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FULL ISSUE (48 Pp., 1.7 MB PDF) Vol. 28, No. 2 April 2004 Good News from Latin America? ne has to listen attentively to hear good news from rium on their labors. Much that is good about the news from OCentral and South America—together referred to as Latin America today can be traced to the indomitable Society of Latin America. Catering to our almost pathological appetite for Jesus. the sensational, a steady flow of bad news is obligingly disgorged Add Andrew Kirk’s missioner-pilgrim reminiscences, the by the media—drug wars in Colombia, U.S.-sponsored murders legacies of Walter Rauschenbusch and Archibald Reekie, and the in Central America, guerrilla atrocities in Peru, cruelty in El illuminating statistics from the Center for Applied Research in Salvador, torture in Guatemala, corruption of air and politics in the Apostolate (CARA) at Georgetown University, and readers Mexico, economic collapse in Argentina, and on it goes. will discover much in this issue to provoke, stimulate, inform, Bad news from Latin America is not a recent phenomenon. and transform. Good news from Latin America? You be the In American Holocaust: Columbus and the Conquest of the New World judge! (Oxford University Press, 1992), David Stannard chronicles with doleful clarity the most sweeping genocide in human history, one that implicated “Christians” in the systematic obliteration of an estimated one hundred million indigenous inhabitants of the On Page Western Hemisphere. Yet today the church in Latin America boasts an aggregate 50 Shopping Around: Questions About Latin membership approaching half a billion. Refracted by a bewilder- American Conversions ing variety of institutional and cultural allegiances, believers— Edward L. Cleary, O.P. most of whom are baptized Roman Catholic—are in a state of 55 Latino Immigration in Europe: Challenge and constant, ongoing conversion, sometimes to unbelief. Tensions Opportunity for Mission associated with this frequently controversial phenomenon are Miguel A. Palomino elucidated in the lead article by Edward Cleary, O.P. 60 Christology, Inculturation, and Their Latin American Christians are also swept up in the globe’s Missiological Implications: A Latin American tidal waves of human migration, forsaking the familiar in search Perspective of a better country, often in Europe. Miguel Palomino, himself an John F. Gorski, M.M. evangelical, explores ways in which the “popular Protestantism” 63 The Jesuits in Latin America: Legacy and of these European immigrants affects both them and their new Current Emphases social and religious contexts. Jeffrey Klaiber, S.J. Contributing editor John Gorski, M.M., highlights Latin 68 Latin American Catholicism American manifestations of two seminal missiological concerns: Bryan T. Froehle and Mary L. Gautier (1) the complex interplay of cultural form and theological sub- 70 My Pilgrimage in Mission stance, so that newly born, culturally diverse congregations of J. Andrew Kirk believers have “their own face” while still evincing the Christian 72 Noteworthy family resemblance; and (2) the challenge to these newly formed 75 The Legacy of Walter Rauschenbusch: A Life churches of assuming their proper responsibility for mission Informed by Mission activity beyond their own parochial frontiers. Barbara A. Lundsten The essay by Jeffrey Klaiber, S.J., reviews the integral role 79 The Legacy of Archibald B. Reekie played by Jesuits throughout the history of Christian presence in William H. Brackney Latin America. Rendered persona non grata in 1767 by King 83 Book Reviews Charles III of Spain, the society’s suppression six years later by 93 Dissertation Notices Pope Clement XIV resulted in a further forty-one-year morato- 96 Book Notes Shopping Around: Questions About Latin American Conversions Edward L. Cleary, O.P. hen two noted anthropologists canvassed coloniza- Catholic population seldom or never attended church. Starting Wtion projects in Bolivia’s lowlands, they reached the in the late 1960s two trends occurred: large numbers of Catholics last house on the new dirt road. The owner heard them coming in many countries became active in church, and Protestants in and ran out of the house yelling as they approached, “Soy católico. two-thirds of Latin American countries gained large numbers of Nunca van a convertirme” (I’m Catholic. You’re never going to converts. Empirical studies and the long history of religious convert me.) He was the last and only Catholic left in the project.1 conversion have shown that the convinced and the committed This article focuses on the popular subject of conversion in are rarely converted to a different faith or group. Rather, it is Latin America, with the difficulties both of terminology and of typically the nominal Catholic or indifferent Protestant who