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Home , Julian of Norwich, Perpetua and Felicity

VOLUME 22, NUMBER 1 “PRISCILLA AND WINTER 2008 AQUILA”INSTRUCTED MORE” PERFECTLY IN THE WAY OF THE LORD” (ACTS 18)”

5 Women in the Early Church: Hearing Another Side to the Story Andrea Lorenzo Molinari 11 Morphing Mary: The Medieval Transformation of the Mother of Jesus Christ Kristin Johnson 17 Equality and Pastoral Rule: Gregory the Great’s Inner Conflict Whit Trumbull 21 Julian of : The Loving Motherhood of God Anne Clift Boris 23 Women and Liturgical Reform: The Case of St. Margaret of Scotland Bridget Nichols 29 Book Review: Andrea Lorenzo Molinari’s Climbing the Dragon’s Ladder Aída Besançon Spencer 31 Poems: Renunciation for Biblical Equality and Jeanne d’Arc www.cbeinternational.org Jennifer Stewart Editor’s Ink � Eighteen hundred years ago, a cell group empire. She is valiant, unassuming, realistic, and completely loyal of Christians was arrested during the per- to her convictions. She stands today as a paradigm of the kind of secution of a.d. 202–203 that accompanied virtue that characterizes the most serious of our faith: generous a brief stopover at Rome of the pugnacious to others and unswerving in her dedication to God. Roman emperor Lucius . Sadly, Severus chose his favorites poorly. His real enemy and At Antioch on January 1, 202, Severus had the actual enemy of the was not Perpetua and her fellow declared his son Bassianus (nicknamed Christians; it was his own son Caracalla, his joint consul. Severus “Caracalla,” or “greatcoat” for the military heaped titles on him and kept gracing him with the names of outfit he habitually wore) joint counsel illustrious emperors, such as Marcus Aurelious Antoninus and with him and returned to Rome, only to Augustus. But this bestial individual, similar to a stock and self- set out for a trip to Africa in 203–04. caricatured villain in a silent movie, was both gross in appear- The leader of the cell group, twenty- to twenty-one-year-old ance and in temperament. One of the most cruel and ruthless Vibia Perpetua, the daughter of a wealthy landowner, had recently of emperors, his conduct so broke his father’s heart on a joint given birth and was still nursing her infant son. While awaiting campaign they waged in Britain against the Scots that we are told, execution, she and her catechetical teacher Saturus kept a record “Worn out by sickness and broken in spirit by Caracalla’s unfilial of their experiences. Perpetua recounted visits by her desperate conduct,” Severus gave up and died.1 On his deathbed, Severus pagan father, agony at the separation from her child and joy at is said to have encouraged his sons to live peacefully, invest in his return, the intercession and support of other Christians, the the military, and ignore everyone else. The brothers became joint visions she was afforded, and tremendous courage she and her rulers. But, Caracalla had his brother murdered in his mother’s companions displayed, shored up, as they were, with God’s grace. arms, accounted for the deaths of his father-in-law, wife, brother- The diary was smuggled out of prison, copied, and distributed in-law, and brother, and, by all indications, was “suspected of try- among the churches, and still is extant today in various collec- ing to hasten the end of his father.”2 He was a busy young man. tions, making it one of the earliest and most reliable first-person Finally, following the least valuable of his father’s advice, he in- accounts of the courage of martyrs of the early church (my copy vested so heavily in the army, built so irresponsibly, and swag- is Rosemary Rader’s edition in Patricia Wilson-Kastner, et al., gered so much that he managed to alienate one of his own officers A Lost Tradition: Women Writers of the Early Church [Lanham, enough to get himself murdered while on campaign in the Near Md.: University Press of America, 1981]). It is striking for the East in the eighth year of his rule. mildness of its language, lack of complaint or against her Clearly, Septimius Severus would have done better if he persecutors, and absence of hysterics. Perpetua is revealed as a had not had a model of virtue like Perpetua murdered in what brave, pleasant, calm, mature individual whose concern is for the amounts to a drive-by persecution but had, instead, wisely made wellbeing of her family, encouragement of her friends, and ab- her the official tutor of his son. She could have schooled this solute loyalty and outspoken devotion to her God. She is exactly brute on godliness, filial loyalty, keeping one’s wits in times of the kind of person the emperor should have been valuing in his emergency, and true concern for his family and the country he

Board of Reference: Miriam Adeney, Carl E. Armerding, Myron S. Editor • William Spencer Augsburger, Raymond J. Bakke, Linda L. Belleville, Anthony Campolo, Lois McKinney Douglas, Gordon D. Fee, Richard Foster, John R. Franke, Associate Editor / Graphic Designer • Deb Beatty Mel W. Ward Gasque, J. Lee Grady, Rebecca Merrill Groothuis, Vernon Editorial Consultant • Aída Besançon Spencer Grounds, David Hamilton, Roberta Hestenes, Gretchen Gaebelein President / Publisher • Mimi Haddad Hull, Donald Joy, Robbie Joy, Craig S. Keener, John R. Kohlenberger President Emerita • Catherine Clark Kroeger III, David Mains, Kari Torjesen Malcolm, Brenda Salter McNeil, Alvera Mickelsen, Roger Nicole, Virgil Olson, LaDonna Osborn, T. L. Editors Emerita • Carol Thiessen† & Gretchen Gaebelein Hull Osborn, John E. Phelan, Kay F. Rader, Paul A. Rader, Ronald J. Sider, On the Cover • “Perpetua Before Hilarianus” by Tyler J. Walpole Aída Besançon Spencer, William David Spencer, Ruth A. Tucker, Mary Stewart Van Leeuwen, Timothy Weber, Jeanette S. G. Yep Board of Directors: Gwen Dewey, Mary Duncan, Martine Extermann, Sarah Harrison, Vince Huffaker, KeumJu Jewel Hyun, John Kohlenberger III, Ruby Lindblad, Tom McCarthy, Nancy Graf Peters, Sara Robertson, Arbutus Sider, Rhonda Walton Priscilla Papers (issn 0898-753x) is published quarterly by Christians for Biblical Equality, © 2008. 122 West Franklin Avenue, Suite 218, Minneapolis, MN 55404-2451. For address changes and other information, phone: 612-872-6898; fax: 612-872-6891; or e-mail: [email protected]. CBE is on the Web at www.cbeinternational.org. Priscilla Papers is indexed by New Testament Abstracts.

 • Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 ruled. In short, she might have made an outstanding emperor Edmund Rice School of Pastoral Ministry in Arcadia, Florida, of him (or made an outstanding empress herself). As it was, he who is the author of a delightful and painstakingly researched made a thoroughly lousy emperor—a standout embarrassment novel on Perpetua, which is also reviewed in this issue, leads off to his line. She, today, is an admired champion of Christ. with an edifying survey of Perpetua’s spiritual sisters, other wom- As an academic, I must note that en martyrs in the early church. Next, I am constantly reading complaints hen rulers do not create the conflict, Kristin Johnson, executive director heaped on the Emperor Constan- Wtrue Christians make the best and most of OneByOne, which is also Florida- tine—a favorite target among revision- loyal citizens any nation could want. Like Jesus based, revisits the first great Christian ist historians who ignore the joy and woman, Jesus’ mother Mary, and exam- their Lord, they dedicate themselves to doing respect of early church leaders like the ines how her image fared in the Middle good to others. historian and the guardian of Ages. Charlotte, North Carolina-based orthodoxy Athanasius who saw him Whit Trumbull next takes an intrigu- as the deliverer of the church from persecution. Instead, we are ing look at the inner conflict about implementing equality in the counseled these days that Constantine ruined the church by wed- thinking of Pope Gregory. Then, we take a look at two controver- ding it to the state as an institution. He has also come into a bad sial : Julian of Norwich by Washington, D.C.-based Anne reputation with the ninth commandment breaking calumnies of Clift Boris and St. Margaret by Bridget Nichols of the Diocese of Dan Brown in his historical travesty The Da Vinci Code. Ely in . Finally, Jennifer Stewart, who is based in Lithu- While, of course, there is merit to the argument the state co- ania, contributes a wonderful poem on the controversial warrior opted the church, we also need, at the same time, to recognize , . Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary senior the great service Constantine did in rescuing countless believ- professor of New Testament, Aída Besançon Spencer, completes ers like Perpetua from senseless slaughter. While the blood of the issue with a careful review of Dr. Molinari’s novel on Perpet- martyrs may be the fertilizer that nourished the church, since ua. The beautiful cover illustration from the novel was graciously God’s word never returns without effect (see Isa. 55:11), those provided by the artist Tyler J. Walpole and President Molinari. contemporary Christians I keep hearing who shake their heads Our hope for this issue is that readers will be encouraged by and lament, “Maybe we need another persecution here to clean the examples of these dedicated saints of our history so that we up the church,” have obviously never themselves suffered. They might emulate the best of their thoughts and actions and disre- don’t need a persecution. They need to get serious about their gard the rest. At the same time, as we review the heartrending own faith, clear their heads of their own whining, take a serious record of what they underwent in their dedication to bringing in look around at the plight of Christians suffering all around the Christ’s rule, let us feel gratitude for the vast and heroic record of globe, and get Constantinian in praying and acting for the pres- the devotion of those who went before us to preserve and foster ent martyrs in Nigeria, the Sudan, Pakistan, Columbia—actually, our Christian faith and be even more cognizant of our responsi- all across the world. bility to do our part to promote that faith ourselves in our own The lesson all, particularly world government officials, should spheres of influence, while at the same time working to ease the learn from the heroic story of Perpetua and the other valiant suffering of our fellow Christians undergoing persecution today. Christian leaders we encounter in this winter issue of Priscilla Papers should be to make the opposite choice of the foolish Blessings, Severus. Perpetua, who with all the other children of the empire should have been regarded by the emperor as a daughter of his extended national family, should have been honored, and his own violent son Caracalla should have been thoroughly correct- Priscilla Papers editorial team members, from left ed and not irresponsibly empowered. Perpetua was concerned to right, Deb Beatty Mel, William Spencer, and Notes with caring for her child. Caracalla was occupied with murdering Aída Besançon Spencer. his family. Perpetua was devoted to God, who rewarded her with 1. Oxford Classical Dictionary, 2nd ed., s.v. “Severus.” eternal life. Caracalla was dedicated to the army, one of whom 2. Collier’s Encyclopedia, 38th ed., s.v. “Caracalla.” murdered him. Perpetua exhibited all the refinement and virtue anyone would want to see developed in a daughter. Caracalla was DISCLAIMER: Final selection of all material published by CBE in a nightmare of a son. Christians are only placed in opposition to Priscilla Papers is entirely up to the discretion of the editor, consult- ing theologians, and CBE’s executive. Please note that each author their nations when the rulers of those nations attempt to usurp is solely legally responsible for the content and the accuracy of facts, the place of the Great God who rules over all. When rulers do citations, references, and quotations rendered and properly attrib- not create the conflict, true Christians make the best and most uted in the article appearing under his or her name. Neither Chris- loyal citizens any nation could want. Like Jesus their Lord, they tians for Biblical Equality, nor the editor, nor the editorial team is dedicate themselves to doing good to others. responsible or legally liable for any content or any statements made In this issue, we meet a number of dedicated Christian saints by any author, but the legal responsibility is solely that author’s once an article appears in print in Priscilla Papers. from the past. Andrea Lorenzo Molinari, president of Blessed

Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 •  Reconsider What Genesis Contributes to a Holistic Model of Human Relationships

Gender, Power, and Persuasion THE GENESIS NARRATIVES AND CONTEMPORARY PORTRAITS Mignon R. Jacobs 9780801027062 • 272 pp. • $21.99p

“By examining the book of Genesis from the perspectives of gender, power, who is curious about what motivates people, particularly amid family dynamics persuasion, and domain, Jacobs reveals relationships among the characters and divine orchestration!”—Cheryl A. Kirk-Duggan, Shaw University Divinity rarely considered before. Even in the chapters clearly devoted to the biblical School characters, the line between what happens in the biblical text and the modern “Jacobs has produced a fascinating study of the complicated interpersonal world almost evaporates, forcing the reader to consider both the biblical text relationships, both divine-human and human-human, in the Genesis and the modern world in entirely new ways.”—Tammi J. Schneider, School of narratives. Her erudite treatment of these texts brings into relief the variety Religion, Claremont Graduate University of social dynamics, including perceptions of superiority, powerlessness, and “With the insight of an astute therapist, the precision of an engineer, and the abuse, at work in the drama. Jacobs demonstrates repeatedly that power and artistry of a poet, Mignon R. Jacobs invites us to hear the characters in ancient persuasion are not gender-specifi c categories but are universal responses to biblical texts amid complicated webs of divine movement and intriguing, often various social constraints. With the recognition that the biblical characters dysfunctional, ‘family matters’ as she brilliantly explores concepts of relational and situations are windows to understanding our own relationships, Jacobs’s confi gurations, gender, power dynamics, and matrixes of persuasion in this insights provide a valuable tool for understanding human motives and provocative work. . . . Gender, Power, and Persuasion isj a must read for anyone behavior in society today.”—Hannah Harrington, Patten University Available at your local bookstore, www.bakeracademic.com, or by calling 1-800-877-2665 Subscribe to Baker Academic’s electronic newsletter (E-Notes) at www.bakeracademic.com

 • Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 Women Martyrs in the Early Church: Hearing Another Side to the Story Andrea Lorenzo Molinari

Introduction ministers to her visitors. Thus, we learn, almost incidentally, that Peter is a married man. It is no secret that the vast majority of the voices that speak to us While the oblique way in which we learn about Peter’s marital from the days of the early church are male. Early church history status is intriguing, for our purposes the key tradition that in- is filled with stories of famous -bishops such as Ignatius of volves Peter’s wife is found in the writings of Clement of Alexan- Antioch (d. ca. a.d. 107–8), of Smyrna (d. ca. a.d. 156), dria (ca. a.d. 150–215), who, at least according to the great church and of (d. a.d. 258). In addition to these un- historian Eusebius, was the head of the Alexandrian catechetical forgettable personages, there is also no lack of male evangelists, school in the late second century and in the first few years of the apologists, and theologians whose views are readily available for third century.4 In Stromateis 7.11, Clement relates the tradition of anyone who has the time and desire to read them. As an early the martyrdom of Peter’s wife: church historian, I would hardly dissuade anyone from taking up such a task. However, it saddens me that the stories of women, They say, accordingly, that the blessed Peter, on seeing his wife who surely must have made up at least fifty percent of the early led to death, rejoiced on account of her call and conveyance church population, go largely untold. home, and called very encouragingly and comfortingly, ad- Happily, much progress has been made toward righting this dressing her by name, “Remember thou the Lord.” Such was injustice over the last several decades. This is evidenced by a the marriage of the blessed, and their perfect disposition to- number of popular works that collect traditions related to early ward those dearest to them. Christian women, making them readily accessible to contempo- rary Christians.1 In addition, many scholarly pieces have been This story is poignant and powerful and practically begs for published that range from more general introductions to the greater elaboration. As it stands, it is impossible to know whether subject2 to specific studies of individual early Christian women.3 this story existed only in oral form or whether it had a literary life However, one of the persistent problems faced by any scholar who that would have predated Clement’s recitation (book 7 was prob- attempts to paint an accurate portrait of women in early Christi- ably written after 202).5 In whatever state it found itself before anity is the paucity of historical sources. The historian is forced to our encounter with it in Stromateis, I find it hard to imagine that learn how to read between the lines, piecing together a plausible such a tragic and heroic story, involving the wife of arguably the back story around the almost footnote-like references to various most universally beloved apostle, would not have been told in Christian women and their activities. In this short article, it is my greater detail. This is especially the case when one considers that, hope to demonstrate briefly just how such ancient detective work during this period, both Greek romances and apocryphal acts of is accomplished and how this work can bear good fruit in terms the apostles were in vogue. of fleshing out a more accurate picture of the roles women played Regardless of how the story circulated, its content must give in the early church. To this end, I intend to consider two of the us pause. Certainly a question that springs to mind is: Did this earliest instances of women suffering martyrdom for their faith, really happen? The short answer is that there is simply no way namely the tradition involving Peter’s wife and the two women to verify such a story, especially since there is no other indepen- “deaconesses” mentioned by Pliny the Younger in his famous let- dent witness to this alleged event. Thus, the question morphs into ter to the Emperor Trajan. another: Is this story plausible? To this second question we can say that the idea of a Christian woman being persecuted for her Peter’s wife faith is hardly exceptional. As early as the canonical Acts of the We don’t know the name of Peter’s wife. Sadly, like so many of Apostles (written during the last decade or so of the first century her sisters in the early church, her name and much of who she a.d.), notation is made that both “men and women” (te andras was has been lost to us. In fact, as far as the gospel tradition is kai gunaikas) are included as sufferers in the early persecutions. concerned, we only learn of her existence through the process Andrea Lorenzo Molinari is the President of Blessed Edmund Rice of deduction. Mark’s gospel, widely held by modern scholars to School for Pastoral Ministry, a satellite location for have been the first canonical gospel, tells us in 1:29–31 of a partic- theological studies in connection with Barry Uni- ular occasion in which Jesus visited the home of Simon Peter and versity (Miami, Florida). He received his Ph.D. from Andrew, accompanied by these disciples along with James and Marquette University and is author of three books: John. Upon arrival, Jesus is informed that Simon’s mother-in-law The Acts of Peter and the Twelve Apostles (2000), is bedridden with a serious fever. Without delay, Jesus goes to the ‘I never knew the man’: The Coptic Act of Peter (2000), sick woman’s bedside, takes her by the hand, and raises her up. and Climbing the Dragon’s Ladder: The Martyrdom The fever leaves “immediately” (a favorite word of Mark), and she of Perpetua and Felicitas (2006).

Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 •  These accounts describe believers of both genders being “handed one we really need to target is that woman in the back room there over to imprisonment” (paredidou eis phuakēn; 8:3; cf. also 9:2) doing dishes and baking brownies! We will crush the Christiani and stress the hostility of Paul toward his male and female vic- by cutting off their supply of after-service desserts!” Sarcasm tims, i.e., “breathing threats and murder” (empneōn apeilēs kai aside, Peter’s wife had to have been doing something comparable phonou). to Peter and other male early Christian evangelists in order to Certainly, beyond these statements from Acts, there is good provoke such an extreme response! reason to believe that the Neronic Persecution, which erupted Insight into this question is provided by an offhanded remark in the period following the Great Fire of July 19, a.d. 64, claimed of Paul in 1 Corinthians 9:5, which he makes in the context of Christians of both sexes as its victims. defending his freedom as an apostle. Paul t seems entirely possible that Peter’s Tacitus, writing his Annales (ca. a.d. 115), states, “Do we [i.e., and I] not claims that Nero decided to blame the Iwife was sharing in his apostolic have the right to be accompanied by a Roman Christians for the fire so as to mission, most likely by sharing her own wife (gunē), as the other apostles and the shift suspicion from himself.6 Tacitus ex- witness of who Jesus was to her. And brothers of the Lord and Cephas?” Here, plains that an initial arrest included those what a testimony she must have had! in an accidental manner reminiscent of the who pled guilty to being a Christian and story from Mark 1, we learn that Peter is then, on their information, “vast numbers” (multitudo ingens) accompanied by his wife on his travels. The historicity of this is were convicted and subsequently executed in brutal ways.7 The rock solid as Paul makes this comment in passing, without paus- in Tacitus’ narrative doesn’t really reveal the gender of ing to argue one way or the other for its propriety. He takes it Nero’s victims, but important elucidating evidence is provided for granted that his hearers in Corinth know this to be a fact, a by 1 Clement, a late first-century Roman document.8 First Clem- particularly interesting point when we consider that there was a ent 5 explains how in “recent times” (5.1) the apostles Peter and faction in Corinth that was dedicated to Peter as their supreme Paul “were persecuted and they struggled in the contest even to authority (cf. 1 Cor. 1:12). If Peter had visited Corinth on his mis- death” (5.2). Chapter 6 goes on to note how, in addition to Peter sionary travels and his wife did accompany him, we can conclude and Paul, a “great multitude” (poly plēthos) suffered “numerous that most, if not all, of the Corinthian Christians would have met torments and tortures” (6.1). Of particular interest to us is what Peter’s wife!13 the author claims next: “Women were persecuted as Danaids and Perhaps Peter’s wife was doing more than merely shopping Dircae and suffered terrifying and profane torments” (6.2). It is and sightseeing in Corinth as Peter conducted his work. Again, highly likely that the author here is referring to what Kathleen Paul may provide some insight into their activities by another M. Coleman has dubbed “fatal charades,” which she defines as comment he makes in Romans 16:7, where he greets Androni- “the punishment of criminals in a formal public display involv- cus and Junia, a man and woman, likely husband and wife, of ing role-play set in a dramatic context; the punishment is usu- whom he notes “they are well known among the apostles” (ei- ally capital.”9 In these often mythologically themed melodramas, sin episēmoi en tois apostolois). Thus, both man (husband?) and the criminals were forced to play out the parts of various tragic woman (wife?) are counted as apostles by Paul.14 Here, the em- figures, usually to brutal and/or gruesome result. The Greek text phasis may be less on a canonical office (certainly one meaning of in 6.2 is not without its complications, but it is entirely possible the word) and more on the function performed by these apostles, that the reference to the Danaids, alluding to how the daughters namely, that of being sent by their respective community for of Danaüs were given as prizes to the winners of a race, may be some specific evangelical mission (cf. the “sending out” of Barn- an indication of how some Christian women endured public rape abas and Saul by the church of Antioch in Acts 13:1–3). Certainly, before their executions. Likewise, other Christian women were we are also well aware of Prisca and Aquila, a married couple, executed as Dirce of Greek myth, tied to the horns of a bull and whom Paul calls “my fellow workers in Christ” (tous sunergous dragged to death.10 As horrific as these things are to think about, mou en Christō Iēsou; Rom. 16:3), who worked side by side with they are hardly without precedent in this very period.11 If one Paul in both Corinth and Ephesus and perhaps also Rome. takes into account this first-century evidence and considers it In summation, it seems entirely possible that Peter’s wife was in light of the trajectory of violence perpetrated against women sharing in his apostolic mission, most likely by sharing her own Christians as is described in so many of the later martyrdoms,12 witness of who Jesus was to her. And what a testimony she must we must conclude that the execution of Peter’s wife for her faith have had! Surely, she knew Jesus personally. The story from Mark 1 is fully within the realm of possibility. noted above implies that she fed Jesus in her own home (and There is another nagging aspect of this story. Why Peter’s probably not only on one occasion, as Jesus’ Galilean ministry wife? What was she doing that would cause her to be a viable seems to have been centered in the area). She had to have heard target for the authorities, Roman or provincial? Consider that Jesus’ teaching and, without doubt, she was an intimate witness ’s account asks us to imagine the “prince to his influence on her husband and his brother! Of what other of the apostles” standing by unmolested as his wife is led off to stuff does our gospel tradition consist than the reminiscences, her death! Surely the authorities didn’t reason among themselves, even if altered, adapted, and edited, of those who were witnesses “Never mind that troublesome preacher of this new teaching; the to the Jesus event (cf. John 20:30–31)? Frankly, I am convinced

 • Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 that the story of the healing of Peter’s mother-in-law derives from they had in fact given up this practice since my edict, issued Peter’s wife herself.15 Who would have had a greater stake in re- on your instructions, which banned all political societies. lating the story? Certainly, this would not be the only or even the This description sounded so pathetically innocent to Pliny that he most important gospel story that is dependent on the testimony was suspicious of it. He states as much when he writes, “Because of women. Clearly, the story of the empty tomb, in all its variants, of this I believed it more necessary [to extract] from two slave must ultimately depend on the testimony of women, much to the women, who were being called deaconesses, what might be truth, chagrin of some males (cf. Luke 24:10–11, 22)! by means of torture (Quo magis necessarium credidi ex duabus The deaconesses in Bithynia ancillis, quae ministrae dicebantur, quid esset veri, et per tormenta quaerere).”18 It is hardly a surprise that Pliny resorts to torture. Our next stop on our journey of investigation into early women Nor is it peculiar that he targets slaves.19 What is interesting here martyrs leads us to the Roman province of Bithynia, located on is that he claims that these slaves were recognized by their own what is now the Black Sea coast of Turkey. Our source is the Ro- community as being in some kind of leadership role. man governor (i.e., legatus) of this province, Gaius Plinius Luci, The exact nature of this role is unclear. Part of the problem known to history as Pliny the Younger.16 Pliny’s letters, both per- is that the Greek word diakonos, meaning servant or minister— sonal and professional, are an incredible window into the life of the word upon which the Latin ministrae is surely dependent— a Roman senator and the political machinations of the Roman is vague as to its exact meaning as used in the early Christian bureaucracy. Among other things, they contain a first-person ac- communities. The evidence of what male deacons did in the early count of the eruption of Mount Vesuvius on August 24, a.d. 79 church reinforces this indeterminacy in the language. Male dea- (see Epistles 10.20), which resulted in the death of his uncle, Pliny cons served as ambassadors for local churches (Ignatius of An- the Elder, and the destruction of Herculaneum and Pompeii. tioch, Philadelphians 10.1–2) and messengers/mail carriers for For our purposes, we turn to Book 10 of Pliny’s collection, bishops (Ephesians 2.1, Smyrneans 12.1, Philadelphians 11.1–2), and which contains his letters to the Emperor Trajan, who ruled from performed various liturgical functions such as assisting in bap- a.d. 98–117. Among these, two in particular are crucial for our tisms (Apostolic Tradition 21) and bringing the weekly Eucharist study, Epistles 96 and 97. The former is Pliny’s letter to Trajan to the homebound (Justin, 1 Apology 67). They gave assistance to requesting advice on how to deal with a troublesome religious widows and orphans (Acts 6:1–6, Shepherd of Hermas, Similitudes sect that he has encountered in his province: the Christians. 9.26.2) and ministered to those in prison for their confession of The latter is Trajan’s brief reply, which largely approves of Pliny’s the faith (Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas 3). In general, it methods, but cautions against seeking the Christians out. Rather, may be best to think of the deacons as embodying in a special Trajan directs that the Christians are not to be hunted down. If way the attitude of service articulated by Jesus himself, “the Son they are brought before Pliny and proved to be Christian, they of Man also came not to be served but to serve, and to give his life are to be punished. However, if anyone denies that he is a Chris- as a ransom for many” (Matt. 20:28 NRSV).20 tian and offers the requisite sacrifices, he should be pardoned What does this mean for our two “deaconesses”? It means forthwith. This exchange represents the very first extant Roman that we simply can’t know the specifics of what their positions discussion of the Christian “problem.” The fact that this exchange entailed. However, we can speculate as to at least some of their is between an emperor and one of his governors makes it of in- duties. If Apostolic Tradition 21.3, 11–12 presents an accurate pic- estimable value.17 ture of early Christian baptism and catechumens were indeed Pliny’s Epistle 96 is particularly pertinent to our discussion anointed and baptized naked, with a deacon accompanying them here in that Pliny relates his initial encounter with the Christians down into the pool of water, then it seems entirely reasonable and his subsequent attempts to deal with them through normal that a woman perform this task in the case of female catechu- judicial means. Apparently, the first description he receives of mens. Simple propriety would suggest such a function. The early Christian beliefs and practices is acquired from those Christians third-century Syrian church order, the Didascalia, reinforces this who apostatized, first confessing, then denying their faith when instinctual assumption, stating: confronted with the threat of execution (96.6–7). Pliny relates their testimony: In many other cases again, the employment of a woman dea- coness is necessary. To begin with, when women descend into They also declared that the sum total of their guilt or error the water, it is required that those who descend into the wa- amounted to no more than this: they had met regularly before ter be anointed by the deaconesses with the oil of anointing. dawn on a fixed day to chant verses alternatively among them- Where there is no woman, above all no deaconess, it has to be selves in honor of Christ as if to a god, and also to bind them- the minister of baptism who himself carries out the anoint- selves by oath, not for any criminal purpose, but to abstain ing of her who is being baptized. But if there is a woman and from theft, robbery and adultery, to commit no breach of trust above all a deaconess, it is not fit that the woman should be and not to deny a deposit when called upon to restore it. After seen by men (16).21 this ceremony it had been their custom to disperse and reas- This makes perfect sense if one considers that the anointing would semble later to take food of an ordinary, harmless kind; but not have involved merely pouring oil over the candidate’s head

Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 •  and shoulders, but most likely would have been comparable with Regardless of their ability to remain faithful to the cause of Christ, the way oil was used in both Greco-Roman bathing and in athlet- we can be certain that these women endured great suffering and ic contests of the period, being rubbed into the person’s skin and probably extensive torture. As I noted above, Pliny decided to over their whole body as a kind of quasi-mystical enhancement torture these two deaconesses precisely because he was suspi- of their physical body. Likewise, in the case of female Christians cious of the veracity of the description of Christianity he had re- who were sick or otherwise homebound, it would make perfect ceived previously. It was simply too innocent to be true. Surely sense that a woman deliver the Eu- there had to be more. We know from charist to them, especially when one hen the torturers heard the women “confess” Pliny’s own statement that the inter- considers that such duties would in- Wto an account of Christianity similar to that rogation and torture of these two volve visiting the woman in question already known, they would have reapplied their women resulted in no new informa- in her bedchambers.22 tools trying to get at the “real” story, continuing to tion. Pliny states, “I found nothing As for other duties, we know from . . .” (97.8). If we consider this pro- abuse the two women until they were satisfied that 1 Timothy :12 that women in the cess, it is logical that it unfolded as they were speaking the truth. early church did teach. The author’s follows. Pliny’s torturers, known as vehement command that women tortures and carnifices, began their should not teach is clear proof that they, in fact, did! The ongo- gruesome work, probably using some mixture of the typical ing involvement of deaconesses in teaching is also evidenced by methods of their trade, namely scourging, laceration with hooks, the Didascalia, which, while limiting the scope of a woman’s po- and burning. The women had two options. They could either re- tential listening audience, clearly states that “when the baptized main silent, enduring progressively more brutal tortures, or they woman comes up out of the water, the deaconess is to receive her could answer the questions put to them, thus revealing a similar and instruct her in purity and holiness, that the seal of baptism description of Christian worship as was outlined before by those is unbreakable” (16). who apostatized from the faith. If they took the second of these Certainly, a full discussion of the existence, role, and func- two paths—which, based on Pliny’s own account, seems to be tions of women deacons is beyond the scope of this study.23 What the case—it would not have spared them further tortures. The is important here is that, at the beginning of the second century reason is that, in the ancient world, it was assumed that slaves in the Roman province of Bithynia, two slave women were rec- were loyal to their masters and would lie to protect them—at ognized by their community because they performed certain least at first until they could no longer hold out under the intense important functions on behalf of their fellow believers. It would pain.24 Thus, when the torturers heard the women “confess” to be their position as recognized leaders and therefore “insiders” an account of Christianity similar to that already known, they within the Bithynia church that would expose them to Pliny’s would have reapplied their tools trying to get at the “real” story, torturers. Apparently, the torture of these two women didn’t pro- continuing to abuse the two women until they were satisfied that duce any new information. Pliny states, “I found nothing but a they were speaking the truth. Either way, the women were no degenerate sort of cult carried to extravagant lengths” (Ep. 96.8). doubt horribly mangled by their experience. One question remains: What was the ultimate fate of the two Personally, my suspicion is that the women were either killed women? There are a range of possible answers. If the women for their confession or died as a result of the torture they endured. maintained their confession of Christ, then we know that they I admit readily that I have little upon which to base this conclu- were summarily executed. Pliny himself tells us as much, stating, sion. My only clue is the declaration Pliny makes immediately “For the moment this is the line I have taken with all persons following his statement that he tortured the two women. He says, brought before me on the charge of being Christians. I have asked “I found nothing but a degenerate sort of cult carried to extrava- them in person if they are Christians, and if they admit it, I repeat gant lengths” (97.8). The key aspect here is the rather negative the question a second and a third time, with a warning of the tone he uses to describe both the Christian worship (“degener- punishment awaiting them. If they persist, I order them to be led ate”; pravem) and the Christians themselves (“extravagant”; im- away for execution . . .” (97.2–3). It is also entirely possible that modicum). This negative tone appears previously in his letter the women may have been broken by their experience of torture when he describes those Christians who, despite being offered and recanted their testimony to Christ. Certainly, Pliny’s letter three chances to deny their faith, persisted in their confession clearly indicates that a good number of those arrested did just of the Name. One can almost hear Pliny’s teeth grind in frustra- that. Pliny explains: tion as he writes, “If they persist, I order them to be led away for execution; for, whatever the nature of their admission, I am Others, whose names were given to me by an informer, first convinced that their stubbornness (pertinaciam) and unshakable admitted the charge and then denied it; they said that they obstinacy (inflexibilem obstinationem) should not go unpun- had ceased to be Christians two or more years previously, and ished” (97.3). As Pliny clearly states, these people were executed. some of them even twenty years ago. They all did reverence to Thus, it does not seem unreasonable to interpret the harsh words your statue and the images of the gods in the same way as the Pliny uses immediately following his description of the torture he others, and reviled the name of Christ (97.6–7). inflicted on the two women as reflecting the distasteful and, no

 • Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 doubt, bloody resolution of his encounter with the deaconesses. Roman Cappadocia (Philadelphia, Pa.: University of Pennsylvania Press, As admitted before, this is highly speculative but certainly not 2003); and Scott F. Johnson, The Life and Miracles of Thekla: A Literary outside the realm of the possible. Study (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2006). 4. Historia Ecclesiastica 6.6. It should be noted here that there is no Recapturing women’s names and stories evidence beyond that provided by Eusebius that a catechetical school existed in Alexandria before . A good and recent discussion of There is much more that could be written on the topic of women the issues involved can be found in Eric Osborn, Clement of Alexandria martyrs and their roles within the early Christian communities. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 19–24. However, for now, we must content ourselves with making the ef- 5. André Méhat, Étude sur les ‘Stromates’ de Clément d’Alexandrie (Patristica Sorbonensia 7; Paris: Seuil, 1966), 54. fort to pull back the veil just a bit more, revealing ever further the 6. See Annales 15.44. Here and elsewhere, I am relying on Tacitus, truth of women’s contributions to the development and growth Annals Books XIII–XVI (trans. J. Jackson; LCL; Cambridge, Mass.: Har- of the early Christian movement. In this study, we have sifted vard University Press, 1937). through the scattered historical evidence, like archeologists at- 7. Tacitus states, “And derision accompanied their end: they were tempting to piece together the shattered remains of an earthen- covered with wild beasts’ skins and torn to death by dogs; or they were fastened on crosses, and, when daylight failed were burned to serve as ware jar. We have brushed aside the dust of centuries of neglect lamps by night.” to reveal a portion of the face of Peter’s wife, who, it turns out, 8. The text is traditionally ascribed to Clement, the bishop of Rome was hardly a bystander to her husband’s ministry. Rather, the evi- (ca. a.d. 88–97). However, there are conflicting traditions concerning dence suggests that she was a bona fide threat to the Roman order Clement. states that Peter himself commissioned Clement (De in her own right. Her faithfulness to Jesus and his church cost her praescriptione haereticorum 32). On the other hand, (Adversus everything, yet the church only remembers her obliquely. In a haereses 3.3.1) and Eusebius (Historia Ecclesiastica 3.15.34) assert that Clement followed Linus and Anacletus. It should be noted here that no- way, she is not unlike the woman who anointed Jesus’ feet with oil where in the text does the letter claim to be written by Clement or even in Mark 14:3–9. Wherever the gospel is proclaimed in the world, mention Clement. See the discussion in Bart D. Ehrman, ed., The Apos- “what she has done will be told in memory of her.” Like this tolic Fathers (2 vols.; LCL; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, woman, Peter’s wife is part of the gospel, yet remains nameless. 2003), 1.21–23. For comparative purposes, see the discussion by Clayton The two Bithynian deaconesses are in much the same situation. N. Jefford, The Apostolic Fathers and the New Testament (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 2006), 15–19. I believe that the scholarly investigations of my colleagues, many 9. Coleman, “Fatal Charades: Roman Executions Staged as Mytho- of whom are mentioned in my endnotes, and, in a small way, this logical Enactments,” Journal of Roman Studies 80 (1990): 44. article are an attempt to recapture their names. Since we cannot 10. This is claimed by W. Holmes, ed., The Apostolic Fathers, know the name of Peter’s wife, we may refer to her as “Faithful to 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Book House, 1989), 31, n. 16. Cf. the end.” Likewise, the deaconesses can be known as “Selfless in also the sympathetic presentation of this view in James A. Kleist, The her giving” and “Witness, faithful and true.” Perhaps, in the final Epistles of St. Clement of Rome and St. (ACW 1; New York, N.Y.: Paulist, 1946), 106, n. 32.; and Ehrman, The Apostolic Fathers, analysis, these names will suffice. 44–45, n. 16. As relates to the method of execution in which the women Notes are tied to bulls, Thomas Weidemann includes a photograph of a ter- racotta figurine that depicts a condemned woman who has been tied 1. For example, Elizabeth A. Clark, Women in the Early Church to a bull and is being attacked by a leopard (Emperors and Gladiators (Message of the Fathers of the Church 13; Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical, [London: Routledge, 1992], Figure 7). 1983); Amy Oden, ed., In Her Words: Women’s Writings in the History of 11. Martial, the Roman epigrammist writing his On the Spectacles in Christian Thought (Nashville, Tenn.: Abingdon, 1994); Joan M. Petersen, the latter half of the first century a.d., notes that the crowds have actu- ed., Handmaids of the Lord: Contemporary Descriptions of Feminine As- ally witnessed a condemned woman, cast as Pasiphae, sexually violated ceticism in the First Six Christian Centuries (CS 143; Kalamazoo, Mich.: by a bull (5) as well as many other myths reenacted in the arena. As the Cistercian, 1996); and Patricia Cox Miller, ed., Women in Early Chris- story goes, Daedalus built a cow body for her and, in this disguise, she tianity: Translations from Greek Texts (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic mated with a bull so as to mother the famous Minotaur. Likewise, the University of America Press, 2005). late second–early third century Carthaginian theologian Tertullian cor- 2. This would include studies such as Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, roborates Martial’s testimony in Apology 15. In Memory of Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction of Christian 12. See, for example, the Acts of the Scilitan Martyrs, which relates Origins (New York, N.Y.: Crossroad, 1983); Margaret Y. MacDonald, the trial of twelve martyrs, five of whom are women (Januaria, Generosa, Early Christian Women and Pagan Opinion: The Power of the Hysterical Donata, Secunda, and Vestia). The twelve Carthaginians were beheaded Woman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Barbara for their confession on July 17, 180. Consider also the harsh treatment of MacHaffie, Her Story: Women in Christian Tradition, 2nd ed. (Minne- the young women in the Martyrdom of Saints Agapê, Irenê, and Chionê apolis, Minn.: Fortress, 2006). at Saloniki and the Martyrdom of Crispina which took place in a.d. 304 3. For example, see Virginia Burrus, Chastity as Autonomy: Women during the persecution under Diocletian. Of course, Eusebius is a rich in the Stories of the Apocryphal Acts (Lewiston, N.Y.: Mellen, 1987); Chris- source for various accounts describing the heroism displayed by various tine Trevett, : Gender, Authority and the New Prophecy (Cam- women martyrs such as Herais, the catechumen and pupil of Origen, bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Joyce E. Salisbury, Perpetua’s and the famous Potamiaena and her mother who were executed under Passion: The Death and Memory of a Young Roman Woman (New York, Septimius Severus in 203 (Historia Ecclesiastica 6.4–5.4). Cf. also Quinta, N.Y.: Routledge, 1997); John Wilkinson, Egeria’s Travels (Warminster: another Alexandrian, who was executed during the Decian Persecution Aris & Phillips, 1999); Ann Graham Brock, , the First (ca. 249–251) (H.E. 6.41.4). Books 8 and 9 of H.E. are replete with exam- Apostle: The Struggle for Authority (HTS 51; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard ples of the brutality endured by women Christians during the Diocletian University Press, 2003); Raymond van Dam, Families and Friends in Late persecution.

Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 •  13. It should be noted that the question of whether or not Peter was 16. The dating of his governorship is uncertain. We know that he ar- ever actually in Corinth is debated. See Terence V. Smith, Petrine Con- rived in his assigned province in time for Trajan’s birthday celebrations troversies in Early Christianity (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum on September 18 in a year which could be 109, 110, or 111. He served a Neuen Testament 15; Tübingen: Mohr-Siebeck, 1985), 192, n. 203a and n. little more than two years and died in office. Thus, the letters we are ex- 205. For a negative view, see Raymond F. Collins, First Corinthians (Sacra amining here could date from 109 to 113. See Betty Radice, ed., Pliny Let- Pagina 7, Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical, 1999), 80. However, in my opin- ters, Books I–VII (LCL 55; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, ion, there is no reason not to think that Peter came to Corinth. Clearly, 1969), xiv. Christian tradition presents him as a missionary. Despite Peter’s Gali- 17. A good summary of the letters and their historical setting is found lean roots, Paul visited with him in Jerusalem (Gal. 1:18) and then later in W. H. C. Frend, Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church: A clashed with him in Antioch (Gal. 2:11). There is no doubt that a variety Study of a Conflict from the Maccabees to Donatus (Oxford: Blackwell, of sources place Peter in Rome (e.g., 1 Clement 5, the late second-century 1965; repr., Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker, 1981), 217–22. apocryphal Acts of Peter, and even Tertullian, who offhandedly refers to 18. Whereas the above, more lengthy quotation derives from Ra- Peter baptizing in the Tiber in On Baptism 4 [ca. 205]). It is well known dice, Pliny Letters, Books VIII–X Panegyricus (Cambridge, Mass.: Har- that Corinth was on the trade route that passed from Ephesus (and Asia vard University Press, 1969), this admittedly more literal translation is Minor) and other points in the East, through the Corinthian Isthmus, my own. on to Italy and eventually Rome in the West. Simply put, Corinth would 19. The common character of this practice is expressed by Florence have been a logical waypoint on Peter’s journey to Rome. Dupont: “The torturing of slaves to obtain trial evidence against their 14. There are complications with the name Junia. Brendan Byrne ex- masters would scandalize modern sensibilities but was a logical conse- plains the issues involved succinctly: “Whereas many early interpreters quence of the position of slaves in Roman society. As witnesses to the had no difficulty in taking the second of these names (Greek Iounian) to deeds and actions of citizens, slaves knew everything that went on in be that of a woman, later tradition, almost universally, took the Greek Rome, but at the same time were totally dependent on their masters and word to be the accusative singular of the masculine name ‘Junias.’ Such would only speak at their command. Interrogating slaves about their a name, however, is nowhere attested, whereas the feminine form ‘Junia,’ masters was like asking the masters to incriminate themselves. Torture of which we would have here the accusative singular, is a common Ro- could free slaves from submission to their masters by enslaving them man name. It is now widely accepted that the second name is that of a to their own bodies. They would speak not to obey their master but to woman , probably the spouse of Andronicus” (Romans [Sacra obey the dictates of pain. Slaves, as we have seen, had no animus, were Pagina 6; Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical, 1996], 453). For a more exten- devoid of moral autonomy, and if they were no longer guided by their sive discussion of the textual issues, see Bernadette Brooten, “‘Junia… masters’ will then they could be led only by sensuality and natural in- Outstanding among the Apostles’ (Romans 16:7),” in Women Priests: A stincts, impulsus. And as everyone in Rome knew perfectly well, men Catholic Commentary on the Vatican Declaration (ed. L. Swidler and A. instinctively sought to escape pain” (Daily Life in Ancient Rome [Oxford: Swidler; New York, N.Y.: Paulist, 1977), 141–44; and Bonnie Thurston, Blackwell, 1992], 61). However, it should be noted that there were plenty Women in the New Testament: Questions and Commentary (Companions of instances in which the tortured slaves did not give testimony (true or to the New Testament; New York, N.Y.: Crossroad, 1998), 56–57. false) against their masters, merely to save their own skins (e.g., Valerius 15. It should be noted here that there is some question about the Maximus, Works 6.8.1; Cicero, For Cluentius 63, 176). In the end, the Ro- identity of exactly who brings the mother-in-law’s condition to Jesus’ man courts understood that torture was not always effective as a means attention. The Greek text in Mark 1:30 is vague, saying only “and imme- of learning the truth of a case: “It is stated in our constitutions that trust diately they tell him about her” (note the use of the present tense—kai should not always be given to torture, but torture should not always be euthus legousin autō peri autēs). If the subject is intended here to be Peter rejected. Torture is a weak and dangerous thing that may fail the truth. and Andrew, it is strange that they are depicted as relating the woman’s Many people have the patience and endurance to be contemptuous of condition to Jesus as if it were of little importance, a mere afterthought. torture. The truth can never be extracted from them. Others have so The scene would make more sense if, when Jesus arrived at the home, little patience that they would tell any kind of lie rather than suffer tor- he was met at the door by its occupants (i.e., the women and, perhaps, ture” (Justinian, Digest 48.18.1.23). children) who were intimately aware of the woman’s current situation. 20. Cf. also Luke 22:27. It may be this concept that is understood Vincent Taylor suggests a similar way of interpreting this passage, pro- by Ignatius of Antioch when he states that “the deacons, who are most posing that the subject of this phrase be understood as “those of Simon’s dear to me [are] entrusted with the service of Jesus Christ, who was [family]” (hoi peri ton Simōna) (The Gospel According to St. Mark [Lon- from eternity with the Father and was made manifest at the end of time” don: MacMillian, 1955], 179). Likewise, more recently, John R. Donahue (Magnesians 6.1). For more on the varied role of the early deacons, see and Harrington recognize the disciples and the “they” of verse Testamentum Domini 1.33–34 and Canons of Hippolytus 5. Recent transla- 30 to be two different groups (The Gospel of Mark [Sacra Pagina 2; Col- tions of these and other relevant texts can be found in Paul F. Bradshaw, legeville, Minn.: Liturgical, 2002], 81). Maxwell E. Johnson, and L. Edward Phillips, The Apostolic Tradition: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress, 2002), 60–66. The Martyrdom of Perpetua is our first knowledge of Christi- 21. Here and elsewhere, all quotations from the Didascalia are taken anity in the province of North Africa. A in Carthage from Lucien Deiss, Early Sources of the Liturgy (Collegeville, Minn.: Li- was dedicated to Perpetua. Tertullian called her “that brav- turgical, 1975). est martyr of Christ” (On the Soul 55.4). Augustine preached 22. Evidence for deaconesses ministering to sick women is provided in honor of Perpetua and Felicity on March 7, the anniversa- in Epiphanius, Adversus haereses 3.2.79. 23. This matter has been debated and argued by many with ranging ry of their deaths, describing them as “two jewels” who have results. For example, a negative assessment of the evidence is given by “flashed in the Church today” (Sermon 394.1). He added, “ac- Aimé Georges Martimort (Deaconesses: An Historical Study [San Fran- cording to the inner self they are found to be neither male cisco, Calif.: Ignatius, 1985]). On the other hand, a more positive view nor female” (Sermon 280.1).1 Aída Besançon Spencer of the evidence is advocated by John Wijngaards (Women Deacons in the Early Church: Historical Texts and Contemporary Debates [New York, 1. edmund Hill, trans. Sermons III/10 and III/8, The Works of Saint Au- N.Y.: Herder & Herder, 2006]). gustine, ed. J. Rotelle (Hyde Park, N.Y.: New City Press, 1995/1994). 24. See n. 17.

10 • Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 Morphing Mary: The Medieval Transformation of the Mother of Jesus Christ Kristin Johnson

