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Understanding African Armies
REPORT Nº 27 — April 2016 Understanding African armies RAPPORTEURS David Chuter Florence Gaub WITH CONTRIBUTIONS FROM Taynja Abdel Baghy, Aline Leboeuf, José Luengo-Cabrera, Jérôme Spinoza Reports European Union Institute for Security Studies EU Institute for Security Studies 100, avenue de Suffren 75015 Paris http://www.iss.europa.eu Director: Antonio Missiroli © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2016. Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. Print ISBN 978-92-9198-482-4 ISSN 1830-9747 doi:10.2815/97283 QN-AF-16-003-EN-C PDF ISBN 978-92-9198-483-1 ISSN 2363-264X doi:10.2815/088701 QN-AF-16-003-EN-N Published by the EU Institute for Security Studies and printed in France by Jouve. Graphic design by Metropolis, Lisbon. Maps: Léonie Schlosser; António Dias (Metropolis). Cover photograph: Kenyan army soldier Nicholas Munyanya. Credit: Ben Curtis/AP/SIPA CONTENTS Foreword 5 Antonio Missiroli I. Introduction: history and origins 9 II. The business of war: capacities and conflicts 15 III. The business of politics: coups and people 25 IV. Current and future challenges 37 V. Food for thought 41 Annexes 45 Tables 46 List of references 65 Abbreviations 69 Notes on the contributors 71 ISSReportNo.27 List of maps Figure 1: Peace missions in Africa 8 Figure 2: Independence of African States 11 Figure 3: Overview of countries and their armed forces 14 Figure 4: A history of external influences in Africa 17 Figure 5: Armed conflicts involving African armies 20 Figure 6: Global peace index 22 Figure -
Kevin Mgwanga Gunme Et Al / Cameroon Summary of Facts
266/03 : Kevin Mgwanga Gunme et al / Cameroon Summary of Facts 1. The Complainants are 14 individuals who brought the communication on their behalf and on behalf of the people of Southern Cameroon1 against the Republic of Cameroon, a State Party to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. 2. The Complain[an]ts allege violations which can be traced to the period shortly after “La Republique du Cameroun” became independent on 1st January 1960. The Complainants state that Southern Cameroon was a United Nations Trust Territory administered by the British, separately from the Francophone part of the Republic of Cameroon, itself a French administered United Nations Trust Territory. Both became UN Trust Territories at the end of the 2nd World War, on 13 December 1946 under the UN Trusteeship System. 3. The Complainants allege that during the 1961 UN plebiscite, Southern Cameroonians were offered “two alternatives” , namely: a choice to join Nigeria or Cameroon. They voted for the later. Subsequently, Southern Cameroon and La République du Cameroun, negotiated and adopted the September 1961 Federal Constitution, at Foumban, leading to the formation of the Federal Republic of Cameroon on 1st October 1961. The Complainants allege further that the UN plebiscite ignored a third alternative, namely the right to independence and statehood for Southern Cameroon. 4. The Complainants allege that the overwhelming majority of Southern Cameroonians preferred independence to the two alternatives offered during the UN plebiscite. They favoured a prolonged period of trusteeship to allow for further evaluation of a third alternative. They allege further that the September 1961 Federal Constitution did not receive the endorsement of the Southern Cameroon House of Assembly. -
The Anglophone Cameroon Crisis: by Jon Lunn and Louisa Brooke-Holland April 2019 Update
BRIEFING PAPER Number 8331, 17 April 2019 The Anglophone Cameroon crisis: By Jon Lunn and Louisa April 2019 update Brooke-Holland Contents: 1. Overview 2. History and its legacies 3. 2015-17: main developments 4. 2018: main developments 5. Events during 2019 and future prospects 6. Response of Western governments and the UN www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 The Anglophone Cameroon crisis: April 2019 update Contents Summary 3 1. History and its legacies 5 2. 2015-17: main developments 8 3. 2018: main developments 10 4. Events during 2019 and future prospects 12 5. Response of Western governments and the UN 13 Cover page image copyright: Image 5584098178_709d889580_o – Welcome signs to Santa, gateway to the anglophone Northwest Region, Cameroon, March 2011 by Joel Abroad – Flickr.com page. Licensed by Attribution-Non Commercial-ShareAlike 2.0 Generic (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)/ image cropped. 3 Commons Library Briefing, 17 April 2019 Summary Relations between the two Anglophone regions of Cameroon and the country’s dominant Francophone elite have long been fraught. Over the past three years, tensions have escalated seriously and since October 2017 violent conflict has erupted between armed separatist groups and the security forces, with both sides being accused of committing human rights abuses. The tensions originate in a complex and contested decolonisation process in the late-1950s and early-1960s, in which Britain, as one of the colonial powers, was heavily involved. Federal arrangements were scrapped in 1972 by a Francophone- dominated central government. Many English-speaking Cameroonians have long complained that they are politically, economically and linguistically marginalised. -
