Curtin Law and Taxation Review Volume II, 2015
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Compulsory Voting in Australian National Elections
Parliament of Australia Department of Parliamentary Services Parliamentary Library RESEARCH BRIEF Information analysis and advice for the Parliament 31 October 2005, no. 6, 2005–06, ISSN 1832-2883 Compulsory voting in Australian national elections Compulsory voting has been part of Australia’s national elections since 1924. Renewed Liberal Party interest and a recommendation by the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters that voluntary and compulsory voting be the subject of future investigation, suggest that this may well be an important issue at the next election. This research brief refers to the origins of compulsory voting in Australia, describes its use in Commonwealth elections, outlines the arguments for and against compulsion, discusses the political impact of compulsory voting and refers to suggested reforms. Scott Bennett Politics and Public Administration Section Contents Executive summary ................................................... 3 Introduction ........................................................ 4 The emergence of compulsory voting in Australia ............................. 5 Compulsory voting elsewhere ........................................... 8 Administration of compulsory voting in Australian national elections ............... 8 To retain or reject compulsory voting? ..................................... 9 Opposition to compulsory voting ......................................... 9 Support for compulsory voting .......................................... 11 The political impact of compulsory voting -
February 2019)
ELECTORAL REGULATION RESEARCH NETWORK/DEMOCRATIC AUDIT OF AUSTRALIA JOINT WORKING PAPER SERIES CAMPAIGNS AND REGULATION: ONE HUNDRED YEARS ON Dr. Stephen Mills (University of Sydney) 1 WORKING PAPER NO. 53 (FEBRUARY 2019) 1 This is an edited version of a paper presented at ‘100 Years of the Commonwealth Electoral Act’, on 19 November 2018 in Parliament House, Canberra. The Act originally received Royal Assent on 21 November 1918. The author expresses his thanks to Mike Maley and the other organisers of the event, to the Electoral Regulation Research Network, and to the ACT Chapter of the Australasian Study of Parliament Group. 1 Abstract This working paper reviews the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 by considering five particular characteristics of the Act which have influenced campaigning by the political parties (the Act’s racist eligibility requirements; its national and uniform scope; its relatively light regulatory touch; its strongly partisan character; and its failed effort to control campaign finance). **************************** Electoral rules matter. As that pioneering scholar of Australian politics and elections L.F. Crisp observed in 1955, electoral legislation creates “the framework within which the struggle for office and power goes on.” Electoral rules, he further suggested, may influence the outcome of that struggle between the contending parties or groups – and may even contribute in some degree to whether the nation is to have a two-party or a multi-party system (Crisp, 1955, p. 207). The centenary of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 provides an opportunity to test the continuing validity of Crisp’s mid-century observation. The electoral framework created by the Australian Parliament was flawed, incomplete, out-dated and profoundly racist. -
2. Working with Bruce
2. Working with Bruce Summary The Australian Dried Fruits Association took the campaign for tariff preference, summed up in a memorandum by McDougall, to the Premiers’ Conference late in 1921. The Federal Government was persuaded to raise the issue of increasing preference with the British Government, which refused to consider a measure increasing the cost of food. A delegation to help clear stocks of Australian tinned fruits in London included McDougall, who gained the approval of Stanley Melbourne Bruce, a young and very new Federal Treasurer in 1922, for his continuing to campaign for tariff preference while in London. By the time McDougall reached London, Bruce had replaced W. M. Hughes as Prime Minister. McDougall reported regularly to Bruce on the progress of his lobbying, and was asked to assist him prepare for the 1923 Imperial Conference. He helped write Bruce’s major speech to the Imperial Economic Conference, calling for imperial economic cooperation through the provision of ‘men, money and markets’. Soon after the conference, British Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin sought endorsement of further tariffs at a general election. McDougall assisted Bruce in his support for Baldwin’s case and also urged Bruce to ensure that Australia’s rural industries were organised for efficient marketing. With the election lost and an anti-tariff minority Labour Government in power in London, Bruce summoned McDougall to Australia in 1924 to help prepare legislation for organisation schemes for industries including dried fruits. It was agreed between the two that McDougall should return to London, paid partly by the Federal Government for lobbying work and partly by the new Dried Fruits Export Control Board, of which he would be the London Secretary. -
As It Was in the Beginning (Parliament House in 1927) ISSN 1328-7478
Department of the INFORMATION AND RESEARCH SERVICES Parliamentary Library Research Paper No. 25 2000–01 As it was in the Beginning (Parliament House in 1927) ISSN 1328-7478 Copyright Commonwealth of Australia 2001 Except to the extent of the uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means including information storage and retrieval systems, without the prior written consent of the Department of the Parliamentary Library, other than by Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament in the course of their official duties. This paper has been prepared for general distribution to Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament. While great care is taken to ensure that the paper is accurate and balanced, the paper is written using information publicly available at the time of production. The views expressed are those of the author and should not be attributed to the Information and Research Services (IRS). Advice on legislation or legal policy issues contained in this paper is provided for use in parliamentary debate and for related parliamentary purposes. This paper is not professional legal opinion. Readers are reminded that the paper is not an official parliamentary or Australian government document. IRS staff are available to discuss the paper's contents with Senators and Members and their staff but not with members of the public. Published by the Department of the Parliamentary Library, 2001 I NFORMATION AND R ESEARCH S ERVICES Research Paper No. 25 2000–01 As It Was In The Beginning (Parliament House in 1927) Greg McIntosh Social Policy Group April 1988 Re-released 27 March 2001 Acknowledgments The author would like to thank Vicki Haynes, Melinda King and Martin Lumb for their assistance with the re-release of this paper. -