What happened to Mary? ture and to the Apostle’s Creed, which states that Jesus Christ was “conceived by the Holy Ghost [and] born of the Mary,”6 an In the time of Herod, king of Judea, a young Jewish girl gave birth accurate picture of Mary should be of concern. to a child who would change the course of history. What is men- The church argued strenuously in the fourth century regard- tioned of her in Scripture is significant, yet, throughout the cen- ing the accurate understanding and portrayal of Jesus as the Son turies, the identity and person of Mary has been elaborated upon of God in relationship to God the Father in the Trinitarian con- by Catholics and often overlooked by Protestants. The biblical troversies.7 In fact, it was the equality of the Son and the Father Mary was a woman who is to be revered not only for her faith in established at the Nicene (a.d. 325) and Chalcedonian (a.d. 451) God, but also for what God accomplished through her. However, Councils that inadvertently encouraged the elevation of Mary’s the metamorphosis of Mary’s identity from humble Jewish girl to status as Theo-tokos,or “Mother of God.”8 However, while the di- semi-divine Mother of God was born out of the tradition of the vine status of Jesus was revealed from his own lips in Scripture,9 medieval church, not the Scriptures. the elevated status of Mary is only to be found in the traditional Mary has come a long way in the history of the church. Her documents of the church. As today’s Roman has depiction in the Scriptures as a humble young woman with enor- overemphasized Mary to the point of calling her Mediatrix,10 a mous faith and courage who, as a virgin, gave birth to Jesus, the Son concept found nowhere in Scripture, Protestant churches, con- of God, and raised him (as well as more than seven or eight other versely, have tended to deemphasize Mary in order to elevate children) has been overshadowed by church tradition that depicts Jesus. Protestants do not believe that Mary is intrinsic to one’s Mary as a devoutly religious celibate (conceived immaculately) salvation. Jesus’ emphatic words, “I am the way the truth and the who never consummated her marriage and gave birth to Jesus life. No one comes to the Father except through me,” (John 14:6) without disrupting her hymen so as to insure her perpetual vir- are used by Protestants to argue against Mary’s role as “Co-Re- ginity.1 The Mary of the gospels who proclaimed, “I am the Lord’s demptrix”11 and are considered authoritative because they are servant. . . . May it be to me as you have said,” (Luke 1:38)2 is a far scriptural and have passed the test of canonical authority. How- cry from the Mary enshrined in gold leaf who, as Theo-tokos, or ever, the medieval church’s reliance on such documents as the Mother of God, and intercessor, “occupies the principal mediat- Protoevangelium of James (a.d. 120) and its tendency to interpret ing position, as a creature belonging to both earth and heaven.3 Scripture allegorically allowed for “exegesis [to] sometimes play The biblical Mary, who, in her humanity, misunderstood Jesus’ handmaiden to personal and cultural assumptions.”12 mission at one point and came to “take charge of him” because The tendency of the church, Catholic and Protestant, to distort Jesus’ family thought that he was “out of his mind” (Mark 3:21), or ignore the person of Mary has less to do with than it stands in opposition to the Mary of the medieval tradition, who, does with physiology. The one indisputable yet controversial fact “from the first instance of her conception, [is] totally preserved is that Mary, who was the chosen instrument of God for the great- from the stain of original sin throughout her life.”4 est display of his power and mercy on earth, was a woman. The What happened to the faithful young virgin who bore Jesus church has had a hard time dealing with the feminine, so much so Christ and, with , became a mother of several sons, one of that women used by God, such as Mary, simply have been ignored whom (James) became the leader of the Jerusalem church (Acts or morphed into supernatural creatures devoid of female sexual- 12:17; 15; 21:18; Gal. 2:9, 12) and writer of an epistle (James 1:1), ity. These anti-feminine views are rooted in the medieval church, and another by the name of Judas who wrote the epistle of Jude which was notorious for defaming the feminine to the point (Jude 1:1)? What happened to the identity of this brave, godly that women were taught that they had to become men to serve woman who experienced supernatural events surrounding her Christ.13 Consequently, celibacy and virginity were embraced as pregnancy, yet who was neither perfect nor omniscient and did qualities of piety so that flourished and even married not always understand her son’s mission (Mark 3:34)? What hap- couples were encouraged to refrain from the sin of sexual rela- pened to Scripture’s depiction of a faithful, ordinary woman who endured the horrific death of her son and the seeming death of all Kristin Johnson is a Lydia Scholar for the Network of Presbyterian the promises God had given to her, yet became a faithful disciple Women in Leadership and the Executive Director and pillar in the Christian church (Acts 1:14)? for OneByOne, a Presbyterian renewal ministry Why is the Mary of the Scriptures so different from the Mary that educates and equips the church to minister Christ’s truth and grace to those who struggle depicted in the traditions of the church that came to full flower in with unwanted same-sex attraction, sexual addic- the medieval era? For those who do not believe in the virgin birth tion, and the effects of sexual abuse. She has also of Jesus, the portrayals of Mary in the Bible and in the Roman served as the President of Christians for Biblical Catholic Church can be written off as myths or as dramatized Equality, Boston chapter. elaborations at best.5 However, for those who adhere to Scrip-

Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 • 11 tions unless they intended to procreate.14 Sexuality and feminin- and “a man may give testimony against his wife by which she may ity became deterrents to salvation, so virginity became a means to be executed by stoning if his testimony may be shown true”; a holiness and even salvation. Still, in the twenty-first century, the woman who does not submit to her husband, her head, is “guilty Roman Catholic Church’s Catechism states, “Christ’s birth did not of the same crime as a man who does not submit to his head diminish his mother’s virginal integrity but sanctified it” (emphasis (Christ)”; “a woman has no power but in all things may be sub- mine).15 The fact that the church has to qualify childbirth (even ject to the power of man”; and “because of original sin [woman] the birth of Christ!) shows how disparagingly a woman’s body ought to be seen to be subordinate . . . in church she may not have and reproduction were viewed in the medieval church, even in her head uncovered and she is not allowed to speak.”20 marriage, when contrasted with virginity and chastity. (d. a.d. 1247), appointed by Pope Leo XIII, This negative view of women was not exclusive to the me- became one of the most influential and authoritative Christian dieval church. In fact, the view of women as inferior and more theologians for Catholics and Protestants alike. Thomas was not susceptible to evil was directly transplanted from several Church only influenced by the ’ negative view of women, Fathers who were influenced by rabbinic teachings as well as the but also was highly influenced by Greek philosophy, which depre- pagan Greco-Roman culture, which venerated goddesses such cated women. He “interpreted the writings of Saint Paul through as Athena while demeaning female nature.16 It would seem at the mind of Aristotle, and the Greek deprecation of women be- first glance that elevating Mary to semi-divine status would el- came solidly infused within Christian theology.”21 Thomas wrote: evate the status of women; however, women remained in a state The active power in the seed of the male tends to produce of subjectivity and inferiority. In fact, the elevation of Mary as something like itself, perfect in masculinity; but the procre- otherworldly was predicated on the misogynist assumption that ation of a female is the result either of the debility of the active ordinary women were inferior to men, prone to deception, and power, of some unsuitability of material, or of some change untrustworthy. Therefore, Mary, the mother of Jesus—the mother effected by external influences, like the south wind, for ex- of the Son of God—could not have been a mere woman, for how ample, which is damp, as we are told by Aristotle. . . . Aristotle could a woman, who is by her own female nature prone to evil, says, “with man male and female are not only joined together have been chosen and entrusted by God to execute his most holy for purposes of procreation . . . but to establish a home life and anticipated mission? . . . in which man is head of the woman.”22 In the medieval, patristic, and Greco-Roman mind, the bib- lical view of women and, thus, God’s choosing of Mary went Thomas also infused into his theology the Greek notion that rea- against humanity’s entire patriarchal culture. The fact is that the son dominates emotion and that man represents reason, which medieval church had to deify Mary in order to continue to rel- is superior, while woman represents emotion, which is inferior. egate women to positions of inferiority and exclude them from Therefore, it is not surprising that Thomas taught and wrote, participation and leadership within the church. Only one woman “Such is the subjection in which woman is by nature subordinate could have a position of authority in the church, and that was the to man, because the power of rational discernment is by nature Blessed Virgin, who was no mere woman, but was the sinless and stronger in man.”23 In addition to perpetuating these Greco- “ever-virgin” Queen of Heaven. Therefore, the transformation of Roman male/female distinctions, Thomas also taught the “in- Mary from faithful yet fallible to the immaculate trinsic evil of sexual desire.”24 Only for purposes of procreation Mother of God is paradoxically a product of humanity’s consis- should a married man and woman act on their sexual desires.25 tently negative view of women. The connection between Aristotelian and medieval church views How the negative view of women led to the of women and sexuality was a “mind/senses distinction . . . ac- veneration of Mary cording to which woman, the ‘body’ of man, is necessarily subor- dinate to him as the passions are subject to the intellect.”26 Con- In the medieval church, the status of women met an all-time low sequently, the belief that man was to rule woman was seen as akin while the status of Mary reached an all-time high. The twelfth to reason controlling the appetite. century “marked the high point of Marian devotion as well as Church leaders agreed with the Greco-Roman philosophy the flowering of cathedral-building: it was the age of ‘Notre that the body or soul was seen to be opposed to the spirit. Origen Dame.’”17 However, ordinary women were increasingly excluded stated that “the spirit is said to be male; the soul can be called from leadership roles in the church.18 This was due in large part female.”27 He also taught in his Genesis Homily I that, in order for to the Church Fathers, whose disparaging views of women were the spirit and body to work together, it required them to “turn the engrafted into such documents as the Decretum (a.d. 1140), an inclination of the flesh, which has been subjected . . . and have important reference book of the written by Mas- dominion over it, while the flesh, of course, becomes insolent ter Gratian of Bologna.19 Gratian quotes Augustine, , and in nothing against the will of the spirit.” Therefore, because the and concludes, based on their writings, the following: body, which was considered to be prone to chaos and evil, was women are legally under the authority of men; women are to in need of suppression, it would follow that women, who rep- obey their husbands as sons obey their fathers; women, unlike resented the body or soul, be controlled and restrained as well. men, are not made in the image of God; wives are to be servants R. Howard Bloch states that “the distrust of woman in the writ-

12 • Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 ings of the early church fathers is at least partially attributable fasting, my body was ice-cold: yet my mind was burning with to a refusal of, a barrier against, the contumacious presence of desire, and the fires of lust kept boiling up within me. . . .36 the body.”28 Bloch rightly concludes that the “disenfranchising Jerome took these negative notions of marriage and sexual desire alliance of woman with the senses as opposed to mind, with the and, unfortunately, came to the conclusion that virginity was a body as opposed to the soul, has far-reaching implications within means to spiritual attainment, particularly a woman’s spiritual at- the hierarchized ontological op- tainment, and interpreted the vir- positions that dominate medieval he Church Fathers so spiritualized virginity that both gin birth as a model for this spiri- thought, culture, and society.”29 Jerome and Augustine speculated as to whether tual endeavor. Jerome states: Therefore, it is no wonder that T married persons would be allowed into heaven and the silencing of The virtue of continence used to be women in the medieval church because they believed the mere “wanton incentive” to found only in men, and Eve went went hand in hand, and it is no intercourse was sinful—even in marriage. on sustaining the labour-pains of wonder that Mary had to be el- childbirth. But now that a virgin evated as more than a mere woman. This ascetic trend “gained has conceived in the womb and borne for us a child of which momentum with St. Jerome, the influential ascetic who gave the the prophet says that “Government shall be upon his shoulder, church its Latin and popularized belief in Mary’s per- and his name shall be called the mighty God, and everlasting petual virginity.”30 Jerome believed that marriage “ranked third Father,” the chain of the curse is broken. Death came through after virginity and widowhood in its spiritual yield.”31 He ranted Eve, but life has come through Mary. And thus the gift of virgin- against a monk named Jovinian and eventually had him excom- ity has been bestowed most richly upon women, seeing that it municated for daring to suggest that “baptized Christians can at- has had its beginning from a woman. As soon as the Son of tain equal spiritual merit whether married, single, or widowed.”32 God set foot upon earth, he formed a new household for Him- Jerome refuted Jovinian’s interpretation of 1 Corinthians 7 with self here, so that, just as He was adorned by angels in heaven, his own thoughts on this passage and then cited extensively from angels might also serve Him on earth [emphasis mine].37 Theophrastus, a pagan philosopher who followed Aristotle’s teaching. Jerome’s view “was endlessly quarried by subsequent The Church Fathers so spiritualized virginity that both Jerome writers.”33 He states: and Augustine speculated as to whether married persons would be allowed into heaven because they believed the mere “wanton What am I to do when the women of our time press me with incentive” to intercourse was sinful—even in marriage.38 Clem- apostolic authority, and before the first husband is buried re- ent of Alexandria states, “To indulge in intercourse without in- peat over and over again from memory the precepts which tending children is to outrage nature. . . . [I]f we weave the ideals allow a second marriage? May those who despise the faith- of chastity by day and then unravel them in the marriage bed fulness of Christian purity at least learn chastity from the at night, we do no better than Penelope at her loom.”39 It is not heathen. The Book of Theophrastus on marriage is said to be surprising that Clement of Alexandria had a low view of women. worth its weight in gold. In it the author asks whether the wise He believed that man had a stronger nature than woman and that man marries. And after laying down these conditions—that even a man’s body hair was proof of his primacy.40 a wife must be fair, of good character, and honest parentage, Such great theologians as Tertullian and Augustine taught that the husband in good health and of ample means—and after woman was to blame for the fall of humanity. Tertullian taught saying that under these circumstances a wise man sometimes that being female was a “condition” that required the truly devout enters the state of matrimony, he immediately proceeds thus: woman to dress as if in mourning in order to “expiate more fully “But all these conditions are seldom satisfied in marriage. A by all sorts of penitential garb that which woman derives from wise man therefore must not take a wife. For in the first place Eve—the ignominy . . . of original sin and the odium of being the his study of philosophy will be hindered, and it is impossible cause of the fall of the human race.”41 Tertullian then goes on to for anyone to attend his books and his wife at the same time” quote the curse of Eve as dictating the rightful place of Christian . . . if we have a wife we can neither leave her behind, nor take women: “‘In sorrow and anxiety, you will bring forth, O woman, the burden with us [emphasis mine].34 and you are subject to your husband, and he is your master.’ Do you not believe that you are [each] an Eve?”42 Ambrose, the tutor Jerome also stresses the “unremitting vigilance against desire”35 of Augustine, was of one mind with Tertullian. Ambrose stated, in a letter of advice to his friend Paula’s daughter: “She [Eve] was the first to be deceived and was responsible for When I was living in the desert . . . tears and groans were deceiving the man.”43 Therefore, Augustine also rationalized that my daily routine; and whenever drowsiness overcame my woman was not made in the image of God: “Woman together struggles against it, I bruised my bones . . . although in my with her husband is the image of God so that the whole human fear of hell I had consigned myself to this prison, where I had substance is one image. But when she is assigned as a help-mate, no companions but scorpions and wild beasts, I often found a function that pertains to her alone, then she is not the image of myself surrounded by dancing girls! My face was pale from God; but as far as the man is concerned, he is by himself alone the

Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 • 13 image of God”44 agreed and added that “the their husbands.58 Even Irenaeus, who did not deprecate women ‘image’ [of God] has rather to do with authority, and this only the like other Church Fathers did, still believed that women were the man has; the woman has it no longer. For he is subject to no one, cause of the fall.59 Therefore, women were told by later Church while she is subject to him.”45 Fathers that consecrating themselves as virgins would “enable It is not surprising that women attempted through virginal them to overcome the curse of Eve.”60 For the medieval woman monasticism to rid themselves of the contamination of their fe- who was already married and for the “fallen” woman, the only male sex. They were following the teachings of the Church Fa- way to salvation was penitence.61 thers, such as Ambrose, who said, “She who does not have faith The role of women in this medieval world of asceticism was is a woman and should be called by the name of her sex, but she not shaped by the real Mary as much as the image of Mary was who believes progresses to perfect manhood . . . she then does shaped by the patriarchal culture. The superiority of virginity led away with the name of her sex.”46 Liberation for medieval women to the elevation of Mary as the prototypical Blessed Virgin, whom meant no longer being a woman. In Jerome’s opinion, a woman women were to emulate, if not in complete celibate devotion, at who wanted to serve Christ “will cease to be a woman and will least as submissive, humble, and penitent mothers and wives. If be called a man.”47 Interestingly, once women assumed this shed- married women took vows of celibacy, it was all the better for ding of their female sexuality, Jerome himself was surprised at their spiritual advancement.62 The practice of taking vows of celi- their achievements. Two women whom he admired in particular bacy was written into the biography of Mary in one of the most were co-editors with him of the Latin Vulgate.48 However, lat- influential apocryphal gospels, the Protoevangelium of James, er Church Fathers erased these women’s names and referred to written in the late second century by an author claiming to be them as “venerable brothers.”49 one of the twelve apostles, James the Less, the Son of Alphaeus. This defeminization in the medieval church had pagan roots. However, the author has been found by scholars to be ignorant of Christian theologians agreed with pagan beliefs that courage was Jewish customs and the geography of Palestine.63 equated with manhood and that “a woman who had triumphed The Protoevangelium of James and other documents, such as over female weakness was praised—as Olympias was and many Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew, History of Joseph the Carpenter, and others—not for being a brave woman, but for being a man.”50 The Gospel of the Birth of Mary (third to fourth century a.d.), assert Greek goddess Athena was not born of a woman, but out of the that Mary’s mother, Anna, conceived Mary by divine interven- head of a male god—Zeus—and was delivered brandishing an tion and vowed to take Mary to the temple at the age of three, array of weaponry. Athena, the patron goddess of the capital of where she would live and remain a virgin, receiving food from Greece, is the “archetype of the masculine woman”51 who denied the hand of an angel and weaving purple and scarlet veils for the her femininity to find a divine place in a man’s world. temple.64 The Protoevangelium of James asserts that Mary was In addition to defeminization, virginity is also prevalent given in marriage to Joseph (a priest) at the request of his fellow among Greek goddesses. Artemis was a virgin, as was Athena; priests who claimed that Mary would defile the temple because nevertheless, she was associated with childbirth and the female she had just turned twelve years old.65 cycle and “probably evolved from the concept of a primitive And the priest said to Joseph, “You have been chosen by lot to mother goddess.”52 Not only was femininity deprecated by the receive the virgin of the Lord as your Ward.” But Joseph an- female goddesses themselves, but they devalued marriage as swered him, “I have sons and am old; she is but a girl. I object well. “Hera defied her husband and Aphrodite ignored hers . . . lest I should become the laughing-stock to the sons of Israel.”66 other major goddesses chose not to marry at all.”53 For mortal Greek women, their lives were “circumscribed by domesticity . . . Joseph is then described as having been previously married. He is [g]oddesses, on the other hand, even if married, were not con- described as a widower with four sons and two daughters. strained by familial obligations.”54 The parallels between Greek myth and medieval church There was a man whose name was Joseph, descended from a practice and monasticism are striking. However, it was “extraor- family of Bethlehem, a town of Judah, and the city of King Da- dinary . . . in Greco-Roman terms, for a woman to opt not to vid. This same man, being well instructed with wisdom and marry.”55 Greco-Roman goddesses had this option, but not ordi- learning, was made priest in the temple of the Lord. He was, nary women. However, for the medieval woman, renouncing the also, skilful in his trade which was that of a carpenter and like female sex along with marriage became more than an option, but all men he married a wife. Moreover he begot for himself sons a holy endeavor. A woman could enter the spiritual realm, cast off and daughters, in fact four sons and two daughters—Judas, her femininity, free herself from the constraints of marriage, and Justus, James, and —Assia and Lydia . . . at length the create a legitimate place for herself as a saint. Moreover, “the re- wife of righteous Joseph, a woman intent on the divine glory nunciation and denial of sexuality could in themselves be a path in all her works, died.67 to God.”56 Like martyrdom, which was a way to sainthood, celi- The fact that the Protoevangelium of James became a part of bacy became the new “way to perfection” for men and women.57 church tradition and was seen as an authoritative supplement However, for women in particular, celibacy provided a way to to the Scriptures is due in large part to Jerome, the formidable reverse the curse of original sin and the subsequent subjection to translator of the Vulgate. In addition to “promot[ing] the practice

14 • Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 —and the ideal—of celibacy,”68 Jerome endorsed the Proto- ings of the medieval church, one does not have to be of a particu- evangelium of James and copied the earliest surviving version of lar gender or be an asexual celibate to enter into God’s presence the Gospel of the Birth of Mary.69 The Protoevangelium of James and favor. The greatness of Mary was her faith in God’s greatness, claimed that Mary’s virginity remained intact after the birth of nothing more. It is the “nothing more” that was antithetical to the Jesus, and, because Jerome insisted on this fact in Anti Helvidius, medieval church and it remains antithetical to human nature. We it remained undisputed in the church.70 want more—more credit. For the medieval church to have given The negative view of women as the “Devil’s gateway”71 led to Mary credit that belongs to God alone was idolatrous. the belief that women are inferior to men and are subject to men. In turn, not giving enough credit to individuals willing to be This then led to the notion that a woman could transcend this used by God to accomplish his purposes is also shortsighted. state of blame and subjection by eschewing her sexuality and liv- While the medieval church gave too much credit to the male cler- ing a celibate life. This desired attainment led devout girls and gy, it neglected women and the . When the male clergy failed women to aspire to a state of perpetual virginity to the point that to accept Mary as revealed in Scripture, did not appreciate what a woman could “fall from the highest rank of immaculate virgin- God did through a woman who faithfully put her life and reputa- ity to a lower one by marrying.”72 Thus, the negative view of femi- tion in God’s hands, and did not take the time to ponder the enor- ninity and the subsequent idolatry of celibacy created the cult of mity of God’s entrusting to her his only Son, they neglected—and Mary and propagated the distorted notion that women and men still neglect—women whom God chooses to use. alike must attain their salvation by their own spiritual perfection The teaching of the medieval church and the cult of Mary in- rather than Christ’s perfection. advertently taught people that they must become perfect in or- der to be used by God, that they must suppress their God-given Why does Mary matter? sexual desires in marriage, and that they can never be certain of Does it matter whether the contemporary church believes in their relationship with God and a future in heaven. This distorted Mary as the Blessed Virgin and ascended Co-Redemptrix or in the image of God and either brought people to the church out of Mary as revealed in Scripture? Can both descriptions of Mary fear or drove them away because they refused to worship the God be true? Can apostolic Scripture and church tradition be equally that had been made in the church’s image. valid? The answer to these questions lies in the realm of faith, yet The medieval church failed to teach that Mary’s conception faith needs to be based on reality—on something that is true—or of Jesus was less profound than the conception of the Holy Spirit why bother having faith at all? in Mary’s heart.75 It failed to unveil the Mary from the Scriptures The picture of the biblical Mary that we receive from the apos- and, instead, adorned her in its medieval prejudices and misper- tolic authors is of a woman who was human, fallible, and faithful. ceptions. The scriptural view of Mary, to which only male clergy What happened to Mary in her pregnancy and motherhood was had access, should have been taught faithfully and truthfully to extraordinary. God took the “cursed” sex and took up residence the laity whom they were entrusted to shepherd. If they had done in the “contumacious presence of the body”73—in particular, a so, the church would have provided great hope to its congrega- woman’s body. Not only this, but the Lord went directly to the tions. The truth of the biblical Mary is that God comes directly woman. God did not go to her husband until later, and then only to individuals regardless of gender, moral perfection, and hierar- to confirm what he had already told her and what she had accept- chical position in the church and offers salvation with no strings ed by faith. God put himself, literally, into the hands of a faithful attached so that God can work his wonders through ordinary teenage girl, trusting her to participate in the fulfillment of his people whom God loves. Just as Mary accepted the Lord’s pro- greatest mission on earth. Mary was not the first woman God posal, so can any human being. The faith that was conceived in used to participate in the fulfillment of his purpose and plan, nor Mary can be conceived in every human heart. was she the last. Notes According to Scripture, Mary and Joseph became the parents of four biological sons and an unspecified number of daughters 1. Catechism of the Catholic Church (New York, N.Y.: Doubleday, (Matt. 13:55–56). There was no reason that Mary should have had to 1994), 143 (510); Marina Warner, Alone of Her Sex: The Myth and Cult of the Virgin Mary (New York, N.Y.: Vintage Books, 1983), xxii; Georges remain a virgin in order to prove her spiritual status unless she had Duby and Michelle Perrot, A History of Women: Silences of the Middle been living under the teachings of the medieval church. It would Ages (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992), 26. have been implausible for a Jewish girl to aspire to remain a virgin 2. Scripture quotations are from the New International Version. in a Jewish culture when the “injunction to marry was central” and 3. Warner, Alone of Her Sex, xxii; Catechism of the Catholic Church, Jewish men and women were commanded to procreate.74 139 (495), 275 (969–71). Theologically, the correct historical rendition of Mary has 4. Catechism of the Catholic Church, 142 (508). profound implications for humanity. If Mary was, as the Bible 5. Michael Jordan, The Historical Mary: Revealing the Pagan Identity of the Virgin Mother (Berkeley, Calif.: Ulysses Press, 2003). Jordan’s conclu- describes her, a normal woman who put her faith in God’s word, sions about the identity of Mary are as speculative as those he criticizes. to whom God came, and through whom God accomplished his 6. The Book of Confessions: The Constitution of the Presbyterian great purpose, then God can come to any fallible person and ac- Church (U.S.A.) (Louisville, Ky.: The Office of the General Assembly, complish his purposes through him or her. Contrary to the teach- 2002), 7 (2.1–3).

Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 • 15 7. Henry Bettenson and Chris Maunder, Documents of the Christian 40. Clement of Alexandria, Christ the Educator (94) in The Fathers Church (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 32–42. of the Church, 214. 8. Duby and Perrot, A History of Women, 25; Dwight Longenecker 41. St. Ambrose, Hexamenon, Paradise, , in The Fa- and David Gustafson, Mary: A Catholic-Evangelical Debate (Grand Rap- thers of the Church, vol. 42, trans. John J. Savage, (New York, N.Y.: The ids, Mich.: Brazos Press, 2003), 111–12; Warner, Alone of Her Sex, 65. Fathers of the Church, Inc., 1961), 301. 9. “He who has seen me has seen the Father” (John 14:9), “I and the 42. St. Ambrose, Hexamenon, Paradise, Cain and Abel, in The Fa- Father are one” (John 10:30), and “All authority on heaven and earth has thers of the Church, 301. been given to me” (Matt. 28:18). 43. St. Ambrose, Paradise, chs. 4 and 6, in Schmidt, Veiled and Si- 10. Catechism of the Catholic Church, 275 (969). lenced, 43. 11. Longenecker and Gustafson, Mary, 192–98. 44. St. Augustine, The , in The Fathers of the Church, trans. 12. Elizabeth A. Clark, Women in the Early Church: Message of the Stephen McKenna (Washington D.C.: Catholic University of America Fathers of the Church, vol. 13 (Collegeville, Minn.: The Liturgical Press, Press, 1963), 352. 1983), 16. 45. Chrysostom, qtd. in Susan H. Hyatt, In the Spirit We’re Equal 13. St. Jerome, Commentarius in Epistolam and Ephesios 3, in Alvin (Dallas, Tex.: Hyatt International Ministries, 1998), 54. John Schmidt, Under the Influence: How Christianity Transformed Civili- 46. St. Ambrose, Evangelius Secundum Lucum 10.161, in Schmidt, zation (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan , 2001), 201. Veiled and Silenced, 201. 14. B. A. Windeatt, trans., The Book of (London: 47. St. Jerome, Commentarius in Epistolam and Ephesios 3, in Penguin Books, 1985), 56. Schmidt, Veiled and Silenced, 201. 15. Catechism of the Catholic Church, 141 (499). 48. Schmidt, Veiled and Silenced, 153. 16. Schmidt, Under the Influence, 109. 49. Schmidt, Veiled and Silenced, 153. 17. Duby and Perrot, A History of Women, 24. 50. Gillian Clark, Women in Late Antiquity: Pagan and Christian 18. Max Weber, Sociology of Religion (Boston, Mass.: Beacon Press, Lifestyles (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 129. 1957), 104, in Schmidt, Under the Influence, 109. 51. Sarah M. Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves (New 19. Blamires, Women Defamed and Women Defended: An An- York, N.Y.: Dorset Press, 1975), 4. thology of Medieval Texts (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 64. 52. Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves, 6. 20. C. W. Marx, trans., The Decretum, in Blamires, Women Defamed 53. Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves, 9. and Women Defended, 83–87. 54. Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves, 9. 21. John Temple Bristow, What Paul Really Said About Women (San 55. Gillian Clark, Women in Late Antiquity, 51. Francisco, Calif.: Harper Collins Publishers, 1991), 29. 56. Gillian Clark, Women in Late Antiquity, 131. 22. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica 1a. 92, article I, in Blamires, 57. Elizabeth A. Clark, Women in the Early Church, 115. Women Defamed and Women Defended, 92. 58. Elizabeth A. Clark, Women in the Early Church, 115. 23. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica 2a–2ae, 177, 2, in Blamires, 59. Irenaeus, Against Heresies (a.d. 185) 22, 4, qtd. in Elizabeth A. Women Defamed and Women Defended, 93. Clark, Women in the Early Church, 38. 24. Margaret A. Farley, “Sexual Ethics,” in James B. Nelson and San- 60. Duby and Perrot, A History of Women, 30. dra P. Longfellow, Sexuality and the Sacred: Sources for Theological Re- 61. Duby and Perrot, A History of Women, 30. flection (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster John Knox Press, 1994), 61. 62. Windeatt, The Book of Margery Kempe, 56. 25. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae I–II, 34 1 ad 1, in Nelson 63. Jordan, The Historical Mary,89. and Longfellow, Sexuality and the Sacred, 61. 64. Protoevangelium of James 4.1, 7.2, 8.1, 10.1, qtd. in Jordan, The 26. R. Howard Bloch, Medieval Misogyny and the Invention of West- Historical Mary, 89–90. ern Romantic Love (Chicago, Ill.: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 30. 65. Protoevangelium of James 8.2, 9.2, qtd. in Jordan, The Historical 27. Origen, Genesis Homily I (15), in The Fathers of the Church: Ori- Mary, 93, 95. gen Homilies on Genesis and Exodus, vol. 71, trans. Ronald E. Heine 66. Protoevangelium of James 9.1ff, qtd. in Jordan, The Historical (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University Press, 1982), 68. Mary, 93. 28. Bloch, Medieval Misogyny, 30. 67. Protoevangelium of James 114, qtd. in Jordan, The Historical 29. Bloch, Medieval Misogyny, 30. Mary, 94. 30. Alvin John Schmidt, Veiled and Silenced: How Culture Shaped 68. Ruth A. Tucker, “The Changing Roles of Women in Ministry: Sexist Theology (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1989), 152. The Early Church Through the 18th Century,” in Discovering Biblical 31. Blamires, Women Defamed and Women Defended, 64. Equality: Complementarity Without Hierarchy, ed. Ronald W. Pierce, 32. Blamires, Women Defamed and Women Defended, 64. Rebecca Merrill Groothuis, and Gordon D. Fee (Downers Grove, Ill.: 33. Blamires, Women Defamed and Women Defended, 64. InterVarsity Press, 2004), 27. 34. Jerome, Against Jovinian (Adversus Jovinianum, c. 393) 12 (1.47), 69. Jordan, The Historical Mary,91, 94. in Blamires, Women Defamed and Women Defended, 70. 70. Duby and Perrot, A History of Women, 26. 35. Blamires, Women Defamed and Women Defended, 74. 71. Tertullian, On the Dress of Women I, 1.1, qtd. in Elizabeth A. 36. Jerome, Letter 22, to Eustochium (384), in Blamires, Women De- Clark, Women in the Early Church, 39. famed and Women Defended, 74. 72. Tertullian, Exhortion to Chastity IX, qtd. in Elizabeth A. Clark, 37. Blamires, Women Defamed and Women Defended, 76. Women in the Early Church, 147. 38. Augustine, The City of God, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 73. Bloch, Medieval Misogyny, 30. 2.281–2, in Bristow, What Paul Really Said About Women, 114. 74. Farley, “Sexual Ethics,” 55. 39. Clement of Alexandria, Christ the Educator (94), in The Fathers 75. Luke 1:38: “I am the Lord’s servant,” Mary answered. “May it be of the Church, vol. 23, trans. Simon P. Wood, C.P (New York, N.Y., The to me as you have said.” Acts 1:14: “They all joined together constantly in Fathers of the Church, Inc., 1954), 172. prayer, along with the women and Mary the other of Jesus, and with his brothers.” Mary and her family were present at Pentecost and were filled with the Holy Spirit and spoke in other tongues.

16 • Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 Equality and Pastoral Rule: Pope Gregory the Great’s Inner Conflict Whit Trumbull Gregory the Great clearly expressed a belief in fundamental hu- Finally, through pride, “man is made like the apostate angel [Lu- man equality. This required him to offer some explanation, if only cifer] when he disdains, though a man, to be like other men.”6 to himself, of his position at the top of the thoroughly hierarchical In light of his belief in equality, Gregory advocated the eman- social and ecclesiastical authority structure of the sixth century. cipation of slaves, though he apparently accepted the social insti- While his biographers have made his difficulty in accepting his tution as expedient while urging their good and just treatment. episcopal calling well known, they have paid insufficient atten- In Pastoral Care 3.5, Gregory admonishes slave owners “that they tion to the role his egalitarian beliefs may have played in creating offend God by priding themselves on His gift to them [slaves], his distress. Some have minimized or even denied them.1 While, and not realising that they who are held in subjection by reason due to cultural or psychological constraints, he may never have of their state of life, are their equals in virtue of their common na- openly acknowledged or even fully recognized the extent of the ture.”7 Gregory’s biographer Jeffrey Richards cites evidence that dissonance, it manifested itself in the burden he experienced in the pope gave slaves as gifts and enforced the return of runaways pastoral duties, the anguish he felt over his elevation to the papa- to their masters and points out that Gregory viewed the differ- cy, and his longing for the contemplative life. In 590, the year he ences in status among humans as approved of and willed by God. was consecrated as , known thereafter as Gregory He claims that “Gregory’s social thought involved no concepts the Great, he wrote a treatise presenting his ideas about pasto- of egalitarianism.”8 However, as evidence, Richards cites passag- ral ministry and explaining his reluctance to take the office. That es from Gregory’s writing in which the pope clearly affirms his work, entitled Pastoral Care in English translation, was the pri- egalitarian beliefs while also justifying the class system of slavery mary text for pastoral ministry for one thousand years afterward and supporting the existing social order. Richards also cites a let- and enjoys the reputation of an enduring classic even today.2 Evi- ter in which Gregory refers to “the law of nations” as the subju- dence from it, supplemented by facts known about his life and gating force of slavery.9 Thus, we see that Gregory viewed slaves’ gleaned from his correspondence, establishes the existence of his obedience as God’s will, but not necessarily their enslavement. egalitarian beliefs and suggests some ways in which Gregory at- His pragmatic acceptance of the institution of slavery did not di- tempted to reconcile his power and authority with them. minish his egalitarian idealism. The fact that Gregory found it necessary to make this argument shows that he was aware of the Gregory’s egalitarianism conflict between ideals and reality. Elsewhere, Richards provides The evidence for Gregory’s belief in fundamental human equality a refutation of his own assertion that Gregory was not an egali- includes unequivocal written statements affirming it and object- tarian when he quotes the following “little homily on the exercise ing to slavery. In Pastoral Care 2.6, Gregory lays out an egalitar- of power” from a letter Gregory wrote to an imperial officer: ian foundation as he instructs rulers regarding the disastrous There is this difference between the kings of the barbarian na- consequences of the failure to remember the basic fact of human tions and the Roman emperor, that the former have slaves for equality. He advises, “All who are superiors should not regard in their subjects, the latter free men. And therefore, in all your themselves the power of their rank, but the equality of their na- acts, your first object should be to maintain justice, your sec- ture; and they should find their joy not in ruling over men, but in ond to preserve a perfect liberty. You ought to value the lib- helping them.”3 The dangers of forgetting this fundamental truth erty of those you are appointed to judge as jealously as though include violation of the natural order of things, pride, and, ulti- it were your own; and if you would not be wronged yourself mately, alignment with Lucifer against God. In explaining God’s by your superiors, you should guard with respect the liberty words to and his sons after the flood, Gregory comments: of your inferiors.10 Fear and dread were prescribed for all the beasts of the earth, Gregory viewed freedom based on equality as a virtue compara- but forbidden to be exercised over men. By nature a man is ble to justice and, in an application of Christ’s Golden Rule, called made superior to the beasts, but not to other men; it is there- for those in authority to protect the liberty of others. fore said to him that he is to be feared by beasts, but not by men. Evidently, to wish to be feared by an equal is to lord it over others, contrary to the natural order.4 Whit Trumbull is a dual master’s degree student at Gordon- Conwell Theological Seminary in Charlotte, N.C., Pride, the vice Gregory dreaded most, is the natural consequence and expects to begin a counseling internship in when a ruler forgets equality: 2008. She is a healing prayer minister and lives in Durham, N.C., with her husband Ed and their Forgetful of what he is . . . he despises his subjects and does three terrific teenagers. She plans to live and work not acknowledge them to be his equals in the order of nature, some day in the North Carolina mountains. and those whom he has excelled by the fortuity of power, he believes he has also surpassed by the merits of his life.5

Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 • 17 In addition, there is evidence that Gregory even considered tinually tempering his positions with caution and restraint. He the equality of women. In an article originally published in The could be quite pragmatic in pursuing gains for the kingdom of Catholic Historical Review, Walter Wilkins gives a number of God where he saw they might be achieved.20 Thus, the tension original arguments to show that, while not entirely free of the between his ideals of freedom and equality and the hierarchical stereotypes and prejudices against women that were common to milieu in which he existed was only one of many tensions in his his time, Gregory interacted with women as a bishop and a pas- life, with which he coped partly through his writing. tor on a surprisingly egalitarian basis. He identified with women Gregory’s purpose in writing Pastoral Care in their suffering, thereby encouraging and empowering them. He wrote to Theoctista, sister to Emperor Maurice, urging her to What was Gregory’s purpose in writing Pastoral Care? Was he take action to protect herself when attacked, giving her the ex- writing a Rule for pastoring or an apology for pastoral rule? ample of Peter defending his actions in Acts Scholars often theorize that he wrote it to 11.11 He gave encouragement to Gregoria, a regory taught that living one’s give clergy a guidebook for ministry simi- lady of the empress’s bedchamber who was Gbeliefs was essential, especially lar to St. Benedict’s Rule for cenobitic mo- repenting for her sins, by reminding her that for those in positions of leadership. nastics.21 Certainly, the book was treated as the mouth of Mary, a sinner, had the honor such for centuries after he wrote it in a.d. of announcing the Lord’s resurrection and her hands the privi- 590, his first year on the throne of St. Peter.22 This supposition lege of holding his feet.12 Gregory carried on correspondence is at odds with his stated intention, however, and his unspoken with women to whom he acted as a spiritual advisor, such as the agenda may have been even more different. In the opening para- patrician widow Rusticiana, and with numerous powerful wom- graph, Gregory himself said that he was writing in response to en, including Theodelinda the Lombard queen, Brunhild of the a letter of chastisement (from the bishop to whom he dedicated Franks, Queen Bertha of England, and Empresses Leontia and the work) for his attempt to escape the burdens of pastoral care.23 Constantina. He debates theological issues with them and solic- One clue to Gregory’s mindset is the title he gave the work, which its their assistance in church reforms and matters of state.13 In in Latin was Liber Regulae Pastoralis (The Book of Pastoral Rule). an ecclesiastical controversy over whether menstruating women Gregory’s English translator, Davis, comments that the Latin title should be barred from communion to protect the sacraments more accurately reflects the book’s content than does its tradi- from contamination by their impurity, Gregory advocated leav- tional English translation, Pastoral Care.24 Biographer R. A. ing the choice to women on the grounds that menstruation was Markus theorizes that he wrote as a kind of self-therapy to recon- natural and involuntary. In taking this position, he was follow- cile himself to the papal office as he mourned the permanent loss ing reasoning Augustine had given on the ejaculatory dreams of the contemplative life he so deeply desired.25 Richards agrees of men and extending it to benefit women.14 Finally, in Pastoral that using writing as a means of dealing with tension and inner Care 3.27, Gregory advised husbands and wives to please each conflict is characteristic of Gregory and notes how much atten- other through mutual consideration (though they should pur- tion he devotes to the conflict between the active and contempla- sue sexual intercourse for procreation and not for pleasure), tive lives in Pastoral Care.26 In its pages, Gregory also paid much mutual patience with each other’s faults, and mutual encourage- attention to justifying why some people should rule over others, ment through sharing each other’s burdens.15 Wilkins notes that even though all are equal. This was a question he had to answer Gregory required that both partners agree to the dissolution of a before he could find a way to accept a throne at the pinnacle of marriage if one of them wanted to join a monastic order.16 the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Gregory taught that living one’s beliefs was essential, espe- Gregory’s burden cially for those in positions of leadership. He emphasized this in Pastoral Care as a central idea in his instruction to pastors: In view of the crushing burden that awaited him, Gregory’s desire to avoid the papal office was all too understandable. Rome and its For one who by the exigency of his position must propose the populace had been ravaged by war, invasion, disease, flooding, highest ideals, is bound by that same exigency to give a dem- and famine. Immediately following his election, Gregory called onstration of those ideals. His voice penetrates the hearts of for repentance and prayer processionals throughout the city of his hearers the more readily, if his way of life commends what Rome. People dropped dead on the streets as the processionals he says. What he enjoins in words, he will help in execution passed; eighty people died of the plague during one processional by example.17 alone.27 Furthermore, attack by the Lombards was an imminent Gregory’s commitment to live out his principles was so strong threat, the Roman garrison had gone on strike, and recent flood- that his fasting and ascetic practices led to serious health prob- ing had destroyed the city’s stores of grain.28 Gregory felt inad- lems. His contemporaries testified that, despite frequent illnesses, equate not only because of the enormity of the challenges before he was tireless in his work and never rested.18 Thus, for Gregory him, but also because of the seriousness with which he took pas- to have believed in equality and never to have attempted to af- toral responsibility. A letter he wrote at the time indicates that firm it through actions would have been uncharacteristic. He he was grieving the loss of his former life, slipping into a deep was, however, also a man who prized balance in all things,19 con- depression, and feeling undeserving of his elevation to such a po-

18 • Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 sition of power. In October 590, the month following his conse- It is clear that nature brought forth all men in equality, while cration, he mourned for: guilt has placed some below others, in accordance with the order of their varying demerits. This diversity, which results all that I inwardly lost, when I outwardly ascended, without from vice, is a dispensation of the divine judgment, much as having deserved it, to the summit of power. Know that my one man must be ruled by another, since all men cannot be on sorrow is so great, that I hardly can express it. The darkness an equal footing.36 caused by my melancholy obscures my . Everything I see is mournful and all that people think will console me is Gregory even asserted that being poorly led was a punishment lamentable to my heart.29 for sin:

By the following January, he had finished writing Pastoral Care, Unfitness of pastors does, in truth, often accord with the des- accepted his calling as a divine command, and, as he wrote to an erts of their subjects, because, even if the former have not archbishop, “recovered a more cheerful frame of mind.”30 What the light of knowledge through their own fault, it is due to a comforts had the newly consecrated pope found to soothe his severe judgment that through their ignorance they, too, who anguish? follow, should stumble.37

Gregory’s justification of pastoral rule Gregory understood that a logical problem in his argument was created by one sinner ruling over another. Gregory asked in Pas- Gregory made peace with his calling as he wrote Pastoral Care, toral Care 3.4, “with what conscience can the ruler of souls use putting forth many justifications for pastoral rule. First, he rea- his pastoral rank among others, if he himself is engaged in those sons that accepting a ruling office is an act of obedience and an earthly occupations which he should reprehend in others?”38 By expression of love for God. He recalls what the risen Lord Jesus positing a hierarchy of merit, he relieved some of his discomfort said to Peter, who had betrayed him: with the hierarchy of power. He set high expectations for up- And when Simon replied at once that he loved Him, he was standing pastoral character and morality demonstrated through told: If thou lovest me, feed my sheep. If then, the care of feed- actions. He further comforted himself by promoting the ideal of ing is a testimony of love, he who, abounding in virtues, re- servant leadership, understanding the exercise of authority as a fuses to feed the flock of God, is convicted of having no love ministry undertaken for the good of the subjects.39 He cited the for the Supreme Shepherd.31 unassailable example of Jesus, who left “the bosom of His Father” to shepherd us40 and recalled the Lord’s instruction to the disciples Gregory feared failure, but he dreaded disobedience more: in Matthew 20:25–28, in which he taught that they should not rule Let those therefore who conceal within themselves the word over each other as the Gentiles did.41 Gregory wrote “that man is of preaching, hear with terror the divine judgment against rightly regarded as a hypocrite, who diverts the ministry of gov- them, so that fear may expel fear from their hearts. Let them ernment to purposes of domination.”42 This pope understood that hear that he who would not lay out his talent lost it, and con- the factors justifying the elevation of an individual as a ruler were demnation was added to the loss.32 no cause for boasting, as they are gifts given by God for the good of the whole body.43 Thus, he could also view the envy-destroying To the Bishop of Corinth, he wrote: unity of the body of Christ as a justification for ruling authority in I wished to avoid this burden, lest I fail in the pastoral rule that gifts given to the body become community property: through my imperfect discharge of its duties. But as it is im- Therefore in the very arrangement of the body we observe what possible to resist the ordinances of God, I have obediently fol- we ought to fulfill in our actions . . . those things are ours which lowed what the merciful hand of the Lord has been pleased to we love in others, even if we cannot imitate them, and what is work out for me.33 loved in ourselves becomes the possession of those who love it.44

The corollary to the pastor’s obedience in ruling is the subjects’ Finally, the desperate circumstances in Rome, which called for obedience in accepting rule.34 Gregory taught that subjects were desperate measures, put Gregory in an apocalyptic frame of mind. not even to criticize their superiors. Even when bad rulers did The urgency of the end made evangelism paramount, providing a wrong, as Saul did, Gregory believed that Christians should fol- final and expedient justification for a pastoral hierarchy devoted low the example of David in responding to the abuse. David did to preaching the gospel. This concern warranted the expenditure not strike out against his persecutor when he had the opportu- of Gregory’s energies and resources in sending missionaries to nity because David had such great respect for God’s choice: “For places like England and Sardinia and in writing books like Pas- when we offend those set over us, we oppose the ordinance of toral Care.45 Him who set them above us.”35 But why would God elevate one human being above another Conclusion if all are created equal? Gregory believed that sin made equality a An analysis of Gregory’s historical position shows that, in Pastoral practical impossibility and that being ruled was the consequence Care, Gregory worked out a theory of hierarchy that contradicted of sin:

Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 • 19 his own egalitarian leanings and influenced the church for centu- and of the importance to Gregory’s worldview of seeing the world as ries. Church historians have credited him with a legacy that guid- sacramental, in which the physical represents the spiritual. ed the church until the .46 Through writing, church 20. Wilkins, “Submitting the Neck of Your Mind,” 96–98. 21. Henry Davis, foreword to Pastoral Care, 10; Purves, Pastoral The- administration, and missions, he strengthened and extended the ology, 63; See Richards, Consul of God, 33–35 for discussion of whether influence of the See of St. Peter, transmitting the fundamentals St. Benedict’s Rule was used at St. Andrews, the that Gregory of Augustinian thought, championing monasticism, and passing founded on his family estate and where he lived for several years. on the exegetical methods that characterized the Middle Ages.47 22. Davis, foreword to Pastoral Care, 10; Dudden, Gregory the Great, The mainline church remained strongly hierarchical until one 239–40. 23. Pastoral Care, 20. particular doctrine, especially prized by the Reformers, received 24. Davis, introduction to Pastoral Care, 3. Davis explains that the widespread attention. The Reformers taught the priesthood of all title in English translation, Pastoral Care, probably comes from the believers in response to corruption in the ecclesiastical hierarchy opening words “Pastoralis curae me pondera.” and the misuse of power, the very dangers that Gregory foresaw. 25. Markus, Gregory the Great and His World, 21. This Reformation revival of a doctrine taught in the first place by 26. Richards, Consul of God, 57. There is evidence that the contem- St. Peter48 began to reestablish a more egalitarian basis for inter- plative life for Gregory represented an escape from the burdens of au- thority, as it represented a way to participate in monastic life without action in the church. Changes resulting from this shift were as ruling by founding a community and naming another as abbot. See great as those that had occurred in Gregory’s time after the fall of Richards, 32–33 for discussion. the Roman Empire. 27. Pierre Batiffol, Saint Gregory the Great, trans. John L. Stoddard (London: Burns, Oates, & Washbourne, 1929), 58–65; Markus, Gregory Notes the Great and His World, 4; Richards, Consul of God, 42–43. 1. An example of minimization occurs in R.A. Markus, Gregory the 28. Batiffol, Saint Gregory the Great, 63–64; Dudden, Gregory the Great and His World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), Great, 211. 30. An instance of denial appears in Jeffrey Richards, Consul of God: The 29. Gregory, letter to Narses, October 590, qtd. in Batiffol, Saint Life and Times of Gregory the Great (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Gregory the Great, 62. 1980), 58–59. 30. Gregory, letter to Archbishop Natalis of Salona, January 591, qtd. 2. Frederick Homes Dudden, Gregory the Great: His Place in History in Richards, Consul of God, 43. and Thought (n.p.: Longmans, Green & Co., 1905; reprint, New York, 31. Pastoral Care, 30. N.Y.: Russell & Russell, 1967), 1:238–40 (page citations are to the reprint 32. Pastoral Care, 177–78. edition); Andrew Purves, Pastoral Theology in the Classical Tradition 33. Gregory, letter to Bishop of Corinth, qtd. in Dudden, Gregory (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster John Knox Press, 2001), 56. the Great, 228. 3. Gregory the Great, Regulae Pastoralis (Pastoral Care), trans. Hen- 34. Markus, Gregory the Great and His World, 31. ry Davis, S.J., in Ancient Christian Writers: The Works of the Fathers in 35. Pastoral Care, 99–100. The idea was later used in support of the Translation, no. 11, ed. Johannes Quasten and Joseph C. Plumpe (New Medieval feudal system; see the conclusion on Gregory’s legacy to the York, N.Y.: Newman Press, 1950/1978), 60. thought of the Middle Ages. 4. Pastoral Care, 60. 36. Pastoral Care, 60. 5. Pastoral Care, 61. 37. Pastoral Care, 23. 6. Pastoral Care, 62. 38. Pastoral Care, 70. 7. Pastoral Care, 101. In note 23, translator Davis gives a lengthy and 39. Markus, Gregory the Great and His World, 30. interesting discussion of Gregory’s actions related to slavery, citing his 40. Pastoral Care, 31–32. “most emphatic” espousal of the Christian principle of equality and 41. Pastoral Care, 65. quoting at length from a document of manumission that Gregory wrote 42. Pastoral Care, 65. freeing two Roman slaves. 43. Markus, Gregory the Great and His World, 30, cites material 8. Richards, Consul of God, 58–59. in support of this point from Gregory’s Moralia in Iob. He claims that 9. Richards, Consul of God, 58–59. paternalism did not concern Gregory. The quote shows that Gregory 10. Richards, Consul of God, 31, quoting Gregory, Liber pontificalis, thought Paul taught that mutual submission in love would free us from Vita Benedicti I, 308. the power of sin, the source of hierarchy. 11. Walter J. Wilkins, “‘Submitting the Neck of Your Mind’: Gregory 44. Pastoral Care, 114–15. the Great and Women of Power,” in Christianity and Society: The Social 45. