, like house payments and all this and that…The guy said, oh can you

ask your mom this question, can you ask her that… Do you have this paper, do

you have that paper, and she was like, oh yeah, here you go. And some of the

times she would understand it, so when the guy was talking to me, she’d be telling

me, oh well tell him this or tell him that. (Natalia)

These are prime examples of the position of authority that cultural brokers are placed in on behalf of their families. Natalia, for example, was about 16 years old at this time and didn’t know much about taxes, yet was asked to translate and interpret and had to find a way, even if she was unsure what was being said. Adriana did not know how to negotiate a contract when assisting her mother in purchasing a car. The overarching themes are that regardless of their personal feelings, they found the process of interacting with business to go more smoothly if they were involved than if they weren’t. This acquisition of authority provides cultural brokers with a base of knowledge at a younger age than most similarly aged children would receive, as they both learned more information about these transactions and processes, how to handle them, and

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subsequently, learned from any mistakes that were made as a result of being a young

person who has to manage an adult situation.

Medical situations. Cultural brokers are often asked to translate for their family

members at doctor’s appointments, hospital visits, and other medical-related incidents.

While the state in which the University is located has a law that requires medical

translators to be certified, many of the participants still brokered in these situations either prior to the law being enacted, in another state, or by signing a waiver, which they may or may not have completely understood. In particular, their parents and family members wanted their brokers’ assistance in making medical decisions and found it useful to have these students both broker and assist in the decision-making process, rather than having a separate broker involved in the process as well. These are challenging situations for a young person to manage, specifically when a family member’s health is in question.

These students are often placed in these positions without necessarily knowing what questions to ask or how to approach this process, but still being viewed as the representative with answers.

Emilia’s father had a health scare last summer. Her mother, who speaks a little

English, went to meet her father at the hospital. She sent Emilia a text message asking her what to say when she arrived there so that she could see her father. It was especially worrisome when her mom got there and was seated, and was unable to understand what the doctors and nurses were saying. This presented a challenge for Emilia to broker in this situation since it was regarding her father’s health, and an official interpreter was unavailable, and her mom being able to understand what was happening until Emilia arrived.

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Renata was placed in a similar situation with her older sister and children. Her sister understood some English, but Renata translated all of the information from the doctor when they were at the hospital or medical appointments for the kids. Luciana would accompany her mother to the hospital and medical appointments while she was pregnant with Luciana’s younger sisters, and back then; the availability of medical interpreters was scarce. At a young age, she was discussing pregnancy and gynecology issues with her mother and doctors. Natalia and Samantha also recalled routine instances of accompanying their parents to medical appointments for themselves, their parents, or their siblings, because, as they noted, they understood the medical system better than their parents, as well as being able to communicate in English. Samantha’s father asks her to accompany him since she knows his health conditions and medications, and it’s easier and quicker for her to communicate.

Claudia shared an instance similar to Emilia in which her mother had a health scare that may have been cancer, as well as a traumatic car accident when she 13. She describes these two examples:

I was there to translate and it was hard when it impacts you and someone that you

love so dearly. You know, just reading the papers, and explaining to her what the

procedure was going to be like…. It was kind of traumatic, because it was this

situation where she could have died. Back then, they didn’t have as many

interpreters as they have now in hospitals, so just to sit there… holding my own

tears to have to explain to someone else about what they want us to do…I

remember the doctor telling me - asking - telling me to ask my mom if she could

remember, like, what day it was. My mom was, you know, in shock, in a state of

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shock. So, yeah, I remember the doctor telling me all these things that I needed to

tell her. But at some point, I couldn’t do it, because my mom was so - it was such

a traumatic shock that I - my words wouldn’t even come out. I couldn’t even

remember my words in Spanish or, you know, I couldn’t think of what he was

trying to tell me, so, you know, it was hard, to calm down, and to think in that

situation. I remember… the doctors saying no, no, no, you need to tell your mom

this and this and this, so it was, it was hard… It was a learning lesson of a kid

trying to figure out ways and how to explain things to them without fully giving

answers. (Claudia)

Although these participants had to broker in medical situations that were routine or difficult or sometimes traumatic, they also found themselves learning a lot from these experiences. Brokering was often frustrating, difficult, uncomfortable, and often seen as a burden, but the participants also acknowledged that there were able to gain familiarity of how to handle similar situations as they continued to broker. . In addition, the cultural brokers were able to learn how to interact with medical professionals under a significant amount of stress, particularly when family members’ lives were on the line. At very young ages, they were charged with discussing medical issues such as cancer, heart health, pregnancy, gynecology, and trauma, and were sometimes asked to have a role in the decision-making regarding treatment. Some of these situations would be challenging for adults, and yet cultural brokers find themselves in these situations as children or teenagers, which can be even more of a challenge. Their family members would often not move forward with medical care without the broker, which could be exceedingly pressure filled. Claudia’s case was descriptive in this sense, as she was called upon to assist and

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broker for her mother who could possibly have died. Her mother’s car accident would

have been enough of a trauma for a 13-year-old girl to live through, and then she had the added responsibility of brokering and assisting in decision-making.

Schools. Another area in which the participants were asked to broker was around education and schooling. Mayra recalled attending RU’s orientation program with her mother, and translating for her what was happening and trying to explain the reasoning.

Adriana, Samantha, Natalia, Rosa, Claudia, Mayra, and Luciana, recalled completing forms and school applications, and having their parents sign them. Luciana translated for her parents in most environments, notably completing school forms, translating at parent-

teacher conferences, and anything else with which her parents needed assistance. When

forms would need to be completed at the beginning of each academic year, Luciana

would complete them all and just have her parents sign them. While she sometimes

struggled with not knowing how to translate certain words at a young age, often trying to

explain what either party was discussing, she also felt that she became “very professional

at filling out forms at a very young age,” and that her childhood as a broker prepared her

for being professional in a variety of settings later in life.

Regarding parent-teacher conferences, Adriana indicated that her mother never

attended, assuming that she didn’t want to speak to anyone. She didn’t mind, but she also

wondered why her mother didn’t want to know more about how she was doing in school.

Claudia’s mother, having been a teacher in Central America, took an opposite approach

when they went to talk with teachers. “She would say, don’t you dare tell something that

your teachers are not saying!” Being in the position of a cultural broker sometimes

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worked to the participant’s advantage, when she didn’t want her parents to be aware of

something that happened at school, such as in Natalia’s account:

So when my teachers would say something, I would have to translate it to my

mom… who always came to school. Like when we would go on a field trip, make

sure your mom signs this paper… sometimes they’d send papers home, or grade

cards, especially grade cards, be sure your mom sees this and signs this. It would

be kind of fun because sometimes if you were in trouble, like, oh no, it’s actually

a good thing, it saying that I was being good in school, so you just need to sign

that paper. (laughs) (Natalia)

Similar to the other social spaces in which the participants brokered, these

students likely had more involvement regarding their education than most of their peers.

Many of the students completed school forms themselves and their parents would sign

off, with or without knowing what the documents actually said. In some cases, this

provided the broker with a position of power that other classmates likely did not have.

Translating for others. Several of the participants in this study brokered for people other than their parents. Many of the participants became part-time trained, paid

medical interpreters, or took part-time or full-time jobs that required them (or was a definite benefit for them) to use their bilingual skills. All of the participants in this study spoke Spanish with family members other than their parents, including siblings, cousins, grandparents, aunts, and uncles. Alexa often translated for her grandparents when out in public or while watching movies or television. Rosa found that once people learned that she spoke Spanish, they assumed that she could speak to anyone and interpret. She often had to explain to others that while she was could, to translate in a medical setting, for

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example, one should be a certified medical interpreter. In addition to her college coursework, Natalia is also employed as a server at a local restaurant. She said that her manager would often call on her to translate for Spanish-speaking job applicants, customers, and the kitchen staff. Although she feels helpful when she is able to translate for others, she does feel that she should be getting paid extra as she has a skill that no one else has. Claudia noted that at 13, she didn’t want to interpret, but as she got older, she realized the importance of using her skill and ensuring that others were not taken advantage of, including strangers that she sees struggling to speak English. She will often step in and translate between Spanish speaking families and store employees to ensure that all are understood. While in high school, whenever Claudia had study halls, she would volunteer to help younger ESL students who had recently immigrated practice

English or translate assignments for them. Renata works at her part-time job with three

other Central American women who often invite her to their houses, to church, or other places, and she brokers for them when necessary.

Parental Engagement/Disengagement in Education in the Younger Years

Due to the language barrier, most of the parents of the students in this study did not attend parent/teacher conferences in elementary or middle school.

Disengaged parents. In Adriana’s case, since she attended private school, her mother’s only engagement with her school was when she signed tuition checks. Natalia had commented that her parents just signed forms, and occasionally when she got in trouble, she would not interpret for her mother and just have her sign the form.

Engaged parents. Rosa’s mother was very engaged. She would often assist her with school projects. Claudia’s mother would have her and her brother write notes to

127 each other and other family members in Spanish. Samantha termed her mother as a “very involved stay at home parent,” and even though she did not speak English very well, she attended ceremonies, field trips, and other school events. She made the decision for

Samantha to attend a Spanish immersion school, and would have her “read in Spanish out loud” as her mother cooked dinner. She also hired a tutor and sent her to Mexico for two summers to be tutored and immersed in the Spanish language. Although Samantha said she “hated it then,” she also said that she is very thankful for that now. Although

Samantha may deem this a more “American style of parenting,” and if asked, she would likely place herself in an Anglo orientation on the Bicultural Orientation Model (Torres,

2003), her stories and anecdotes about herself and her family demonstrated that she is bicultural and engaged in both of her cultures, most likely due to the engagement of her mother.

Conclusion

Each participant’s narrative highlights their own distinctive lived experiences in terms of their background and experiences speaking Spanish and cultural brokering. All of the participants spoke Spanish with both their parents and extended family. However, language performance with their siblings varied greatly. Adriana, Natalia, Claudia,

Luciana, and Alexa all engaged in code switching between Spanish and English frequently with their siblings. Adriana, Natalia, and Emilia indicated that they use

Spanglish, but Rosa and Luciana deemed Spanglish “unprofessional.” Country of origin does not appear to have any influence on language performance or experiences with cultural brokering; these are more individualistic based on each family’s unique circumstances.

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Cultural brokering experiences tended to be found within three social spaces: business transactions, medical situations, and educational settings, and would be seen by the cultural broker as either advantageous or a burden, depending on the individual and the circumstance. The participants often found themselves in situations that adults or the head of a family would typically handle that would require awareness of both of the cultures and languages, sophistication, and complex problem-solving, which resulted in the acquisition of knowledge and the authority to assist in making decisions, as well as a role as the spokesperson/representative of the family.

Although the students in this study tended to not think about their roles as cultural brokers frequently, they recognized that doing so was a unique skill that benefited both their families, in terms of being able to communicate more effectively and efficiently, and themselves, in terms of developing sophisticated skills at a younger age.

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Chapter 5: Cultural Brokering and College Processes

Introduction

While in chapter 4 I offered portraits of the 10 participants, the purpose of this

chapter is to analyze the women’s narratives for themes, compare these across the

narratives, and connect those findings to the extant literature on Latinas in higher

education. Although the participants in this study did not think about or consider their roles as cultural brokers prior to this study, these experiences often shaped their decisions to attend college, as well as how they interacted with various college processes. Since RU

is a predominantly white institution, the participants in this study fell outside of the social

norm of the largely white population. Participants described a parallel disconnect when

they discussed their experiences as college students in contrast to the social norms of

their respective families. As a result, the students needed to navigate the college-going

processes while also living within their family environment, creating a sense of living in

or between both of these worlds, which will be discussed in chapter 6. This chapter

details additional findings that focus on four central themes: familial engagement, the

sense of independence, the desire for “The College Experience,” and giving back to the

community.

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Pre-College Processes and the Role of Family

Making the decision to attend college is often monumental for students. A college degree typically yields more earning power than those with just a high school diploma

(Swail, Redd, & Perna, 2003; U.S Department of Education, 2014). Family connection and support is often key for Latinas (Falicov, 2009), and this section explores the role of the family in pre-college processes.

First-Generation

Nearly all of the students in this study were first-generation college students in the

United States, including Adriana, Samantha, Natalia, Mayra, Luciana, and Renata.

Claudia’s mother attended college in Central America, Rosa’s parents attended college in

Mexico, Emilia’s mom attended college in Puerto Rico, and Alexa’s father attended college in a Central American country. Some of the first generation participants had an older sibling who attended college as well, which assisted in their transition. Adriana commented “If I didn’t have my sister… if she hadn’t been going through stuff before me, I would have been lost.” She relied on her sister to provide her with advice.

Similarly, Alexa’s older sister is in college, and attends the same institution, so Alexa relies on her for guidance. Even though 6 of the 10 were first-generation, this actually did not seem to be one of the more salient issues; it was more a matter of fact for the participants. Of the few who mentioned it, Adriana’s family didn’t always understand the process, but noted that when her sister graduated “It was the biggest deal in the world. It was a really emotional experience… my mom was in tears and she was really happy.”

While family pride was existent, Adriana also recognized the difficulty in being a first- generation college student, particularly one from a Spanish speaking family, “You’re

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trying to figure out everything on your own and then on top of it, there’s a language

barrier, too.”

Role Models Impact the Decision to Attend College

Having a role model was a significant theme for all 10 of the participants in this

study as they considered attending college. Even though most of them were first- generation college students, knowing someone who had attended or having the support from either parents or other role models made the difference in terms of the decision to attend college.