Improving Prospects for a Peaceful Transition in Sudan
Improving Prospects for a Peaceful Transition in Sudan Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°143 Nairobi /Brussels, 14 January 2019 What’s new? Protests across Sudan flared up as the government cut a vital bread subsidy. Economic grievances are fuelling demands for political change, with protest- ers calling on President Omar al-Bashir, in power since 1989, to resign. Authorities have responded with violence, killing dozens and arresting many more. Why does it matter? In the past, President Bashir and his government have been able to ride out popular demonstrations. But these newest protests, demanding Bashir resign because of economic mismanagement and corruption, have spread to loyalist regions and coincide with rising discontent in his party. What should be done? Foreign governments influential in Khartoum should continue to publicly discourage violence against demonstrators, with Western pow- ers signalling that future aid and, in the U.S.’s case, sanctions relief are at stake. They should seek to improve prospects for a peaceful transition by creating incentives for Bashir to step down. I. Overview Protests engulfing Sudanese towns and cities have seen dozens killed in crackdowns by security forces and could turn bloodier still. Demonstrators express fury over sub- sidy cuts and call for President Omar al-Bashir to resign. Discontent within the ruling party, the depth of the economic crisis and the diverse makeup of protests suggest Bashir has less room to manoeuvre than before. He may survive, though likely by suppressing protests with levels of violence that would reverse his recent rapproche- ment with Western powers and deepen Sudan’s economic woes. -
Country Travel Risk Summaries
COUNTRY RISK SUMMARIES Powered by FocusPoint International, Inc. Report for Week Ending September 19, 2021 Latest Updates: Afghanistan, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, India, Israel, Mali, Mexico, Myanmar, Nigeria, Pakistan, Philippines, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Syria, Turkey, Ukraine and Yemen. ▪ Afghanistan: On September 14, thousands held a protest in Kandahar during afternoon hours local time to denounce a Taliban decision to evict residents in Firqa area. No further details were immediately available. ▪ Burkina Faso: On September 13, at least four people were killed and several others ijured after suspected Islamist militants ambushed a gendarme patrol escorting mining workers between Sakoani and Matiacoali in Est Region. Several gendarmes were missing following the attack. ▪ Cameroon: On September 14, at least seven soldiers were killed in clashes with separatist fighters in kikaikelaki, Northwest region. Another two soldiers were killed in an ambush in Chounghi on September 11. ▪ India: On September 16, at least six people were killed, including one each in Kendrapara and Subarnapur districts, and around 20,522 others evacuated, while 7,500 houses were damaged across Odisha state over the last three days, due to floods triggered by heavy rainfall. Disaster teams were sent to Balasore, Bhadrak and Kendrapara districts. Further floods were expected along the Mahanadi River and its tributaries. ▪ Israel: On September 13, at least two people were injured after being stabbed near Jerusalem Central Bus Station during afternoon hours local time. No further details were immediately available, but the assailant was shot dead by security forces. ▪ Mali: On September 13, at least five government soldiers and three Islamist militants were killed in clashes near Manidje in Kolongo commune, Macina cercle, Segou region, during morning hours local time. -
“Investigating the Causes of Civil Wars in Sub-Saharan Africa” Case Study: the Central African Republic and South Sudan
al Science tic & li P o u P b f l i o c l A a f Journal of Political Sciences & Public n f r a u i r o s J ISSN: 2332-0761 Affairs Review Article “Investigating the Causes of Civil Wars in Sub-Saharan Africa” Case Study: The Central African Republic and South Sudan Agberndifor Evaristus Department Political Science and International Relations, Istanbul Aydin University, Istanbul, Turkey ABSTRACT Civil wars are not new and they predate the modern nation states. From the time when nations gathered in well- defined or near defined geographical locations, there has always been internal wrangling between the citizens and the state for reasons that might not be very different from place to place. However, the tensions have always mounted up such that people took to the streets first to protest and sometimes, the immaturity of the government to listen to the demands of the people radicalized them for bloodshed. This paper shall empirically examine the cause of civil wars in Sub-Saharan Africa having at the back of its thoughts that civil wars are most times associated to political, economic and ethnic incentives. This paper shall try in empirical terms using data from already established research to prove these points. Firstly, it shall explain its independent variables which apparently are some underlying causes of civil wars. Secondly, it shall consider the dense literature review of civil wars and shall look at some definitions, theories of civil wars and data presented on a series of countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Lastly, it shall isolate two countries that will make up its comparative analysis and the explanations of its dependent variable by which it shall seek to understand what caused the outbreaks of civil wars in those two countries. -
SIPRI Yearbook 2018: Armaments, Disarmament and International
armed conflicts and peace processes 83 VI. Armed conflict in sub-Saharan Africa ian davis, florian krampe and neil melvin In 2017 there were seven active armed conflicts in sub-Saharan Africa: in Mali, Nigeria, the Central African Republic (CAR), the Democratic Repub- lic of the Congo (DRC), Ethiopia, Somalia and South Sudan.1 In addition, a number of other countries experienced post-war conflict and tension or were flashpoints for potential armed conflict, including Burundi, Cameroon, the Gambia, Kenya, Lesotho, Sudan and Zimbabwe. In Cameroon long-standing tensions within the mainly English-speaking provinces worsened in 2017 and turned violent in September, while the far north continued to be affected by the regional Islamist insurgency of Boko Haram (also known as Islamic State in West Africa).2 The symbolic declara- tion of independence by militant anglophone secessionist groups on 1 Octo- ber set the stage for further violence in Cameroon.3 The conflict is creating a growing refugee crisis, with at least 7500 people fleeing into Nigeria since 1 October. 4 In Kenya, following serious electoral violence, the year ended with major divisions and tensions between President Uhuru Kenyatta and the opposition leader, Raila Odinga.5 In Zimbabwe political tensions led to a military coup during November and the replacement of President Robert Mugabe, who has ruled the country since its independence in 1980, by his former vice-president, Emmerson Mnangagwa.6 Burundi, the Gambia, Lesotho and Sudan each hosted a multilateral peace operation in 2017.7 This section reviews developments in each of the seven active armed conflicts. -
SCHOOLING and NATIONAL INTEGRATION in CAMEROON by GRACE MARY ELAD Thesis Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for The
SCHOOLING AND NATIONAL INTEGRATION IN CAMEROON By GRACE MARY ELAD Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Institute of Education University of London December 1982 Department of Education in Developing Countries Department of Child and Educational Psychology. DEDICATED to my mother Anna Abamut Elad and my father Philip Mfontem Elad whose moral and financial support has been responsible for the completion of this STUDY. ABSTRACT This study examines the effects of the level of schooling on National integration in English-speaking Cameroon. National integration is con- ceptualised as the creation of an individual's sense of identification and loyalty to the nation and his willingness to accept and integrate voluntarily with one's fellow citizens irrespective of their cultural or ethnic differences. The main hypothesis adopted for the investigation (there will be a significant increase in positive attitudes towards National integration from primary to secondary and from secondary to post-secondary education) was confirmed. However, a Step-wise Multiple Regression Analysis of all the variables indicated that urbanization and not levels of educational attainment is a better predictor of National integration as far as this study is concerned. Four scales, the Nationalism scale, the Friendship Choice scale, the Language Choice scale and the Language Use scale. A questionnaire was used to obtain data from 491 randomly selected subjects from primary, secondary and post-secondary students and also from the adult population. In addition to the demographic facts, the questionnaire used was composed of four scales, three behavioural and an attitude scale of the Likert type. -
“These Killings Can Be Stopped” RIGHTS Government and Separatist Groups Abuses in Cameroon’S WATCH Anglophone Regions
HUMAN “These Killings Can Be Stopped” RIGHTS Government and Separatist Groups Abuses in Cameroon’s WATCH Anglophone Regions “These Killings Can Be Stopped” Abuses by Government and Separatist Groups in Cameroon’s Anglophone Regions Copyright © 2018 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-36352 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org JULY 2018 ISBN: 978-1-6231-36352 “These Killings Can Be Stopped” Abuses by Government and Separatist Groups in Cameroon’s Anglophone Regions Map .................................................................................................................................... i Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations ............................................................................................................. -
The Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon: a Geopolitical Analysis