The Socio-Political and Legal History of the Tax Deduction for Donations to Charities in Australia and How the 'Public Benevol
Fiona Martin* THE SOCIO-POLITICAL AND LEGAL HISTORY OF THE TAX DEDUCTION FOR DONATIONS TO CHARITIES IN AUSTRALIA AND HOW THE ‘PUBLIC BENEVOLENT INSTITUTION’ DEVELOPED ABSTRACT Every year the Australian revenue grants tax concessions of around $1.3 billion in respect of tax deductibility of donations to specific charities and not-for-profits (NFPs). This article explains the historical development of the tax deduction for charitable donations. It explores the exemption of charities and other NFPs from land and income tax in order to explain how this tax deduction arose. The discussion will establish that the tax deductibility of donations arose in an ad hoc fashion due to war and depression, that the concession was shaped by the personal issues and ideologies of influential politicians, that the ‘person in the street’ opinion about charities was important and that Britain and the United States of America also played a part. It will also demonstrate how the revenue was taken into account in the development of a tax deductible NFP that is unique to Australian taxation law, the ‘Public Benevolent Institution’. I INTRODUCTION ax concessions for charities and specific not-for-profits (‘NFPs’) in Australia are more extensive, complicated and generous than in many other developed Tnations.1 Tax concessions to NFPs represent a significant amount of public sector revenue in Australia. The Australian Treasury estimates that the tax deducti bility of donations to specific eligible NFPs (including charities) costs the Commonwealth revenue over $1.3 billion per year.2 The main type of charity that is * Associate Professor, School of Taxation and Business Law, University of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia. -
Dancing with the Dragon: Australia's Diplomatic Relations with China (1901-1941)
Dancing with the Dragon: Australia’s Diplomatic Relations with China (1901-1941) TIGER ZHIFU LI (李直夫) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (by Research) Department of History Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences The University of Sydney ©2018 1 DECLARATION I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, it contains no material previously published or written by another person nor material which to a substantial extent has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma of the university or other institute of higher learning, except where due acknowledgment has been made in the text. LI ZHIFU (李直夫) 3rd May 2018 2 Thesis Abstract By using little known primary sources in Chinese and English, this thesis will discuss Australia’s diplomatic relations with China, between 1901 and 1941. In March 1909, Liang Lanxun, China’s first consul-general arrived in Melbourne, Australia. Liang’s mission was to promote trade between China and Australia and as well to study the racial relations between Chinese and Australians. In 1921, Edward Little was appointed as Australia’s first trade commissioner in Shanghai, China. In 1929, the Chinese consulate moved from Melbourne to Sydney, due to the fact that Sydney had become the centre of the Chinese communities in the Oceania. I suggest that the Great Depression and the Second World War forced Australian policy-makers to reconsider Australia’s geo-political position in the world. This is the first detailed research that treats Chinese diplomats in Australia and Australian diplomats in China between 1901 and 1941 as key historical subjects. -
Commonwealth Parliament from 1901 to World War I
RESEARCH PAPER SERIES, 2014–15 4 MAY 2015 Commonwealth Parliament from 1901 to World War I Rob Lundie and Dr Joy McCann Politics and Public Administration Section Executive summary • The Commonwealth Parliament of Australia was just 13 years old when World War I broke out on 28 July 1914. • Prior to Federation in 1901, each Australian colony had been responsible for its own defence arrangements. At Federation, section 51(vi) of the Australian Constitution gave the new Commonwealth Parliament the power to make laws with respect to ‘the naval and military defence of the Commonwealth and of the several States’. The Governor-General became Australia’s Commander-in-Chief and the states transferred their naval and military forces to the Commonwealth of Australia under the control of the Department of Defence. • The Parliament passed Australia’s first Defence Act in 1903, empowering the Commonwealth Government to call up ‘unexempted’ males in times of war for home defence, but not for overseas service. When Parliament passed the Defence Act 1909, it paved the way for Australia’s first universal training scheme, which came into operation in 1911, requiring Australian males aged between 18 and 60 years to perform militia service within Australia and its territories. • The development of Australia’s defence policy was conditioned by the new nation’s reliance on Britain, the substantial cost in establishing and maintaining a navy, and Britain’s desire that the colonies should provide financial support for its own navy rather than establishing separate regionally-based fleets which could weaken central control in emergencies. By 1914, Australia had established the Royal Australian Navy and developed an independent system of military training from which could be drawn a citizen army of mainly conscripted soldiers.