Parents. Although four of the participants had at least one parent with a college degree, they all obtained it in another country (3 different Central American countries,

Mexico, and Puerto Rico). They all commented that going to college in the United States was different, however, both in terms of process and stature. Some of those parents with college degrees were also hindered when coming to the U.S. because of the language barrier. Claudia described the pride in her family when she said, “We’re the first generation that actually goes to college here in the United States and actually graduates, so that is a great thing in our family.” Renata also explains how her parents were role models:

My mom, when I was younger, or even before going to high school, she would

continue to be, you should go to college so that you don’t have to go through the

things that we went through and have such hard times. Then you can find a good

job to take care of you and your family. (Renata)

Thus, having parents who either attended college in their native country or role modeled the way by pressing it at a young age was essential for the participants in making the

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decision to attend.

Siblings. Older siblings who attended college were significant for the students in

this study. Adriana, Natalia, Claudia, Rosa, and Alexa all had at least one older sibling

that was either currently in school or had attended previously. Rosa’s sister did not

complete her degree, which was a driving factor for Rosa to complete hers. She said,

“I’m not going to do that. I’m not going to be that person… she made it seem like it was impossible.” Renata, Adriana, and Natalia’s older sisters were just a year or two ahead of them, and they were each able to turn to their older sister for advice or if they had questions; in fact, the first time they each thought about attending college was when their older sibling made the decision to go. Claudia’s older brother attended the same institution as she had, but she did not talk about whether this had much of an impact.

Family members. Several of the participants had family members who influenced their decision to attend college. Mayra, for example, had an uncle who lives in

Virginia and assisted her in navigating the processes. He assisted her with her college applications and college choice decision, which she’d then communicate to her parents.

Mayra had wanted to go to college nearly her entire life, so having assistance was vital:

I’ve been dreaming about it since I was about 7 or 8. I don’t know [When I was]

actually getting into the process of taking the SAT and all that stuff, it was

actually when my uncle came, my uncle that helped me with everything, he came

home to visit us and he was like, okay! Let’s start with college applications! So he

helped me through the whole process, so that was nice. (Mayra)

Teachers and School Counselors. Many teachers provided a source of inspiration and role modeling to the participants. Several participants, such as Adriana,

133 had teachers or school counselors who directly influenced their decision to attend college:

Ever since I started high school, my teachers would, in [Central American

country] would come to me and be like, you should go to the university and

become some kind of professional so that you can contribute to your country,

your city, your community, whatever. Since then, I have always wanted to go to

college. (Renata)

Guidance counselors seemed to have a significant influence on the participants as well.

Adriana started thinking about college when her sister began completing her own college applications. Her school counselor in particular, set up a visit for her to attend RU through the Diversity Office, which ultimately led to admittance, a scholarship, and attendance.

Friends and other students. Adriana recalled receiving an email from one of the students at RU who remembered her from her tour. “He emailed, like, we extended the deadline for the scholarship and you should really apply… So I applied and I got it… it literally took one essay.” Had he not reached out to her, she may not have attended RU, because the scholarship she received made the difference. Samantha had a similar situation, in that she had friends who went to other high schools and talked to her about scholarships.

Parental Expectations on Education

Parental expectations varied greatly, however, many of the participants had parents who deeply valued education. When Samantha was in the 4th grade, she recalled making a decision that she was going to Harvard because “that’s where all the smart people go.” She was unsure where she had heard that, but knew that’s what she wanted to

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do. Her parents, amused, commented, “Okay, we’ll make it work! We’ll figure it out!”

Even though Harvard is not where she attended, the fact that her parents entertained this

thought demonstrated their commitment to Samantha’s education. Their commitment

wasn’t just to a higher education; Samantha’s mother sent her to Mexico for two

summers to be tutored after she was held back a year in 3rd grade, as well as to learn how to write and read Spanish.

Similarly, Natalia’s parents, and father in particular, had very clear expectations for his children on the importance of education. Additionally, the standard was set high, that it was not only a higher education to which she aspired, but to RU specifically:

My dad was very, he was strict, so he didn’t even tell us, “oh honey, I hope you

are doing good in class.” No, it’s, “you better be doing good in school, because

that’s what we’re expecting. For you to be good in school.” So obviously after

graduation from high school, it’s like, “you’re going to college, right?” Like, it’s

not an option. “You are, right?” So I’m like, yeah. And the fact that, you know,

both of my sisters went [here] and they graduated… I don’t want to be the dumb

one and they say “she went to a little university over there.” I applied to like,

seven other universities and I got accepted to all of them, but I was like, well, I

got accepted [here] and that’s the main one I wanted, so I came here. (Natalia)

Parental expectations were significant for Natalia, since she wanted to make them proud.

Natalia’s father had insinuated that it was “not an option” for her not to attend college. This sentiment was shared by Adriana’s, Emilia’s and Alexa’s families. Emilia described this outlook for those within her family and social group on the island:

In Puerto Rico, your parents say to you, ‘You have to finish high school so you

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can go to college.’ I always thought I was going to college. I didn’t know where I

was going, but I knew that I was going.

The expectation for these students was clear: not going is “not an option,” and the

participants followed suit. This set the stage for their educational pursuits and ultimate

enrollment at RU. Family involvement and engagement in the pre-college processes was

important for the participants. Just as they were expected to be cultural brokers, their

parents and family members also issued the challenge and expectation for these women to pursue a college degree. Although many of the participants and their families were unfamiliar with one or more of the college processes, family members were able to provide engagement and support as students took on the task of navigating this

environment.

Re-Thinking the Role of the Family in Pre-College Processes

Although the students in this study did not seem to think being a first-generation

student was salient, the unfamiliarity with pre-college processes was compounded for

them due to the language barrier of their families. However, parents and siblings served

as role models and a support system for the participants; many others in their Latino/a

communities did not place such an emphasis on the importance of education. Similarly,

family, broadly defined, has an important role. Support from family members beyond the

parents can be critical for college-going Latinas (Ceja, 2006; Corkin, Arbona, Coleman &

Ramirez, 2008; Hernandez, 2000; Torres, 2003, 2006) as many of the students noted in

this study.

When making the decision to attend college, parental and familial expectations

and support was key. The assumption is often made that these students from immigrant

136 families are first-generation; while all of the participants were indeed first-generation

U.S. college-going students, 4 of the 10 participants had a parent with a college degree from their native country. Although the educational systems differ, this provided students with a role model and added additional support. While their parents tended to be uninformed about U.S. pre-college processes, which are often a factor in students attending college (Ceja, 2006; Torres, 2006), their expectation was that their students would pursue a higher education. The participants were able to gather information and apply to colleges on their own, often without consultation of their families. Both the social support for attending college, coupled with the expectation that the students would earn a degree fueled the belief for students that this was attainable.

Sense of Independence and Self-Efficacy

One of the key findings of this study is the sense of independence that emerged as a result of these women having been cultural brokers for their families. In addition, many of the students demonstrated self-efficacy, or a belief in their ability to reach an outcome, gain self-confidence, and carry out the task (Bean & Eaton, 2000; Buriel, et al., 1998).

Being placed in a position of authority at a young age and navigating complex, adult experiences, though often stressful for them and revealing of deficiencies in institutional support for translation/interpretive serves, appears to have had the effect of cultivating the ability to advocate for themselves, seek information and subvert stereotypes that they encountered.

Personal Goals – Education is Important To Defy Stereotypes

While parental and family involvement and commitment are important, so are the personal educational goals of the participants. The majority of the students in the study

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took their education very seriously. In addition, several of them referenced Latina

stereotypes, and how college attendance defies them:

I live in a world where education is priority. And in a world where it’s like, oh,

you’re a girl, but you go to school and you go to work, and there’s no ifs or ands

or buts about that. Versus, I speak with Latino, even guys, who grew up here, who

lived here their entire lives, who were born here. And they’re like, you go to

school AND you work? How is that even possible? And they can’t comprehend

how I can do both, go to school full-time and work either part-time or full-time.

To them, it is uncomprehendable. To them, it’s like, oh my gosh, you’re a girl and

you should not be doing that much, kind of thing. Versus me, it’s just, its just life.

It’s a very different life. (Samantha)

Samantha prided herself on making her education a priority, as both a woman and a Latina. Claudia and Rosa also mentioned that they did not know a lot of Latino people who went to college, so it was important for them to finish their degree. Adriana,

Samantha, and Renata also discussed another stereotype: that a lot of young Hispanic girls end up pregnant. They both had cousins or friends who either got married and pregnant at a young age, or got pregnant and dropped out of school. While their parents wanted them to avoid it, it was a high priority for these participants themselves to complete their degrees.

Luciana had a slightly different story. A higher education became the vehicle for her to motivate her parents and to move out of the situation she was in Mexico. Although she was born here, her parents had moved her family back to Mexico. When she was in

8th grade, she began thinking about college seriously. Her family was not in a good

138 financial situation and she wanted to improve it. She approached her father and told him she wanted to move back to the U.S. in order to go to college and receive in-state tuition.

Her father refused.

So I got my aunt on board and she said, well if you want to, like, I could, like

fight for custody over you. You could move with me. I was like, okay. She’s like,

until you’re 18. And I was like, completely for it, and like, okay, let’s do it. My

mom found out about it and she’s like, no. We’re moving to [University City].

(Luciana)

Her father wanted her to attend college in Mexico, but her mother knew that Luciana would be better off in the U.S., and that her younger siblings would benefit from U.S. higher education as well, and advocated for the move.

In this way, these students were encountering stereotypes based on both their ethnicity and their gender, and the lack of Latina students at RU. Many students in the predominately white population, and the Latino men in their lives who subscribe to the notion of women belonging in the home, were surprised that these women were able to assume multiple roles and obtain a higher education. Rather than become a statistic, these women were committed to their personal goal of completing their degree. The independence they obtained through acquiring authority in the process of cultural brokering led to a sense of commitment to completing this important task.

College Persistence – Attrition is “Not an Option”

Just as not going to college was “not an option” for several of the participants’ families, the overwhelming majority of participants themselves shared this sentiment when it came to staying in college. Adriana said that in discussions with her mom, she

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made her aware that she had to go to college and it was “never an option” to not go.

Similarly, there were times in which she felt that college was too hard, but “you just

stay.”

A main source of motivation for Rosa was to ensure “what happened to my sister

[doesn’t] happen to me” by not completing her degree. Her parents had both completed

college in Mexico, but her sister did not complete college at RU. Rosa felt that in the

U.S., this was somewhat expected, and so she wanted to ensure that she would finish.

Natalia was also sensitive to college completion and was dedicated to the task:

Well, when I started, ever since I started as a freshman, it didn’t even cross my

mind to take a year off or anything. I thought, you’re going to start it and you’re

going to finish it. Because I know that there is a lot of times where it’s just like,

oh, I’m going to just take a year off, and you just don’t even go back to it. Or

three years later, you just go back to it. I’m like, no. I want to get it done and out

of the way. (Natalia)

Claudia said that even at times that she felt like giving up and didn’t want to continue, she persevered. Mayra said that she was “going to fight for it, no matter what” because getting a degree was what she wanted. For Luciana, leaving college “never crossed [her] mind.”

Adriana struggled with several courses, including Communication, Psychology, and Accounting, which put her scholarship in jeopardy. She knew if she lost her scholarship, she would have to leave RU. Rather than simply write an appeal to extend her scholarship as most other students often do, she took the initiative instead to take classes during the summer to raise her GPA back to the scholarship standard. She wanted

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those in Financial Aid to realize that she was going to work hard to maintain her

scholarship, rather than just take the easy road by writing an appeal. Her past experiences

as a cultural broker and being faced with difficult decisions gave her the sense of

independence and self-efficacy that she would be able to increase her GPA, and she was able to accomplish that.

The literature on persistence indicates that involvement on campus is a positive indicator, as is connection with Latino/a faculty and staff. For the students in this study, gatekeepers played an important role in getting the participants involved in campus activities. For Adriana, Alexa, Emilia, and Mayra, they each made a single friend who introduced them to either more friends or to student organizations. Samantha was one of the few that connected with faculty and staff. As she was considering graduate school, one of her professors contacted the Director of the Master’s Program for which she’s currently enrolled to assist her in becoming admitted. Rosa also noted that both connection to her Academic Advisor and connection to others in her major helped her feel more “at home.” If she was not in class, others would send her a text message asking if she would be late or inquiring where she was. As will be discussed in a later section,

Renata had difficulty navigating her financial aid. Out of options and people to contact, she connected with an Academic Advising staff member, who was able to work with others at RU to find emergency aid to fund the rest of her tuition.

Financing the College Degree

As the participants in the study made the decision to attend college, they also needed to determine how to finance their degree. For many of them, this meant applying for scholarships. Part of the disconnect with regard to the college processes was a lack of

141 understanding regarding financial aid. All but one of the participants felt that they did not know much about financial aid or scholarships, which was a significant challenge because their parents did not understand the process, either.

Table 5.2: Participants’ Financial Aid

The Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) is a requirement by most universities, including RU, to receive any sort of grants, loans, or aid, federal, state, or local, or to receive federal work-study funding. Many private entities and companies that offer scholarships and aid also require completion of the FAFSA. Dependents are required to provide information about their parent(s), including income and tax information. Not only did the vast majority of students in this study have parents who did

142 not understand the FAFSA, the majority of them also completed this form on their own

(see table 5.2). The FAFSA is one of the more complex college processes that students often complete with one or both parents. However, the quotes that follow indicate the unfamiliarity with the FAFSA:

It’s really interesting to me when I tell people and like, oh I gotta do FAFSA. And

they’re like, you do FAFSA? I thought your parents would? And I’m like, no, I

mean, my parents wouldn’t even know what FAFSA is. You know? I have to do

EVERYTHING as far as like, college applications, and scholarships, even when I

told my mom that I got a full-tuition scholarship, she didn’t even know what that

meant. I was so happy that day. I was extremely happy… do you even know what

that means? You don’t even need LOANS. And it’s so huge. And to [RU], that is

such a privilege. You know? And I told my mom and she was just like, that’s

great. (Adriana)

While her mom encouraged college, she was not involved in the process; Adriana sought out colleges, completed the FAFSA, and applied for scholarships completely on her own, without any parental involvement. When Adriana visited RU, she was highly impressed with the campus, atmosphere, and support. There were scholarships available, but she chose not to apply, thinking her chances were slim. A student she had met on her college visit contacted her and encouraged her to apply for the scholarship. She decided to apply and subsequently was awarded the scholarship. Samantha shared a similar story regarding the FAFSA:

Considering that my parents know nothing or knew nothing about how to even

apply. I mean, I was like, mami, you know you need to fill out FAFSA. She’s

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like, what are you even talking about? She didn’t even know what FAFSA was. I

didn’t even know what FAFSA was! No one knows what FAFSA is. And so, my

parents were like, oh FAFSA? How do you pay for college? Nothing. I mean, my

parents knew nothing. so, had it not been for friends, I don’t even know if I would

be here. I mean, because not knowing if I’d know anything, I didn’t know you

could look for scholarships until high school. (Samantha)

Just as Samantha learned about the process from friends, Natalia was assisted by her

older sisters, neither of whom were familiar with the processes when they arrived at RU, either:

So every year, I’m like, I have to do financial aid. And I’m like, how do other

students do it, that don’t have older sisters or brothers that came here? They’re the

first generation coming to college, and I’m like how do they do it? Because my

sisters helped me a lot - the fact that they’ve been through that experience, that

they know kind of the process, that’s really helped me out. Now I get the meaning

of it. My first year was just the hardest, but now… I know what I have to do.

(Natalia)

One of the more noteworthy stories was that of Renata. Renata’s parents live in

Central America; she lives with her older sister, her sister’s two children, and her younger brother in Washington, DC. Her parents do not have any income in Central America, and she finances the balance of her tuition, fees, and living expenses that aren’t covered by scholarships or loans on her own through two jobs. She is also trying to save money to be able to finance her parents’ return to the U.S.

At the start of her second year, she was denied the $10,000 grant that Washington,

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DC provides to students who graduate from their public high schools but attend state

colleges (since Washington, DC is not a state, there are no “state” universities; this grant

covers the difference of what would otherwise be in-state tuition). She was to submit a

form that indicated that RU acknowledged that she was an unaccompanied minor:

I couldn’t find anybody [here]. I was really disappointed that no one was able to

help. I emailed a lot of people, and they emailed each other, and nobody was able

to find a way to just write a document that that says, yes we acknowledge that she

is an unaccompanied minor for financial purposes. That’s all they needed for this

publication, and I was so mad. I called the Office of Financial Aid, who

transferred me to another office. They kept sending me around and then

somebody in DC, and they said they needed this document, and they said they

were not able to do this. Then they were kind of close to doing what they were

supposed to do, and then I called the office and they said, well, the money had run

out, so, it was ridiculous. (Renata)

Interestingly, the Financial Aid Office made the assumption that she was an

DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival) student, meaning that she was undocumented. However, she was born in the U.S. and is a citizen. This is an example of the many assumptions that students encountered in this process.

Luciana was acutely aware of the skill it took to not only understand and speak two languages, but to broker between the two. She did everything on her own, from the applications, to essays, the FAFSA, and scholarship applications. She was not concerned about not having help, as she felt that this was the position in which she was often placed in life. She stated the following about cultural brokering:

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It made me more independent. I was always able to figure things out by myself.

Even in school, my mom would be like, why didn’t you tell me about this

situation? I’d be like, because I figured it out. I didn’t really need them. My

parents didn’t help me at all with anything related to college. They were like, you

do everything. Oh you need to do FAFSA? Here’s the taxes, do it. Oh you need to

do this? Okay, do it. So, I mean, my parents weren’t involved at all. I did

everything on my own. Applications, scholarship applications, essays, everything.

(Luciana)

These stories illustrate some of the difficulty facing these students with one of the

more important pre-college processes: financing their education. As Samantha had noted, not only didn’t her parents know what FAFSA was, she did not even know what FAFSA was. The majority of college students are dependents, and since the FAFSA requires parental and tax information, parents are typically the ones completing the form. Just as

many of them did as cultural brokers for their families, these students completed this

otherwise adult task on their own. Their ability to navigate complex situations, gather

information, complete forms, ask appropriate questions, and find resources all trace back

to their roles as cultural brokers and the sense of independence and self-efficacy that

emerges as a result. In Renata’s case, she was denied a $10,000 grant because she was

unable to supply information that didn’t exist, and could not locate the proper resource at

RU to write a letter for her to be able to access the funds. Her parents were not able to

help, nor were they able to understand what it was she needed or how to help direct her.

University personnel were also unaware of the assistance she needed.

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Re-Thinking the Connection Between Independence and Self-Efficacy

Only 5 of the 10 students in this study lived in University City prior to attending college. In the literature, it has been noted that the pull of the Latina family can be so strong that students tend to prefer to stay close to home and to their families (Torres &

Baxter Magolda, 2004). More than half of the students interviewed, however, went out of state (including leaving Puerto Rico). The students from Puerto Rico, Mayra and Emilia, as well as Renata, whose parents live in Central America, also noted that they were on their own, living by themselves and having to take responsibility for their education.

While about half of the participants did stay close to their families in University City, they also both engaged on campus or off-campus and applied to the college and for financial aid on their own. The students who went to RU from other states or areas demonstrated that sense of independence by being on their own away from their families.

In the literature, a relationship has been found between language brokering, biculturalism, and self-efficacy among Latino adolescents (Buriel, et al., 1998). This theme also emerged for the cultural brokers in this study who attend college. The majority of these students tended to have a high level of biculturalism, as they were able to navigate various situations depending on the context either at home or at college

(Benet-Martinez, 2002). Likely due to their ability to navigate adult situations at a young age, cultural brokers are able to apply those skills to their experiences as they move on to the college setting, which led to a high level of independence and self-efficacy.

Samantha, and Luciana, for example, made this connection themselves. Samantha always considered herself a “free thinker” and “independent” which she saw as being outside of her cultural norms and being “not a stereotypical Latina.” Luciana also directly noted that

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being a cultural broker made her independent and “able to figure things out by myself.”

Natalia also made the connection with having adult experiences, such as cultural

brokering at earlier stages in her life, with her independence in college, both in terms of

her father’s pride in her achievements, but also in terms of helping to provide for her

family and the benefit of doing this throughout college.

Other participants in this study did not make the connection themselves, but the

sense of independence and self-efficacy was very clear in their accounts. Claudia, for example, talked about how “It was either like, you’re gonna learn how to swim or you’re gonna sink.” She didn’t ask for help as a young student and the only Spanish speaker in her 6th grade class when she arrived from Central America; she did it on her own. While

parents were very supportive of their daughters attending college, many of the

participants arrived at their decision on their own, and simply notified their parents that

this was what they were going to do, or would inform them of decisions along the way.

The participants’ parents had enough trust in the decision-making of their students, and

were often limited both in terms of knowledge of the college-going processes as well as

the language barrier. Many of the students earned their own money as well, either to pay

for their own tuition, fees, books, housing, and meals, and in some cases, help support

their families. This finding suggests that the positionality and experiences of cultural

brokers leads to a greater sense of self-confidence and self-efficacy during the college years. The experience of being required to navigate a complex, adult situation early in life enabled them to overcome the barriers that most first-generation students face, along with the belief in their ability to succeed and the notion that they would “fight” for their education and degree. This supports the findings of Easley, Jr., Bianco, and Leech

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(2012), whose participants cited a desire to achieve and succeed academically due to familial struggle and sacrifice, called ganas.

Seeking “The College Experience”

One of the significant themes that emerged was the students were in search of

“The College Experience.” Many of the participants alluded to a romanticized notion of college, and a sense of wistfulness if they were not experiencing what they had assumed or were told. Since most of them did not have a background or have parents who pursued a higher education, their expectations of going to college were likely formed by what they knew from media or other avenues. For most of the participants who sought “The

College Experience,” this typically meant living on campus in a residence hall; this was especially salient for those students who had commuted.

Living Arrangements

Samantha had wanted “The College Experience.” Having attended a high school that is affiliated with the campus, she took college courses during her senior year of high school and connected with many of the campus resources. She lived at home with her family during her first term in college, and said, “I don’t want to live here. I want ‘The

College Experience.’” She planned to move to a residence hall, but didn’t tell her family until two weeks prior to her moving in, for fear of them not understanding. Once they learned of it, they accepted the idea, but her family was concerned about her living with two other women whom she’d never met. Part of the expectation was that she’d move back home, but the following year, she moved into an off-campus apartment with a friend:

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Everyone’s going to college, and they say college are the best years of your life.

And they say living in college it’s the best thing you can ever do and it’s the

funnest thing, and I’m like, dude, I want to go where the fun is at. And that was

my thing. And my family was not happy. Even my family in Mexico heard, and

they’re like, what? Please don’t tell me she’s moving in with a guy! And I’m like,

no! I’m moving in with my best friend! And they’re like, oh my goodness, you

two ladies by yourself. That was just so out of the ordinary, because usually you

don’t leave your house until you’re married, or you are living with some guy. To

take care of you, so they say. (Samantha)

For Samantha, this was the natural progression of “The College Experience” and being on her own as a college student, which her family had difficulty understanding. Even so, they supported her decision and offered assistance.

The other commuters, Claudia, Rosa, Luciana, and Natalia, felt similarly to

Samantha, but rather than move out of their houses, they chose to stay home or return home and help support their families. Claudia lived at home by choice, and attended the local community college for her first two years. Rosa had planned to live on campus, but then her mother was diagnosed with cancer and she was worried that her father and younger sister would be unable to take care of her mother without Rosa. Since she lived at home, she had trouble making friends in the early years and felt as if she missed out on

“The College Experience.” The support she felt from faculty and her other classmates provided the support she needed in connecting to the University, as well as declaring a minor in Portuguese, which helped her connect with other Latino/as.

Luciana lived in a residence hall during her freshman year:

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I thought everyone meets people when they live in the dorms, and if I don’t live in

the dorms, I might not make friends. I was kind of scared I wouldn’t make

friends. So I only lived there a year. (Luciana)

Luciana chose to move back home after her freshman year to save money, because she

found it “pointless” to live on campus when her parents were 10 minutes away. She had

also been part of a sorority, but was no longer actively involved at the time of this interview. She also joined several student organizations to feel more connected and to have a better “college experience.” She struggled with not having the residence hall or sorority house to go to when she had finished classes for the day, and would return home; she felt as if she was missing something. Rosa and Claudia similarly struggled with not having anywhere to go if there was a gap between their classes and something they’d be interested in attending or getting involved with in the evening.

Natalia also sought “The College Experience,” but she was unable to do so. Prior to her sophomore year, Natalia and her two older sisters had plans to move out and live together in an off-campus apartment. However, her father returned to Mexico, and when

he left, she felt a responsibility to help her mother pay the mortgage and the bills and to

help with her younger siblings:

I can’t live in a dorm. I can’t live here, because I have to help my mom out.

That’s pretty much what’s been holding me back from actually being able to

move out and live on my own and get that experience. But I haven’t been able to,

cause my dad is not here. So, it’s kind of like a bummer, because obviously, I

don’t really feel like I actually have that whole “college experience” like you

know, people live up here, they go out, they socialize, and all that. And I don’t do

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that cause I’m up here for classes, and like I’m if I’m not in class, I’m not up here

at all. I’m at home. So, but, I mean, in a way, it’s kind of good, I guess, because if

I were to live up here, I think… I’d probably get sucked into that whole going out

every weekend and house parties and all that. It would just be too much for me. I

wouldn’t be able to concentrate at all. (Natalia)

Although in this quote Natalia appears to have come to terms with not having “The

College Experience,” her tone in the interview suggested it was more of a regret that she was unable to live on campus during college. Natalia plans to be a teacher, and interestingly, she was looking into the Teach for America program at the time of the interview, perhaps still searching for “The College Experience.” Teach for America places students as teachers in school districts often away from their home, while providing housing. This would give Natalia the opportunity to move out of her house and be on her own for a finite period of time before pursuing the next step in her career.

Academic Experiences

A range of majors also led to a range of academic experiences. Adriana,

Samantha, Rosa, Claudia, and Renata all discussed language or literature classes. Adriana enrolled in a Spanish class to learn to read and write it better, and encountered a somewhat chilly climate (Hall & Sandler, 1984). She felt somewhat out of place and hesitant to speak because she felt that others thought she was there for the “easy A.”

Samantha, during her senior year, took a Spanish for Heritage Speakers class in order to refresh herself on reading and writing Spanish. Both Rosa and Renata pursued

Portuguese minors, in order to build their proficiency in another language. Claudia talked about her Introductory English class in which her professor “crushed” her essay for

152 grammar. Even so, she passed with a good grade and continued to read the classics.

Natalia, an Education major, recalled a class that inspired her, and also had her recall her days in elementary school that led her on her path to becoming a cultural broker. In her Phonics class, the professor asked them to write a letter to one of their own teachers who had positively impacted their lives when they were younger, and to thank them:

Being able to actually make a difference in a child’s life, you know, setting them

on the right path, I think that’s awesome. [I wrote to] my ESL teacher… she

helped me a lot, because I remember when I was in classes and the teacher would

say stuff and I would even get in trouble for it, cause sometimes she would say

something and I wouldn’t even understand it… but I was like, hey that sucks that

I get in trouble for things and I don’t even know what they are saying. So, you

know, the fact that she helped me learn a new language, speak it, write it, read it,

she really helped me. It helped me a lot. (Natalia)

As a Health major, about half of the classes Rosa took in her major were sociological or psychological in nature. She recalled learning about identity and privilege and the impact that had on her. She states that she thinks about her identity frequently and it not only colors a lot of the decisions she makes, but also is an impetus to get involved in her community:

We read about how, like, people who are part of the majority, like, don’t think

about their status. Whether it be like your sexual orientation or gender, or your

ethnicity. And then to talk about it - it’s like, compare, or talk to like five women

about how they think about their race. So ever since, I think about it all the time.

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And I think, I wonder if I am thinking about it more than she is, or if I’m thinking

about it more - yeah. So I think about [my identity] all the time. (Rosa)

As a Business major, Claudia took a class in entrepreneurship. A group project for

her class was to create a business plan for a new business. Inspired by her heritage,

Claudia and her group presented the following:

You know there’s a World Market, right?... So we thought, why not do a whole

World Market, but a Latino Market instead? Because we do have Mexican stores

here, but they focus exclusively on Mexico. I know of one Dominican store that

focuses on the Dominican, the ingredients for the food, so my classmate and I

were thinking, no, why don’t we introduce them to everything that Latin America

has to offer? The drinks, the food, anything that meets it that we could offer.

Compared to, you know, going to a certain place and buying just for the Mexican

community. So we ended up doing a big project on that. We had to come up with

a whole plan, a business plan, for it. (Claudia)

These examples highlight the nature of higher education for these students.

Although many of the academic experiences are similar for any other student on campus,

for cultural brokers, there were significant moments in which the students tied their

background into their collegiate academic experience. The participants either shared an

example which demonstrated the notion of brokering – for example, educating the

general population by creating a “Latino Market” or thanking an ESL teacher who led her

on her path to brokering. Nearly all of the students, whether in Education, Health, Life

Sciences, or other majors, chose those due to a sense of wanting to help others and give

back. This demonstrated their sense of self-belief and independence that was directly

154 related to their roles as brokers.

Re-Framing The College Experience

Upon reflection, many of the participants in this study seemed to be seeking a universal “College Experience,” to which they alluded. For most of the students, this meant living in a traditional residence hall on campus. While a few of them did so, others had to move to an off-campus apartment due to rising costs of living on campus, and others lived at home with their families and commuted. Other students included involvement in campus activities as a way to seek “The College Experience;” for those that commuted, they often missed out on this as well, since times of events were not suitable for those who did not live on campus. Thus, the participants felt that they were missing out on this experience. Many students seek a sense of belonging in the college environment, and a way to find a niche (Cerna, Pérez, & Sáenz, 2009; Padilla, 2006;

Strayhorn, 2008). On a predominantly white campus, the sense of belonging is even more difficult to find with the lack of diversity and an often chilly climate for Latina students, in terms of harassment, microagressions, intimidation, and marginalization (Cabrera, et al., 1999; Hurtado, 1992; Hurtado & Ponjuan, 2005; Mounts, 2004; Rankin & Reason,

2005).

“The College Experience” seemed more elusive for many of the students who lived at home and/or had other family obligations, including work and taking care of family members. However, one of the benefits of staying at home is more time spent studying and developing skills (Smith, 2009). Additionally, through several of the narratives, the students discussed their academic experiences. Most of them noted that once they were in the major that they felt they were going to complete (or completed, for

155 those that recently graduated), they then felt both a sense of belonging and academic comfort (Cerna, Pérez, & Sáenz, 2009; Padilla, 2006; Padilla, et al., 1997). This was often aligned with support from faculty and peers in their major programs. This analysis suggests that re-framing “The College Experience” from a romanticized notion of living on campus to the actual student experience of finding academic homes within the institution will more broadly facilitate positive experiences of a college education, particularly for commuter students.

Giving Back

A prevalent finding was that the cultural brokers in the study were interested in

“giving back.” They sought majors and careers that would help people, and their collegiate experiences outside of the classroom also focused on this theme.

Choosing a Major

The majors of the 10 participants in this study (Table 1) were fairly diverse. How they each arrived at that choice of major varied. Four of the participants were still completing the original major they declared upon entering RU. Claudia knew she wanted to help others and had settled on Human Resources early on. Luciana began with a Social

Science major, and had considered adding Business, but added a second Social Science major of interest instead. Natalia participated in a program in high school where she volunteered at various childcare facilities. She recalled playing teacher with her sisters at a young age and pretending to talk English, and always knew she wanted to be a teacher.

Emilia plans to be a surgeon and remains a Natural Sciences major. Seven of the 10 participants had changed their major program at least once. Some were due to completing prerequisites for Medical School, some due to not being admitted to competitive

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programs, and some due to changing interests. Mayra got involved in undergraduate

research and discovered that she wants to be a researcher working in a lab improving

treatments for diseases.

In most of the cases, the students arrived at their major due to a career path, or, in

some cases, a sense of wanting to give back. Those students who were considering

Medical School (Emilia, Renata, Alexa, and Mayra) were looking to do so to both help

people and to earn enough money to assist their families. Claudia, Rosa, Luciana, and

Natalia were interested in the “helping” professions, where they’d be able to use their

talents to help others. In contrast, three of the students chose other kinds of goals.

Samantha and Elena experienced more of a complete change in their major programs and

life goals. Adriana was interested in business, and her major is in the Social Sciences

with a focus on International Studies ended up being more of a fit since she was

interested in learning about the world. Adriana relayed several stories that were related to

her identity as a cultural broker growing up. As a high school student, she interned at the

World Bank in DC and served as a broker, which ultimately guided her toward her major

choice. She could imagine herself working there or a similar company, traveling and

conducting business. In her current company where she works part-time, she was also hired due to her language abilities. She often talks to customers and the workers in

Spanish, but notes that she does not get compensated extra for having this skill.

When Renata arrived back in DC after several years in Central America, she had

to repeat three years of high school. While this provided her with good preparation for college, she was frustrated by having to take a step backward instead of completing the one remaining year of high school and then entering college. When she arrived at RU, the

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transition itself was a challenge due to the socialization of college and being in a new

state. She was always interested in the sciences, and was initially undecided between

several of the Life Sciences before choosing one, with a minor in Portuguese. She is hopeful that pursuing the sciences will lead to a career path that will enable her to bring her parents back to the States, which is her way of giving back.

Outside the Classroom Collegiate Experiences

Perhaps one of the most significant themes that tied back to the participants’ backgrounds as cultural brokers were their outside of the classroom collegiate experiences where they continued roles as cultural brokers in varied work settings.

Work. The vast majority of students needed to pursue part-time employment, and

many of them were able to use their language skills in doing so. Claudia was employed at

her first job at a store because she spoke Spanish. Her current job, post-graduation, is in

Human Resources that utilized her bilingual skills for Spanish communities. Adriana

worked at the World Bank in the Latin American/Caribbean division because they were

searching for someone who spoke Spanish and it met her interest and goals of helping

others; this job sparked her interest in International Studies. A gas company also

employed her during the academic year. She said, “Being bilingual actually works to my

advantage there, because I’m the only one that speaks Spanish, and there are a lot of

Spanish customers.” She has offered her services to her supervisor and the technicians

when they do maintenance work in order to assist the Spanish speakers. She will offer to

speak with Spanish-speaking customers, or technicians will call her and ask her to broker

for them when they are called out to a house. Natalia played a similar role in the

restaurant in which she works. As a server, she will approach Latino families and speak

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to them in Spanish in order to help them feel comfortable and give them confidence.

Renata works in the housekeeping department of a nearby hotel, and is often asked to

translate for the staff. She has developed close relationships with many of them, and

enjoys that she’s able to talk with them in Spanish and assist them in their work.

Becoming a part-time, paid, trained interpreter. One of the fascinating

findings of this study was that 4 of the 10 students, Samantha, Rosa, Claudia, and

Luciana worked as paid, trained interpreters at different points of their lives. All of these

students did medical interpreting, and Rosa also did interpreting for a car seat program

for Latino families. Having been cultural brokers and utilizing the skill of interpreting

language and culture for their families, it is interesting to note that they also utilized this

particular, nuanced skill in part-time employment. Luciana explained, “my childhood definitely prepared me for that, just like being in a situation with professionals and translating to my parents.” Samantha explains the benefit of being an interpreter in the medical setting:

[I do it because] because I’m aware of the cultural things, sometimes they don’t

understand things because they don’t get it, well, why do we have to do that

before that, why can’t we just go to the ENT? Why do I need a referral? It’s just

how the system works. It’s just how it works. There’s a waiting list, which is why

you need a referral type of thing. It’s that cultural background and I think it’s

why it’s much easier for me to go for it. (Samantha)

Thus, she recognized that she had a skill, and could potentially help others in utilizing this skill in an environment that was unfamiliar.

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Several other students, including Adriana, Natalia, and Renata, also translated or

interpreted within their jobs, but it was not an official duty and they were not

compensated for this skill. They all recognized the fact that they had a skill that was

useful to them, the place for whom they work, and the customers that they served, but

interestingly, none of these three advocated for a higher salary as a result of having this

skill. While they framed this as a way of trying to give back to the Latino community, the

young age and limited experience of these women must be kept in mind since it is also

likely that, just as with college admissions, they are not yet aware of many workplace

issues. This is also likely a way for employers to utilize a rich skill without having to

compensate these women extra for it; without knowing the full extent of the issues, on the

surface it would appear that this is likely due to racial and gender discrimination.

Leadership. Adriana was the first Latina on the BSA Executive Board. She generated ideas such as a Latino night in which they would bring in foods from different

Spanish speaking countries and listen to the various types of music. She also told a story about living with her roommates that displayed her leadership skills. One of her roommates did not pay her portion of the electric bill and the lights and heat were cut in their apartment. An argument broke out between two of the roommates and everyone refused to put the account in their name as a result:

You guys are being petty and if someone fights, then you are not going to pay -

you’re not going to fulfill your responsibility? That’s ridiculous! So obviously, no

one else wanted to put it in their name and my roommate said, ‘my mom said I

can’t put it in my name.’ I’m like, ‘girl you are GROWN.’… So me being the

type of person that I am, I’m just like, you know, somebody has to do it. We were

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in the cold, like we didn’t even have hot water!... I’ll put it in my name, but I’ll

need the money, in CASH, two days before it’s due, every month… Like if no

one else wants to do it, it’s my only rule. And they were like, okay. That’s when I

knew I was NEVER doing this again with you guys. I don’t know. I feel like they

all expected me to be the one like, yeah, okay, I’ll put it under my name… They

were mad at each other. It was just childish. They were all childish. The entire

situation. And so, I just knew, I had to be the one. (Adriana)

This example illustrates how Adriana utilized her cultural brokering skills to navigate this roommate conflict. While roommate conflicts between college students are not out of the ordinary, Adriana was the only one of the four that displayed leadership in putting the bill in her name. Further, she devised a system by which all of the roommates would pay her before the bill was due to ensure that the same issue did not occur again. Interestingly, her experience in assisting her mother with obtaining a new cell phone, purchasing a car, and paying bills provided her with adult experience at a young age that enabled her to handle this situation. She was able to use her cultural brokering skills to negotiate a common area of misunderstanding among college students – how to live in community with one another.

Similarly, although Claudia did not like brokering for her parents in her teenage years, she often interceded if she saw a Spanish speaking person that needed assistance, which highlights her desire to help people in need, as well as continuing to use her cultural brokering skills:

I realize that I’ve been exposed to more games. You know when you go to a store

now you see a lot more minorities, so I’ll step in. Like quickly, if they’re not

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understanding, I’ll step in and say hey, do you need some help? So now, I say

like, I feel like if I have this skill, why not use it? Why not do it? It doesn’t take

that long to fill out a piece of paper or to read a piece of paper, so, you know, if I

have it, and I can use it to help someone else, I’m okay with it. I’m in a position

where I can help. It’s just a few words. I might as well do it. (Claudia)

Mayra has also been able to utilize her cultural brokering skills. She is a Vice

President of a student organization for Pre-Med students, and recently had to give an introduction of a professor at a forum that talked about how to write research proposals.

“There was like 300 people sitting out there, and having that ability to think on your feet… There were a lot of faculty, grad students, and postdocs, so it was also people who are not on my level, but higher.” Her ability to think on her feet and to be comfortable talking in her non-native language in front of 300 people was enabled by her confidence with being able to broker both languages, scaffolded by the confidence she developed as a cultural broker.

Campus and community involvement. Rosa in particular has volunteered in the

Latino community at different events. She’s currently volunteering for the Latina Breast

Cancer Project, assisting with interpreting at health fairs and free mammograms for

women, and when she was 13, she volunteered for a program that gave away car seats to

families that attended. The people who installed the car seats spoke in English, and Rosa

interpreted for the Spanish speakers.

Re-Conceptualizing Latinas’ Campus and Community Involvement

One of the surprising findings of this study were the ways in which Latina

students translated cultural brokering experiences into academic interests as well as

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campus and community involvement. In general, students arrive at their choice of major

in a wide variety of ways based on interests, experiences, career outlook, and advice from others. While the students in this study were no different in this regard, all of the brokers

eventually selected majors that would lead to professions such as teaching, medical

professions, social services, or other avenues that would enable them to assist others.