actually counting the number of converts. At the center of the becomes the engaged Pentecostal. problem is the issue of how long these conversions last. It appears Scholars from various disciplines have begun looking more that, in Latin America at least, it is not prudent to study conver- closely at conversion in Latin America, asking who the converts sion without also studying dropping out, leaving religion as well are and how they became converted. Besides the insight that as entering it. Following earlier usage, we may also refer to such Pentecostal converts typically come from the large indifferent leaving as apostasy. sector of Catholicism, we have evidence that converts adopt and remain in another religion primarily because of networks of Religious Conversions in Latin America friends, job acquaintances, and neighbors who bring them into the church and help them remain faithful. We have begun to look At times it does seem that the whole of Latin America is convert- more systematically at why so many Latin Americans have ing. Religious conversion is the single greatest social process changed religion, both by studying the social context for change changing Latin America and the Caribbean in the twentieth and and by listening to the reasons converts give for their new (or twenty-first centuries. Conversions from and within religious renewed) commitment to a religion. groups have rocked the region and changed the face of religion. The process has taken place through a series of quiet explosions Conversion, Switching, and Indifference that are only now becoming clear.2 While the mainstream media in the United States and Great Observers note that the rates of conversion to the new and Britain has taken notice of this process, coverage has focused changing religious groups are far greater in some countries than mainly on the challenge that Pentecostalism has represented to in others. Geographers studying the patterns of religion show the dominance of the Catholic Church.3 Far less attention has some sections of the same country with much greater religious been paid to the role conversion and intensified religious practice change than other sections. Reginald Prandi and other veteran have played in many other contexts, including the reinvigoration Brazilian observers note that 25 percent of the population of São of Indian religions,4 African religions,5 and even the Catholic Paulo, one of the largest cities of the world, has converted to Church itself. Indeed, the changes within religious denomina- another religion. Respected Argentine researchers have also tions are as significant as those between denominations. While noted the incursion of both Pentecostalism and African religion many Catholics are becoming Pentecostal, many mainstream into the extremely traditional religious grounds of their country. Protestants and classic Pentecostals are also converting to “health For Latin American social scientists this moving between and wealth” neo-Pentecostal groups. Traditional Catholics have religions seems a new and especially Latin American character- converted to social Christianity by the millions. At the same time, istic. Some give explanations along the lines of switching reli- many socially active Christians have joined more otherworldly gions being another Latin fad. Similar observations, however, Catholic and Protestant charismatic groups. Among the indig- were made of the United States, as newspapers in the 1990s spoke enous groups of the region, many persons who are officially increasingly of a religious marketplace. The Boston Globe ex- Catholic now openly embrace Mayan or Andean spirituality. pressed some amazement at the blooming of black Pentecostal Many historians and social scientists who have been looking church buildings within its Puritan city, claiming that there were at Latin American religion for the last twenty or thirty years more Pentecostal churches in Boston than Catholic ones. Later agree, first, that the main religious shift in Latin America has the paper looked more closely and published another story, been from Catholicism to evangelical religion, especially again with implied exclamation marks: 25 percent of the people Pentecostalism or neo-Pentecostalism. Mainstream Protestants in the Boston area had changed religious affiliation. also, however, have suffered losses. While these Protestants have Changing religious groups is not a new story in the United been overshadowed by the fast-growing Pentecostals, in coun- States. People have been switching church affiliation for decades. tries like Costa Rica or Argentina they exercise an influence far About 40 percent of North Americans belong to a religion differ- beyond their numbers. ent from the one in which they were raised. Some observers have Second,
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