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by European Scientific Journal (European Scientific Institute) European Scientific Journal December 2019 edition Vol.15, No.35 ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 The Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon: A Geopolitical Analysis Ekah Robert Ekah, Department of 'Cultural Diversity, Peace and International Cooperation' at the International Relations Institute of Cameroon (IRIC) Doi:10.19044/esj.2019.v15n35p141 URL:http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2019.v15n35p141 Abstract Anglophone Cameroon is the present-day North West and South West (English Speaking) regions of Cameroon herein referred to as No-So. These regions of Cameroon have been restive since 2016 in what is popularly referred to as the Anglophone crisis. The crisis has been transformed to a separatist movement, with some Anglophones clamoring for an independent No-So, re-baptized as “Ambazonia”. The purpose of the study is to illuminate the geopolitical perspective of the conflict which has been evaded by many scholars. Most scholarly write-ups have rather focused on the causes, course, consequences and international interventions in the crisis, with little attention to the geopolitical undertones. In terms of methodology, the paper makes use of qualitative data analysis. Unlike previous research works that link the unfolding of the crisis to Anglophone marginalization, historical and cultural difference, the findings from this paper reveals that the strategic location of No-So, the presence of resources, demographic considerations and other geopolitical parameters are proving to be responsible for the heightening of the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon and in favour of the quest for an independent Ambazonia. -
Social Media and Small Media Use During the Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon
ICT4D? Social Media and Small Media use during the Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon. BY Salome Agborsangaya Nkongho Communication for Development One-year Master 15 Credits August 2018 Supervisor: Anders Høg Hansen Acknowledgement: My deepest gratitude to God almighty in whose strength my weakness is made perfect. I am forever obliged to my creator for life, health and wisdom! I owe it all to Him. To my 3 prayer warriors, my children; Eden whose strong presence gave me courage, Mael in whose eyes I found hope and Maya whose smile gave me joy. I remember our praying times and the times I felt I could not do it, their little hugs of love comforted me… To my husband and father of my children; Macdonald Ayuk, through the good and the bad times, thank you for the spirit of determination you instilled in encouragement, your assistance contributed a lot to the realization of this project. Thank you for everything. Special thanks to my brother-friend Elvis Ayuk, my confidant. Thank you for all your words of encouragement and wise counsel, for always being there for us! You taught me the power of positive thinking, a trait I will use for the rest of my life. Thank you so much "Wise genius":) To my family, my parents, siblings, in-laws and friends. Thank you for all your love and support! Your prayers, kind words and encouragement in any way, meant a lot. Immense gratitude to my supervisor Anders Hög Hansen for his deep insights, intelligent guidance and apt corrections, his direction and suggestions greatly helped me in fine- tuning this project. -
Challenging Hierarachies in Anglophone Cameroon Literature: Women, Power and Visions of Change in Bole Butake's Plays
CHALLENGING HIERARCHIES IN ANGLOPHONE CAMEROON LITERATURE: WOMEN, POWER AND VISIONS OF CHANGE IN BOLE BUTAKE’S PLAYS NAOMI EPONGSE NKEALAH A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF HUMANITIES, UNIVERSITY OF THE WITWATERSRAND, IN FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN AFRICAN LITERATURE JOHANNESBURG, MARCH 2011 DECLARATION I declare that this thesis is my own un-aided work. It is submitted for the degree Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. It has not been submitted before for any other degree or examination at any other university. Naomi Epongse Nkealah Signed ………………………………… Date ………………………………....... i DEDICATION This work is dedicated to the NKEALAH family (Papa Nkealah, Mami Nkealah, Obed, Mbah, Serah and Prisca) to whom I pay tribute for the elasticity of their patience and the bounty of their love. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Perhaps I should start by s aying that the order in which I have presented these acknowledgements has nothing to do with hierarchy, for challenging hierarchies is a project I engage in beyond academia. I owe many thanks to many people, all of whom might not be acknowledged here, but I am sure there will be opportunities beyond the printed page to assure them of my heartfelt appreciation for their support. I am grateful to the University of the Witwatersrand for several bursaries and scholarships that allowed me to study for this degree, including the Postgraduate Merit Award and the Tothill Prestige Scholarship. I am especially thankful to the Vice Chancellor of the university, Professor Loyiso Nongxa, whose benevolence has ensured that this project is brought to fruition.