Outside of the classroom, students put their cultural brokering skills to use in a variety of

ways. A number of students took on leadership roles in campus organizations or within

their smaller communities. Several of the students were often asked to translate for

customers or other employees at their part-time jobs. Interestingly, several of the students

worked part-time jobs as paid, trained interpreters. A few of the participants served as

mentors for Latino/a high school students in preparation for their attendance at college.

This often involved speaking with parents and family members, often in Spanish. While

the students were seeking a traditional college life, they were actually engaged in a rich,

meaningful activity: helping and uplifting others in their community. The literature

addresses involvement in campus activities for all students as a link to persistence and fostering a sense of community (Buttaro, 2004; Torres, 2003), and this study, albeit small, suggests that students who are cultural brokers for their families are likely to continue in these roles through part-time employment and community service. Many of them did not make the connection between their background as a cultural broker and the continuance of brokering activities in their lives as college students. It may be through the difficulty, challenge, and burden of being a cultural broker that they seek to assist others who are in similar situations as they found themselves in with their parents or family members, or it may be that engaging in brokering as an added family duty as part

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of their life experience prepared them to do additional free work as they enter the college

environment and the workforce.

Parental Involvement

Parental and familial engagement and disengagement continued to be an

important theme throughout the students’ narratives. Although cultural brokers are the

ones who negotiate complex situations, the majority of the students were able to rely on

their families for support, guidance, encouragement, and engagement as they navigated

college processes.

Familial Engagement with College Processes

The assumption may be that parents who speak little to no English are unable to

provide as much support as English-speaking parents due to the language barrier and

unfamiliarity with college processes such as financial aid (Ceja, 2006; Hernandez, 2000;

Nelson Laird, et al., 2007). Although many of the students in this study applied to

colleges and/or completed financial aid information on their own, at least 7 of the cultural

brokers described ways in which their parents or family members engaged with them

regarding various college processes. Support may look different for Latina cultural

brokers than for other college students; for example, only one student had parents who were financially contributing toward their education, so work became necessary. With many obligations, the social support that the cultural brokers received contributed to their

sense of self-efficacy and self-belief in obtaining their degree.

Only two of the participants had parents who were active in the college choice

decision. Half of the cultural brokers lived at home with their parents during college, and

most of those students reported a strong connection to their family. Those who went out

164 of state/country reported that their hardest part was leaving their families behind, particularly in terms of their family members being able to communicate with others.

Emilia, who lived on campus but her parents lived a short distance away, visited home often, saying, “one weekend I’ll go, one weekend I’ll stay, so that I can interact in both environments.” At least 6 of the 10 participants mentioned that they talk to at least one family member daily or multiple times a day; only one student reported that she talks to her family only a few times per month due to the long distance expense. All but one student said that they talk with their family members much more often than any other of their friends on campus.

Several students also talked about the impact of their extended family that were involved and engaged in these students’ quest for a higher education. In Adriana, Natalia, and Alexa’s cases, they had siblings who attended college and helped them navigate processes such as applying, scholarships, and financial aid. Adriana, for example, said that her sister “wasn’t going to let me not go, because she loved it and she wanted me to have that, too.” Samantha’s family was engaged to the point that “word travels fast” in her family. After she completed study abroad, she arrived back home around 10 p.m. the night of her return; her aunts and cousins had called while she was on the way home from the airport and wanted to visit her to hear about her experience. Although she indicated that she found this annoying, she also saw the benefits of having an engaged family, whether it was relatives checking on her progress, providing her with food, or taking care of her in other ways. Family in California offered to have her stay with them while she prepared to settle into life at her graduate school.

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At one point, Claudia began to feel as if she were not going to be able to complete her degree, and she began to receive calls, emails, and texts from family members in her country in Central America who encouraged her to finish. She recounted a story of when she was struggling and called a family member back in her country:

That’s when you realize, like, wow, you have all this support behind you that you

may not see each other every day. You may not talk to each other every day, but

they’re still there, supporting you, cheering you on, the good and the bad,

whatever it is… I was taking a finance class and I started crying… I was like, I

can’t do finance anymore! I called a family member and they’re like, ‘it’s okay,

you need to calm down and you need to breathe.’ And I was like, ‘maybe college

isn’t for me right now, because if I don’t pass this class or get a good grade’... and

everybody was like, no, no no! I then had people calling me and just saying, hey,

how’s classes going, hey, do you need anything? So, it’s great to have a support

system and to be close to everyone.

Her family’s engagement with her throughout these processes made a significant difference in her persistence and self-efficacy.

Mayra’s uncle made a difference by engaging with her in college processes when her parents were unable to do so. He assisted her with the college application process and went on a college visit to RU and convinced Mayra’s mother to do the same when she was initially not interested in doing so. Her uncle continues to be engaged by calling her and discussing various processes, including her scholarship requirements. In all, familial engagement seemed to be helpful to these students, even if they were simply looking for advice, support, or encouragement. Thus, while cultural brokers are able to navigate

166 various college processes with little to no involvement from others, a sense of social support or engagement on the part of parents or family members often provided Latina cultural brokers with enough support to meet the challenges that they experienced in college.

Although many of the parents or family members of these students didn’t quite understand the college processes, they still engaged with their students regularly. Their parents and family members would ask how they were doing, how college was going, and in some cases, the students would talk through with their family members problems, situations, or issues they were facing in the classroom or on campus. The participants found support and comfort in their family as they navigated the college environment.

This demonstrates that “support” does not need to necessarily be in the ways the literature suggests; as long as family members are asking questions and engaging with their students, the students find the motivation and belief in themselves to continue to persist.

Parental Disengagement

Parental disengagement played a factor as well. For example, when Adriana was awarded a full scholarship to attend RU, her mother responded with a simple “that’s great” in a disinterested tone. This was an important moment for Adriana, and one in which she was extremely proud, but she was unable to share that excitement with her mother, who didn’t fully grasp what that meant and the opportunity it would provide.

Natalia’s parents were also supportive but disengaged. Her father is currently in

Mexico, so he is unable to be engaged, and her mother is providing for her younger siblings. Additionally, Natalia and her older siblings assisted with bills and rent. Even so, she finds her family supportive:

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My dad loves to brag. So the fact that he can brag, ‘the fact that my three older

daughters both went to, like one of the best universities.’ So. I definitely want to

make my parents proud… especially my dad, since he’s not here. He left when I

first started college, so he hasn’t been here through my college years. So the fact

to be able to be like, hey dad, guess what, I’m about to graduate, and I’ve been

doing this all on my own, you know? And just to show him like, wow, you’ve

done something out of yourself. ‘Just because I’m not there pushing you through

doesn’t mean you’re going to drop out of school and do this and do that. You’ve

been able to, with or without my help… to accomplish so much.’ (Natalia)

Renata’s and Luciana’s parents were disengaged almost completely, other than being supportive of them going to college. Renata’s parents live in Central America, while

Luciana lives with hers. Both of their families are focused on surviving, in a way, due to lower socio-economic status. In both cases, they tended to rely on themselves and made their way through college processes without consulting or informing their parents. Both

Renata and Luciana had a high degree of independence and self-belief as well, which was clearly evident in their accounts. This may have been due to the lack of engagement with their families or the primary role that they each took in supporting their families financially and/or linguistically. These gaps in parental involvement were undoubtedly difficult for the young women to negotiate but this study did not encompass any in-depth assessments of possible detractions. In focusing on how cultural brokering may impact future college success, this study finds that cultural brokers often found the disengagement of parents as a driving force to continue to pursue a higher education.

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Re-Conceptualizing Parental Involvement as Familial Engagement

The literature suggests that parental involvement is related to the likelihood of enrolling in college (Perna & Titus, 2005). For first-generation students in particular,

financial aid and financing their degrees tended to be a major concern, and often a reason

for withdrawal/attrition from college (Castillo & Hill, 2004; Padilla, 2006; Swail, Redd,

& Perna, 2003). This was a major source of anxiety for the students in this study. As the

participants indicated, most of them and their parents were unfamiliar with the

procedures regarding financial aid, as well as completing the FAFSA, and were thus

disengaged when it came to completing this process. Financial aid is typically a complex

and detailed process that requires multiple modes of information, documentation, and

communication. The FAFSA is a key form typically completed by parents or guardians

prior to each year of a student’s college career; the information requested includes

dependent status and parental tax information., to which students typically do not have

access Students can become ineligible for financial aid if a FAFSA is not completed. As

Table 5.2 indicated, the majority of parents were unfamiliar with the FAFSA, and in

many cases, the students in this study completed it themselves. This is a salient example

of the experience of cultural brokers, as many students were able to complete the form

and the vast majority of them were able to secure scholarships and other forms of

financial aid on their own.

Financial aid and being able to finance their degrees was a key point for the

students in this study. Several of them noted that they would not have attended college

had they not received some assistance. Nearly all of students’ parents engaged with them

when it came time to financing their degrees, and students and their parents agreed that

169 the best financial aid package would be a factor in the college choice decision. There was one outlier who turned down a full scholarship at another university in order to attend

RU; this demonstrates how the lack of knowledge and the on the part of both the student, who is young, and the parents, who don’t have experience, can hurt them.

Regardless of the amount or type of parental involvement, all of the students in this study managed to persist successfully. Samantha, Natalia, Rosa, and Claudia have all recently obtained their degree, which also demonstrates success with varying levels of parental involvement. Although the literature suggests parental involvement is key (Perna

& Titus, 2005), it would appear that for cultural brokers, this should be redefined as familial engagement. The students in this study considered their family to be their parents and siblings, as well as aunts, uncles, cousins, grandparents, and godparents, all of whom had an impact on these students. Additionally, while involvement may not always be possible, the degree of either engagement or disengagement by family members with their students in terms of pre-college and in-college processes affected cultural brokers as well.

Although four of the participants had at least one parent with a college degree, they all obtained it in their native country and consequently were often uninformed about college application processes in the U.S. (Ceja, 2006; Torres, 2006). Many of the students, therefore, completed these on their own. However, due to the closeness of their family units, many of the students experienced a high level of social support from their parents and family members, whether it was in their decision to attend college, or encouraging them along the way. This advances the notion from parental involvement

(Perna & Titus, 2005) to familial engagement as being a key in Latina cultural brokers

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enrollment and persistence in college, as understanding was less important than providing support.

Summary

In this chapter, I analyzed the findings of this study through four central themes: familial engagement, sense of independence and self-efficacy, seeking “The College Experience,” and giving back. Familial engagement or disengagement was a factor in both the students’ decisions regarding their pre-college processes and their persistence during in-

college processes. Students who were placed into adult experiences as cultural brokers

often developed a sense of independence or self-efficacy as they navigated college-going processes. As they considered their roles as cultural brokers and their place in college, they sought “The College Experience” and a sense of belonging and connectedness to the

University. Finally, their experiences as cultural brokers led the participants to want to give back, which was demonstrated through their choice of major career choices, as well as experiences outside of the classroom and in the community. In all, these findings demonstrate that the participants in this study were “navigating both worlds” which is discussed in Chapter six.

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Chapter 6: Discussion and Conclusions

Introduction

Even with like, my Hispanic/Latino friends, I seem very Americanized. The

music I listen to, the TV shows I watch, what I do in my spare time, it’s very

Americanized to them. But then I’m with my American/Caucasian friends and

they’re like…‘nope you’re Mexican’ when they’re talking about something and

I’m like, ‘what show is that? I’ve never seen that. What are you even talking

about?’…It really just depends on the time, the day, the people, the situations, so

it’s kind of living in two worlds. (Samantha)

This quote from Samantha encapsulates the phenomenon of cultural brokering by the participants in this study. The research findings suggest that cultural brokering has a variety of meanings as it relates to language performance, experience, and family expectations. Additionally, cultural brokering and the acquisition of skills it provides can shape collegiate experiences in various ways. In chapter 4, I presented the narrative portraits of these 10 Latina cultural brokers, which were then analyzed in chapter 5. In this chapter, I will examine the central concept of this study, cultural brokering, and explore the central metaphor that characterizes the women’s experiences at home and at

172 college – living in/between two worlds. Finally, I discuss implications for higher education, limitations of the study, and directions for future research.

Summary of Key Findings

The college experience and decisions that students make are shaped by a wide variety of factors and experiences. The 10 students in this study did not seem conscious of their cultural brokering background as they navigated college processes such as intent to enroll in college, the application process, financial aid, living arrangements, choosing a major, academic and out of the classroom experiences, and persisting to degree.

Additionally, many of the students in this study had not thought about their identity as a cultural broker prior to their participation in this study. However, the background and narratives they provided about how they brokered and their individual contexts did emerge as influential as the students shared their college experiences. Specifically,

Spanish language performance was seen as a cultural marker; cultural brokering was both advantageous to the family and to the broker, as well as a burden to the broker; and cultural brokering was the acquisition of authority in social spaces. As students prepared for or entered the college environment, familial engagement or disengagement was a factor as students made decisions. In college, their cultural brokering background emerged, as students utilized what they gained in terms of the acquisition of authority, sense of independence and self-efficacy, and giving back, as they navigated college- going processes and sought “The College Experience.” As a result, many of the participants stated that they often felt as if they lived “in” or “between” two worlds, e.g. that of their family and of the college environment, and as they discussed college experiences, a sense of belonging emerged as being salient.

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Sense of Belonging In Two Worlds

One of the more surprising findings of this study was that students sought a romanticized notion of “The College Experience,” which could be viewed as ultimately seeking a sense of belonging. This was true as they adapted to the college environment, and was also true as they adapted to their home or family life with a new identity as a college student.

Sense of Belonging

Sense of belonging often plays a role in student success and is a fundamental need of many people (Strayhorn, 2008; 2014). Sense of belonging can also assist with reducing marginality for various minority groups, including Latinas, and that time spent studying and achieving high academic standards may positively influence sense of belonging (Strayhorn, 2008). Nowhere was sense of belonging more evident in this study than when students talked about “The College Experience.” Many of the students had a

romanticized notion of college and what the college experience should be. Several of

them felt that they missed out on the true college experience due to not living on campus

or other factors, such as having to work many hours to support themselves and/or their

families, and not being involved in various campus activities.

In relation to sense of belonging, connection to the University was important.

Several of the participants felt initially disconnected from RU, particularly if they were

commuter students, and while in large general education classes. Students tended to feel a

greater sense of belonging by engaging in “The College Experience” by living on

campus, or once they arrived at their choice of major. Several of the students noted that

they felt a greater sense of support by their faculty and their peers once they were in their

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major or core classes, which made a significant difference in how they felt about RU and

in how they experienced college as a whole. Other students joined student organizations

and often groups related to ethnicity, which are intended to provide support and

community for students at RU, sororities, which promote a sense of belonging, or other

organizations to feel connected and have a better “College Experience.” Involvement in

campus activities often leads to an increased sense of belonging or increased persistence

(Strayhorn, 2008; Delgado-Guerrero & Gloria, 2013). Participants in this study described

various experiences with campus involvement. Some students found an excellent place for belonging, and counted their campus engagement as one of the best parts of their college experience. Others felt that some groups they encountered were very exclusive and were thus made to feel that they did not belong. This was disappointing for the students, especially due to the small amount of Latino/as at RU. Some students were unable to live on campus, due to finances or responsibilities at home. Once classes ended, they often went home rather than spend additional time on campus waiting for activities to start. Academically, once students arrived at their choice of major program, they felt a better connection to and “fit” with RU. This would support the literature that academic comfort and sense of belonging positively affect Latina students and their persistence in higher education (Cerna, Pérez, & Sáenz, 2009; Padilla, 2006; Padilla, et al., 1997). The students in the study ultimately felt that RU was a good fit for them, whether or not they felt as if they belonged in social settings and regardless if they felt they missed out on

“The College Experience.”

As cultural brokers, these students had to navigate processes in adult situations at a young age, and negotiated between their family and businesses, medical appointments,

175 and/or schools. At times, brokering was difficult due to their age, inexperience, or vocabulary limitations, but the students always found a way to ensure that they achieved their task and felt comfortable enough in that situation to do so. In the college environment, they searched for a sense of belonging on campus, especially with the lack of other undergraduate Latinas. Using this background and these experiences, they were able to utilize their skills and resources to find ways to belong, whether it was in the classroom, socially, or through other coming of age experiences. Culture brokers were simultaneously engaged in both their family environment and the college environment, but often felt that they were a part of both, a part of neither, or somewhere in the middle.

Ultimately, they were able to utilize their skills to find a way to belong in their own individual context.

Finding a Sense of Belonging While Navigating Two Worlds

A navigator is someone who is skilled and informed about the destination

(Strayhorn, 2014). Students in this study demonstrated that they had developed this sort of expertise with respect to the two cultures in which they lived – their home culture, society at large, and campus culture. The participants in this study were all fully engaged in both of these cultures. Whether the students’ families lived within University City where RU is located, or whether the students’ families were located elsewhere, the students in this study had regular weekly or daily contact with family members, and reported that these interactions were much more frequent than their peers had with their families.

When these students were in the Midwest and/or at RU, they sometimes did not feel a sense of belonging, and were often perceived as not being from the U.S., regardless

176 of location of birth. Additionally, several of the students returned to their country of origin on occasion and often did not feel a sense of belonging during those visits. For some, the notion of “home” varied based on circumstances. This was true in particular for students who had close family members in other countries, or who had spent considerable amounts of time in their country of origin. These participants conceptualized “home” as less defined, including both where they lived in the U.S., as well as their native countries.

Although at RU they felt that their ethnicity was highly salient for their experiences, this changed slightly when they returned to their country of origin. They often did not feel as if they fit in, and were often seen as “Americans” by people other than their family members. Their family in the other countries welcomed them, but there was also a sense of a divide between the participants in how they were perceived as Americans rather than how they were connected to their country of origin. Additionally, several of the students inferred that as college students returning home with their families, they sometimes felt as if they did not fit or were not understood in the larger familial context. Thus, the students often had to make their own way and find a way to belong in both environments.

The notion of “living in two worlds” is especially salient for these students, who had to interpret language and culture for their parents and families as cultural brokers.

Interpreting and translating language and culture between Spanish and English, family members and others in society, required a great deal of skill, sensitivity, and maturity.

Whether or not they felt comfortable in a situation, they were still required to interact with others on behalf of their families and found themselves between these two spaces.

Many of the students referred to themselves as “living in two worlds” and were cognizant of that fact. Strayhorn (2008) suggested that this type of dynamic can affect sense of

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belonging. In the current study, this seemed evident in how participants described being

viewed as Americanized when with their family or in their country of origin, and

primarily Latina when on campus and engaging in the college experience. While living in

two worlds is especially salient, it also is a unique skill. Negotiating on behalf of adults

and being able to translate between two languages for others led to the development of a

complex and sophisticated skill-set for these cultural brokers. As they entered the college environment, they were able to apply these competencies as they utilized resources and sought out information to assist themselves, just as they had in their roles as cultural brokers. In some ways, this served as a tremendous advantage for them as compared to other students who had not developed comparable levels of independence or self-efficacy before arriving at college.

Although students often felt that they didn’t quite fit in with their home culture/country of origin or at RU, or felt that they were living in both worlds at any moment in time, they were able to navigate college processes and establish a sense of belonging. In most cases, participants identified the support and engagement of their families as instrumental for their ability to face the challenges at RU, while the independence and self-efficacy they had developed over their time as cultural brokers enabled them to advocate for themselves, find and utilize resources, and demonstrate persistence toward their degree. This finding is consistent with the literature that shows that persistence occurs from a high level of support (Hernandez, 2000; Constantine,

Robinson, Wilton, & Caldwell, 2002; Torres, 2003, 2006; Ceja, 2004; Corkin, Arbona,

Coleman, & Ramirez, 2008). This may be packaged in a different way for cultural

178 brokers than it is for other students, but the support and engagement of their family members is one of the sources in enabling their persistence.

What does it mean to Broker?

Perhaps one of the larger questions I sought to answer through this study was what does it mean to broker and what value does it have for college students? Each of the students in this study described their experiences, and these experiences varied greatly.

However, regardless of each individual’s feelings about brokering, they all shared that engaging in this role was not a choice for them. That is, brokers are often directed into the position of having to interpret and translate language and culture for their families; it initially is not something for which they volunteer. In a sense then, cultural brokers could be seen as being robbed of their autonomy when they are required to accompany parents or family members to stores, businesses, or doctor’s appointments, regardless of interest or desire. The students spoke of the challenges they faced, not only in terms being placed in such a position, but often without guidance, understanding, or fully grasping a situation. Due to the language barrier between Spanish and English and finding themselves both in and between their family and the larger society, cultural brokers determine on their own how to negotiate any given situation. For example, even when they are limited by vocabulary or the inability to translate common words from one language to the other, they tend to improvise by developing their own definition to explain what is trying to be conveyed. There aren’t often any right or wrong answers; brokering is ultimately about negotiation and both the comfort and ambiguity between the cultures.

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Through brokering experiences, students often emerge empowered as

autonomous, strong women. Although initially deprived of independence by being

required to broker, the end result is women who are able to navigate various situations,

such as collegiate experiences, independently. Over time, there are four components that

occur through brokering: (1) the acquisition of authority; (2) becoming a speaker or

advocate; (3) developing a sense of accomplishment, independence and/or self-efficacy; and (4) giving back.

Whether or not cultural brokers were interested in doing so, the student would often find herself in a situation that required maturity, nuance, and decision-making.

Since the family members were faced with a language barrier, communication occurred through the broker. Thus, brokers often acquired authority in a variety of situations, and individuals with whom they were speaking would often see them as the decision maker rather than the adult, due to language and stereotyping. Many times this had larger implications regarding health emergencies, taxes, or schooling that brokers were encountering at a young age.

As a result, brokers were often seen as and often became speakers or advocates for their family members. This is a somewhat tragic reflection of the position they found themselves in. Being immersed in the majority culture through school and learning the

English language provided the students with a sense of agency that their parents or family members did not possess. In that way, they became the spokesperson for their family, whether it was purchasing a car, completing school forms, locating the beans at a grocery store, or determining a course of medical treatment.

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When brokers navigated situations successfully, they arrived at a sense of

accomplishment for having completed the task. Over time, students also developed the

belief that they would be able to navigate nearly any situation with which they were

presented, and, as a result, gained a sense of independence from negotiation and decision

making from a position of authority within their families. Although often placed in this

situation without a choice in the matter, the brokers gained a strong internal sense of self,

which enabled them to be less susceptible to outside influences, and gain more agency as

they entered the college setting.

Finally, being placed in these often complex situations, negotiating successfully, and developing a belief in their skills and abilities as speaker, advocate, and empowered woman also led to the sense of wanting to give back. All of the participants in this study were actively involved in deploying their skills in various ways and were determining how to in the future. Several of them held part-time jobs as certified medical interpreters, and several would step in to assist in public places where they saw a Latino family struggling with language. Nearly all were majoring in and ultimately seeking careers in education, social or human services, or medical fields to “help people.” This is one of the greatest reflections of the cultural brokering process: assisting their own families in thriving creates the desire to deploy their skills to help others. This also highlights the notion of the students feeling like they were living “in” or “between” two worlds, as they were often negotiating or navigating between both of these worlds.

The World of Origin: Family and Culture

As suggested previously, cultural brokers tend to have strong family relationships.

Initially, as they are in the heyday of brokering for their families, their parents or family

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members become somewhat reliant on them to make their way through the world. In a

sense, the brokers are still being told what to do as in a traditional parent-child relationship, but the brokers are also acquiring authority. Ultimately, due to their role in helping the family, the family-oriented bonds can develop and create even deeper relationships. This will often influence their educational endeavors, as parents and family members are encouraging and supportive of the women to obtain a higher education and a college degree. As students enter the college environment, they have a valuable social network to rely on. The relationships with their parents or family members become even more beneficial as they have that increased support on which to rely. For example,

several of the students in this study relayed that they spoke frequently to their parents –

most often their mothers, regardless of if they lived at home with their mother or lived

apart. Many of their peers would comment on the relationship as well, and the family

bond was noticeable to those outside of it. Although the parents and family members

were outside of the college environment, they were able to be a sounding board or

provide the encouragement or support that the students needed at critical times.

The World of Choice: The College Environment

As students decide to go to college and ultimately enter the college environment,

they are often first generation and know very little about the processes. Utilizing the

skills they gained as cultural brokers, students often navigate these processes on their

own. When it comes time for college choice and application, many of the cultural brokers

completed the forms without any parental involvement; having completed numerous

school forms on behalf of their parents at a very young age prepared them to do so. As

they step into the college environment, particularly at a predominantly white institution,

182 they are often confronted with a variety of issues, ranging from financing their degree to choosing a major and career path to encountering stereotyping and microagressions both in the academic classroom and the social setting, with precious few other Latinas.

Students often find themselves seeking a sense of belonging as the seek out a traditional notion of “The College Experience.” Being able to rely on the strong family relationships and support network, as well as their strong sense of self, independence, and self- efficacy, leads to persistence; it is typically “not an option” to stop out or drop out. As students integrate back into their family and culture, whether it is when their classes are finished for the day and they go home where they live with their family, or when they return home to their family outside of University City on a weekend or break, language provides them the sense of belonging in and connection back to their home world.

In/Between: Living at the Borderlands

The cultural brokers in this study described themselves as living between two worlds. This phenomenon can be compared to the concept of the Borderlands as described by Gloria Anzaldúa (2012, 1987). In her seminal book, Anzaldúa describes not only the geographical borderlands between the U.S. and Mexico, but also a ideological aspect as well, stating that “Borderlands are physically present wherever two or more cultures edge each other” (Anzaldúa, 2012, 1987, preface). Much like the students in this study, she describes the people of the Borderlands as a hybrid, meaning, for example, that to Mexicans, Chicanas are American, and to Americans, Chicanas are considered

Mexican. Anzaldúa also presents this work by “code switching” with multiple forms of

Spanish and English throughout the book, just as the cultural brokers in this study engage in code switching.

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Rather than having to choose between multiple identities, ideologies, and cultures,

Anzaldúa (2012, 1987) suggested a new consciousness. Living in/between two cultures,

as the cultures brokers describe, is part of the new consciousness, as these students have

developed “a tolerance for ambiguity” (Anzaldúa, 2012, 1987, p. 101): she is

contradictory; she understands both cultures and is able to juggle them; she has a plural,

inclusive personality. Perhaps the cultural brokers, in adapting to multiple environments,

often at a young age, are able to more fully synthesize the otherwise disparate worlds. As

these students develop their sense of self and agency over time, they behave biculturally,

in that, they are able to maintain their ethnic identity as well as adapt to the college

environment, to create this new hybrid of the Latina college-going cultural broker. A cultural broker, living in the Borderlands, is able to fluidly adapt in/between the world of the family and the world of college, utilizing the acquisition of authority, being a speaker and advocate, with a sense of accomplishment, independence, self-efficacy, and giving back to create a bicultural, empowered college woman.

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Figure 6.1: Model of Cultural Brokering In/Between Two Worlds

Toward a Model of Cultural Brokering In/Between Two Worlds

Figure 6.1 provides a conceptual illustration of the cultural brokering process for

Latina college students. The model consists of two spheres, representing each of the worlds that the student navigates. On the left side is the “family” sphere of influence.

Cultural brokers tend to have strong family relationships with both the immediate and the extended family, which have been guided by the notion of familismo in the past and a generalized family-oriented notion in the present. In this world, the primary language is

185 typically a form of Spanish. The family sphere is interdependent and creates a social network consisting of engagement, social support, and guidance.

The right side contains the “college” sphere of influence for the purposes of this study, but can also represent the larger society outside of the collegiate context. This world is a non-neutral site, primarily monolingual. Latinas entering this world are often seeking The College Experience, a sense of belonging, and degree attainment, while encountering marginalization, microagressions, a chilly campus climate, underrepresentation in the student body as well as the faculty and staff population, and a challenge in financing their degree.

The top outer portion of the model represents the background characteristics of brokers through their experiences: acquiring authority, becoming speakers and advocates for their families and communities, a sense of accomplishment, independence, and self- efficacy, and the desire to give back. The middle of the spheres represents the

Borderlands, where cultural brokers develop. By being required to broker on behalf of their families and being put in complex, adult situations, they are often robbed of their autonomy. However, this burden also leads to the development of their independence, and eventually, an empowered, strong woman emerges from these experiences. As students navigate the two worlds, the develop a strong internal sense of self, which leads them less susceptible to outside influences and providing them with more agency and stability. Utilizing these skills, students are able to adapt and navigate each of these worlds, and both of these worlds. Students in the Borderlands also choose their language:

English, Spanish, Spanglish, both, or a mixture. This is consistent with Anzaldúa’s

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(2012) notion of the Borderlands, which is a neither/nor, both/and consciousness that

allows those to adapt to multiple environments.

Implications for Higher Education

Through this study, I explored how cultural brokering shapes the navigation of

college processes for Latina students. Significant implications related to the larger higher

educational landscape could be drawn from the findings of this research. This is the case

because although Latinas are underrepresented in higher education as a whole, Latina

cultural brokers represent a subset of the population that is persisting in this context. The

lessons learned from this research have the potential to yield useful suggestions for

collegiate institutions, and particularly those seeking to more deliberately address issues

of access and persistence for underrepresented students.

Since cultural brokers are living in/between two worlds, their ability to adapt to an

otherwise unwelcome environment, with the support and engagement of their families, is

a significant benefit. The students themselves have a set of experiences that foster a sense

of independence, accomplishment, and self-efficacy that is not always present in traditionally aged college students. Because of the inner sense of self, many cultural brokers are able to subvert the embedded privileges that work against them in the college

setting. Most of the student participants in this study articulated that they would not give

up on their education, and that belief in themselves and their ability to achieve their

degree was important.

It is essential that institutions of higher education commit to improving campus

climate (Cabrera, et al., 1999; Hall & Sandler, 1984; Hurtado, Milem, Clayton-Pedersen,

& Walter, 1999; Hurtado & Ponjuan, 2005; Mounts, 2004; Rankin & Reason, 2005).

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Students across the board tend to be more satisfied with their college experience when

there is an ongoing acknowledgement of higher education’s past history of exclusion of

underrepresented groups, and ongoing discussion regarding race (Hurtado, et al., 1999).

Addressing the issue of campus climate also takes institutionalized commitment to

structural, psychological, and behavioral modifications to be inclusive of all students.

One of the places in which cultural brokers were able to find a sense of belonging

and fit was in terms of their academic programs. Academic advisors can work with

students to identify academic program areas of interest and connect them to them early in

order to foster a sense of academic comfort. Additionally, steering Latina students toward

Latino/a Studies classes, if available, assisting in both connection to Latino/a faculty as

well as learning about the historical, political, social, psychological, and linguistic aspects

of what it means to be Latino/a, can be particularly important for their persistence and

especially at predominantly white institutions. Embedding issues of race and gender

across the curriculum, particularly in general education courses, as well as major specific

courses, also would assist the entire collegiate population in identifying and confronting

biases and stereotypes; intentional cross-cultural interaction, as well as clearly defined policies and procedures to address discrimination is also essential (Hurtado, et al., 1999).

Additionally, to more meaningfully engage students in pre-college processes, materials can be made available in Spanish, so that parents and family members can read the materials themselves, develop a better sense of understanding of the college processes, and more actively engage in their student’s college experience. Admissions

Offices would also be well served in hiring cultural brokers to connect and engage with parents regarding pre-college processes. Having university officials who are fluent in

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Spanish would enable engaged parents to also become involved in the admissions and

financial aid processes, and training all University employees on issues of both diverse

and hybrid populations could lead to greater understanding, as well.

Similarly, in terms of in-college processes, campuses should consider the types of support services that they provide and how to connect with students. Although RU has resources in Multicultural Affairs and Diversity Office, the participants in this study did not utilize these resources very often. In an effort to provide these students with relevant support, these offices must consider how they can most effectively reach out to these students and determine which resources they actually need and could prove beneficial.

Connecting these students with academic advisors early and often in order to encourage studying, engaging with academic tasks, and interacting with faculty would also be a worthwhile endeavor for these students’ academic success. Employing academic advisors who are fluent in Spanish could also assist students when difficulties arise, particularly if a FERPA waiver is signed and advisors are in communication with parents.

Strayhorn’s (2008) findings indicated that diversity in higher education encourages both academic success and sense of belonging; thus promoting, celebrating, and including diversity throughout all aspects of the institution should be encouraged.

The commuter students in this study did not have anywhere to go between classes that they felt would be worthwhile, which affected their sense of belonging. Finding a space that they could utilize and that makes sense for them may help connect them to the university and provide a greater sense of belonging, as well. These students also were less able to join student organizations that held meetings late at night or later in the day when the cultural brokers were either at work or returned home since their classes had ended

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much earlier. Some commuter-based campuses have utilized a monthly “activity hour” in which, on a rotating basis, class would be canceled in lieu of student organization meetings. Although an argument could be made that traditional learning may suffer as a

result, engaging students in this way and contributing to their sense of belonging also

encourages persistence and as a result, should be considered.

Additionally, a few of the students in this study participated in a Latino Advocacy

group at RU in which they served as mentors for high school students. The cultural brokers in this study who participated in this group felt a sense of giving back by utilizing

these skills, and they also acted as gatekeepers for the high school students who have

similar backgrounds. They were also able to connect to Spanish-speaking parents and talk

to them about the benefits of higher education and how to finance it. Similar programs

can be developed to assist both current students and future students.

Limitations of the Study and Directions for Future Research

Every study has limitations. The current study was limited to the experiences of

the 11 Latinas I interviewed, and was conducted at a large, public research institution in

the Midwest, with less than a 2% Hispanic population. While this is the flagship

institution of the state, diversity is somewhat lacking. A similar study could be conducted

at several other kinds of institutions: other private colleges within the same geographical

location; institutions with larger populations of Latinas; or institutions in areas with

higher migratory patterns, such as California, Texas, New York, and Florida. Doing so

would potentially yield different results, as well as provide rich data to the depth of the

experiences of cultural brokers, and would allow for comparison across institutions and

regions. However, since little research exists on Latina college students who have been

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cultural brokers in their families, the issue remains salient for an area with a disperse

Latina population.

Since the population was so small, there was not much room for a very wide

variety or a very narrow focus of academic majors. While there was one student who was

an Engineering major and one who was an Education major, that isn’t enough to draw

any conclusions about the nature of these gendered professions and what impact that may

have on the students’ educational pursuits. Additionally, the interviews and follow-up I conducted were just a sample of reality at one particular point in time (Czarniawska,

2004). The study was also limited by the fact that the cultural brokers were far removed

from their brokering experiences and were self-reporting memories. Some of the participants had time constraints or were in the middle of a busy part of the term, which could have potentially changed some of the narrative and detail.

In selecting a qualitative project, and narrative inquiry in particular, the intent of

the study was to bring their life experiences and stories to bear in the existing literature

on undergraduate Latinas and provide a new perspective. I took a positive approach in

illuminating the college going processes for these students. While this study presents the

narratives of students who are cultural brokers and the findings that emerged are

consistent with the extant literature, this study is not necessarily reflective of all Latina

cultural brokers who have gone to college. A large scale quantitative study could assist in

identifying the population of cultural brokers in institutions of higher education, as well

as where they are primarily located, in terms of institutional type, region, and academic

majors, and result in more robust data about their experiences. Related, cultural brokering

is not limited to those of Spanish-speaking backgrounds, but rather, can be composed of

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nearly any rising immigrant group in the United States. Other studies could explore the

experiences of Chinese, Korean, Somali, Arabic, or other non-native English speakers

who are in college.

Although I was surprised at one of the participants not meeting the sampling

criteria, her narrative account provided a revealing contrast to the other participants in the

study and helped me clarify and triangulate some of the data that emerged. Another

approach would be a comparison study of cultural brokers and second-generation in this

country/first-generation in college students.

The use of the word “Latina” for this project also served as a limitation, as an

essentialist category necessary for the purposes of this study. As the primary researcher, I

am not completely comfortable with this term, since growing up in an environment in

which we all identified ourselves by our country of origin (i.e. Italian, Jamaican,

Colombian, Dominican, Puerto Rican, Korean, Malaysian, Indian, Anguillan, etc.), rather

than by racial or ethnic umbrella terms, I am sensitive to the differing experiences of

those groups, and the fact that Latinas are a mixed race people with various points of

origin (Sanchez, 2009; Smith, 2009; Suárez-Orozco & Páez, 2009). Although the students in this study were primarily Mexican or Puerto Rican, there were also students who were various Central American ethnicities, as well as multi-ethnic students. Future

studies could focus on each specific ethnicities, such as all Puerto Ricans, all Mexicans,

or all Dominicans, or do a comparative analysis to add greater nuance to the data related

to the Latino/a experience and determine if country of origin makes a difference.

As I was analyzing the data, I found that the students who had recently graduated seemed to have richer stories and were more reflective of their experiences and their time

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in college. Future studies could focus primarily on young alumnae and their experiences

as cultural brokers. In addition to the richer, more reflective data, this would also allow

for the navigation of the full circle of the collegiate experience – from recruitment and

application to graduation and a post-graduate career – to be explored. Participants may

also be able to explain in greater detail how the experiences of being a cultural broker

assisted them in their collegiate and career goals. Additionally, exploring the notion of

students brokering “for free,” which may lead them to continue to do additional work for

free in college or in the workforce would make for an interesting follow-up study.

Finally, a sense of belonging seems to be a theme for the cultural brokers in this

study. Although many of them felt “in between,” or “in the middle,” having been a

cultural broker assisted them in belonging enough to the point that they did not question

whether or not they would leave the university. Future studies could explore these

phenomena with sorority members, where sense of belonging tends to be high.

Conclusion

While many studies that incorporate Latina collegiate participants address student attrition, underrepresentation, or other issues in which they “lack,” the narratives presented here represent a population of students that have been rarely examined in the higher education literature. The results of this study show that these cultural brokers were independent, self-reliant, and possessed skill that assisted them in persisting toward their degree, while navigating the pre-college and college processes. While participants tended

not to consider their role as cultural brokers until it was highlighted for them, they also articulated both the advantages and burdens of having been a broker, living in/between the borderlands and their ability to navigate back-and-forth. The majority of the students

193

found this to be beneficial during their college years, even as they acknowledged the

struggle in their earlier years.

My participants’ experiences have the potential to shift the overall higher

education narrative about underrepresented populations of students, and how we can

provide additional support both on college/university campuses, as well as in K-12 setting where the brokering actually occurs. This is important knowledge for higher education practitioners and scholars to pursue, as it has implications for the structural, psychological, and behavioral components of college life (Hurtado, et al., 1999) and the students that comprise it. The experiences of the women in this study have larger societal implications as well, particularly in terms of the ongoing immigration debate. As cultural brokers move through the K-12 system, into institutions of higher education, and then out in the “real world,” they will continue to encounter the same issues that plague the campus environments. Conversely, by those in the majority listening to these lived experiences, they can hopefully come to the realization that cultural brokers navigate a particular set of challenges and burdens, that may, for many, have the effect of shaping stronger and more independent individuals with increased agency and a desire to give back to the community. With this study, it is my hope that the burdens, difficulties, and advantages of being a cultural broker are illuminated. I remain committed as a strong advocate for these students and hope to continue to share their voices.

194

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Appendix A: IRB Approved Sample Recruitment Emails

Dear [Director of the Multicultural Center],

Dr. Tatiana Suspitsyna and I are currently conducting a research project entitled “Latina Cultural Brokers in Higher Education” that seeks to illuminate the experiences of Latina students who served as cultural/linguistic brokers for their families growing up, and how this background shapes their collegiate experiences. A cultural broker is someone whose parents or family members primarily spoke Spanish in their home and had to interpret language and/or negotiate culture for them. I’m writing to see if you could assist me in identifying any students you may know that have this experience.

Participants should initially agree to a 1.5 – 2.5 hour initial interview, with a follow-up interview to review their narrative. All responses will be kept confidential.

If you know of any students, please send me their contact information.

Many thanks!

Jennifer ------

Dear [referred potential participant],

I hope this email finds you well! I received your name from [Director of Multicultural Center, etc] who suggested that you might be interested in participating in my research study. My name is Jennifer Klosterman-Lando, and I am a PhD candidate. Dr. Tatiana Suspitsyna and I are conducting a research project entitled “Latina Cultural Brokers in Higher Education.” This research seeks to explore the experiences of Latina students who served as cultural brokers: whose parents or family members primarily spoke Spanish in their home and had to interpret language and/or negotiate culture for them.

[Director of Multicultural Center] believes that you have such a background and might be willing to talk with me more about your experiences. If you were a cultural broker for your family and you are interested in talking with me, the time commitment will be an initial 1.5-2.5 hour interview, followed by a review of your narrative. There may be some observation if you are involved on campus, and a follow-up to clarify information.

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Your information will be kept confidential. You will be able to choose a pseudonym, and if we discuss any information that could potentially identify you, it will be changed or redacted from your narrative.

Please let me know if you are interested! I’d love to talk with you! Jennifer

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Appendix B: IRB Approved Consent Forms

The Ohio State University Consent to Participate in Research

Narratives of Latina Cultural Brokers in Higher Study Title: Education Principal Investigator (PI): Tatiana Suspitsyna, Associate Professor, Higher Education and Student Researcher: Affairs Co-Investigator: Jennifer Klosterman-Lando, PhD Candidate, Higher Education Administration

Sponsor:

This is a consent form for research participation. It contains important information about this study and what to expect if you decide to participate. Your participation is voluntary. Please consider the information carefully. Feel free to ask questions before making your decision whether or not to participate. If you decide to participate, you will be asked to sign this form and will receive a copy of the form.

Purpose: The purpose of this research is to explore the narratives of students who were cultural brokers for their families and how that background shapes your collegiate experiences.

Procedures/Tasks: By agreeing to participate in this study, you will take part in an initial semi- structured interview lasting 1.5 – 2.5 hours with one of the study’s investigators. You will be given an opportunity to review your narrative (the data) and may be asked to participate in a follow-up interview if additional information is needed. One of the study’s participants may observe student organization events of which you are a part, with your approval.

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Duration:

You will be asked to take part in an initial semi-structured interview lasting 1.5 – 2.5 hours. You will then be asked to review a narrative of your account, which should take about a half hour. You may be asked to be observed in student organization meetings or campus events (if applicable). You may be asked to complete a follow- up interview lasting 1-2 hours, and completing a follow-up narrative review lasting a half hour. You may leave the study at any time. If you decide to stop participating in the study, there will be no penalty to you, and you will not lose any benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. Your decision will not affect your future relationship with The Ohio State University.

Risks and Benefits: Every effort will be made to maintain confidentiality and you will be given the opportunity to select a pseudonym. There is minimal risk in participating in this study. In discussing your role as a cultural broker, you may recall a particular occurrence that may cause you some discomfort. The benefit of participation is to discuss your feelings, perceptions, concerns, and experiences related to cultural brokering and how that shapes your experiences in college. Institutions of higher education who are interested in learning more about this experience, or other students who may be considering college may read these narratives with great interest in finding commonality.

Confidentiality:

Efforts will be made to keep your study-related information confidential. However, there may be circumstances where this information must be released. For example, personal information regarding your participation in this study may be disclosed if required by state law. Also, your records may be reviewed by the following groups (as applicable to the research): • Office for Human Research Protections or other federal, state, or international regulatory agencies; • The Ohio State University Institutional Review Board or Office of Responsible Research Practices; • The sponsor, if any, or agency (including the Food and Drug Administration for FDA-regulated research) supporting the study.

We will work to make sure that no one sees your online responses without approval. But, because we are using the Internet, there is a chance that someone could access your online responses without permission. In some cases, this information could be used to identify you.

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After completing the study, participants will receive a $10 Barnes and Noble gift card. If you complete half of the interview, you will receive a $5 gift card.

Participant Rights:

You may refuse to participate in this study without penalty or loss of benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. If you are a student or employee at Ohio State, your decision will not affect your grades or employment status.

If you choose to participate in the study, you may discontinue participation at any time without penalty or loss of benefits. By signing this form, you do not give up any personal legal rights you may have as a participant in this study.

An Institutional Review Board responsible for human subjects research at The Ohio State University reviewed this research project and found it to be acceptable, according to applicable state and federal regulations and University policies designed to protect the rights and welfare of participants in research.

Contacts and Questions: For questions, concerns, or complaints about the study, or you feel you have been harmed as a result of study participation, you may contact Tatiana Suspitsyna, Principal Investigator, at 614-247-8232 or [email protected].

For questions about your rights as a participant in this study or to discuss other study-related concerns or complaints with someone who is not part of the research team, you may contact Ms. Sandra Meadows in the Office of Responsible Research Practices at 1-800-678-6251.

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Signing the consent form

I have read (or someone has read to me) this form and I am aware that I am being asked to participate in a research study. I have had the opportunity to ask questions and have had them answered to my satisfaction. I voluntarily agree to participate in this study.

I am not giving up any legal rights by signing this form. I will be given a copy of this form.

Printed name of subject Signature of subject

AM/PM Date and time

Printed name of person authorized to consent for Signature of person authorized to consent for subject subject (when applicable) (when applicable)

AM/PM Relationship to the subject Date and time

Investigator/Research Staff

I have explained the research to the participant or his/her representative before requesting the signature(s) above. There are no blanks in this document. A copy of this form has been given to the participant or his/her representative.

Printed name of person obtaining consent Signature of person obtaining consent

AM/PM Date and time

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Appendix C: Initial Code Book

FAMILY/ATTRIBUTE FAMILIAL INVOLVEMENT Economics Community Religiosity “Extended” Family Family Info Parental involvement/ Ethnicity engagement/disengagement Immigration First Generation PRE-COLLEGE and IN-COLLEGE Minority PROCESSES “The College Experience” EDUCATION IS IMPORTANT Transition between HS and Col Studying SPEAKING SPANISH WITH FAMILY Career path Language Performance Living on campus Code Switching Choosing a major Financial Aid LANGUAGE BROKERING Admissions/applying Brokering reasons – self Brokering reasons – parents DEALING WITH STEREOTYPES Expectation Appearances Translating Gender Performance Example Middle OUTSIDE THE CLASSROOM Effect Work “should get paid” Leadership Worked as an interpreter

ACADEMIC EXPERIENCE Classroom Climate

GATEKEEPER/ROLE MODEL

INDEPENDENCE/SELF EFFICACY

CULTURE White privilege Transnationalism Language as a cultural marker Cultural differences Passing on culture/tradition

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Appendix D: Interview Protocol

(Note: This is a guide for interview, not an exhaustive list)

1. Tell me about yourself and your background.

2. How do you describe your ethnicity when asked? Does it change? Is this important to you? Why or why not?

3. Tell me about your family and when you speak Spanish at home.

4. Tell me your family’s story about coming to the United States.

5. Tell me about your friends or cousins growing up. Who were you close to and why? What characteristics did you share?

6. What kinds of cultural events, activities, and holidays do you partake in with your family? On campus?

7. How do you celebrate holidays?

8. How important has family been to you growing up?

9. What is your favorite story about your family from your childhood?

10. Can you describe a time when you had to translate for one of your parents or family members? Did this type of event occur frequently?

11. Can you describe any times in which you had to ensure that your parents or family members and another member of society (at the post office, bank, grocery store, etc.) were “on the same page”?

12. How did you feel during those experiences then? Now? How did you benefit from these experiences? Were they difficult?

13. When did you first start thinking about attending college and when did you discuss college with your family?

14. Do you feel this decision to attend here was a sound one? Why or why not?

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15. How have you arrived at your choice of major? When did you declare it? How do you consider this choice? Future career goals?

16. What has been your best / your most challenging academic experience at the University?

17. What has been the best / your most challenging co-curricular experience at the University?

18. Do you consider yourself involved on campus? Do you participate in any clubs or organizations (on the roster, go to meetings)? Do you plan any leadership experiences?

19. Can you recall making a conscious decision to come back here for your second or third year? How did you make that decision, and what factors did you consider?

20. What resources do you utilize in order to be successful?

21. Do you receive financial aid? If yes, primarily grants, scholarships, loans, etc?

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Appendix E: Sample Vignette

Vignette for Interview 4

ATTRIBUTES:

- PSUEDONYM: Rosa - Year in School: Senior/Just Graduated - Major: Health, minor in Portuguese - GPA: 3+ - Hometown: Born in Mexico City, moved to Midwest - Ethnicity: Mexican - Identifies as: Mexican - Lives: with parents, just moved into apartment - Been back to native country: Tries to visit once a year for a month, typically 5-6 cities

FAMILY:

- Family all moved together from Mexico City for Y2K – dad a computer programmer - 3rd oldest of 4 – older sister, older brother, younger sister - Only immediate family moved to US

SPEAKING THE SPANISH LANGUAGE WITH FAMILY:

- Primarily speaks Spanish with her mom - Fluently bilingual – makes a point to never mix languages and not use Spanglish

TRANSLATING/LANGUAGE BROKERING/CULTURAL BROKERING:

- Volunteer and paid interpreting since she was 13 - Trained medical interpreter - “People think, oh great! You speak Spanish. You can speak to anyone. You can interpret. That’s not how it works, especially in a medical setting.”

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- Mom is coordinator of Latino Breast Cancer Project and she asks her to talk formally with companies whose representatives aren’t Spanish speaking - Previously thought everyone was fluent in two languages. - “In my late teens, it scared me to think that after I left, they couldn’t communicate with the world around them.” - Mom gets anxious about speaking English - Interpreted/brokered for her mom at grocery stores – could be frustrating because she would get angry if she thought someone wanted something and they didn’t - One time, something was wrong with the receipt and the cashier was right and her mom was wrong and she had to explain - It was often the only time her mom would get mad - Didn’t like shopping because “she’s going to get mad at someone because she doesn’t understand and I’m going to have to be the one to explain it to both people and it’s just going to hold up the process.” - It was somewhat annoying at first, but now it is fine, and she can communicate pretty well - “It’s just what I do” - Often speaks on behalf of her mom if she feels uncomfortable - Her sister would be better about translating, she would get more frustrated - Benefits of being bilingual showed in interviews for jobs - Don’t know the words for common household things in English because she speaks Spanish (such as spatula)

PARENTAL AND FAMILY INVOLVEMENT/CULTURAL UNDERSTANDING

OR DIFFERENCES:

- Works in the same company as her mom - Lived at home all throughout college – just moved out - Mom was great at arts and crafts and would make Halloween costumes, helped with projects - Birthday parties would include whole families – here, they tend to invite just the kid - American friends may not talk to parents for a few months - “How do you go that long without talking to your mother?” - Older brother moved to Mexico with relatives - Parents involved in college choice – wanted her to go to the other school - Parents always want to be sure to know where she is

CULTURE AND LANGUAGE AS CULTURE:

- If people ask her ethnicity, she says Mexican – has a lot of ethnic pride

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- New Year’s Even instead of Christmas - Go out salsa dancing - Participate a lot with a community organization that does social things - Speaking Spanish is a cultural marker - For Christmases and thanksgivings, she will now invite whole families – “This is what we do” - Shared culture with a Jewish friend - When she goes to Mexico, “I don’t feel like I fit in, but I don’t feel rejected, either” – people love her and want to welcome her, but she’s also not from there. -

IMPORTANCE OF EDUCATION:

- College was always “the next step” – both parents went to college in Mexico, she always knew she wanted to go to college as well - Plans to do her Master’s or become an RN

ACADEMIC EXPERIENCES:

- More than half her classes were sociology, so she learned a lot about identity - Makes her think all the time about being a Mexican woman - Many Portuguese majors/minors were Latino also and strongly identified with that - Knew Nursing would be competitive, but didn’t get in; other school would have been automatic - Found Public Health, which she loves, by taking an Intro to Public Health class - Intro to Public Health class with maternal and child health was a good class - Bio stats class had to design a research project, which she really enjoyed - Didn’t do as well in the hard sciences – lack of support compared to public health

COLLEGE PROCESSES:

- Don’t know many Latinas who have gone to college - Assumed at a big university, there would be more Latinos - Came here because boyfriend at the time way - Applied to another school who offered almost a whole scholarship, she didn’t get any here - Bad experience with academic advising – lack of encouragement - Overall had great experiences - Lack of support in early classes; in Public Health she felt more supported and connected

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- First couple of years she didn’t make as many friends – felt she missed out on the college experience - “Once I was here, I’m going to finish no matter what”

INDEPENDENCE:

- As a commuter, if she had a big gap, she’d go home - In the beginning – didn’t have many friends and wasn’t as supported, but she grew a lot - Wanted to move out on her own – but financial support, plus mom’s health

INVOLVEMENT:

- Multicultural Health Student Association - Student Ambassador for the College - Portuguese Club - Wished she had gotten involved earlier since it would have helped with friends

LEADERSHIP:

- Worried that little sister and dad would not be able to take care of her mother as well – she can be the caregiver while she’s in college - College ambassador

OUTSIDE THE CLASSROOM EXPERIENCES:

- Volunteers with community organizations - Became a trained medical interpreter - At 13, was interpreting for a car seat project - Worked at a hospital and post-docs interacted in professional Spanish - Started to work on campus, if she had a big gap between classes, she’d go to work

DEALING WITH STEREOTYPES:

- Read articles about Latinas who have been here trying to identify as white – but she feels very fondly about her culture - Assumes she can talk to anyone and interpret just because she speaks Spanish - People writing things like “I wish I was Latina like Jennifer Lopez” on facebook, and wanting to voluntarily put themselves in a minority group (the idealized version) - Americans romanticize dia de los mortos and cinco de Mayo – not celebrated in Mexico; cultural markers are excuses for drinking -

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IMPORTANCE OF GATEKEEPERS/ROLE MODELS:

- Older sister went to college but never finished, only about a semester left; she interprets too – had a big impact on her and firmed her own goals - Academic advisors provided little encouragement when her goal was Nursing

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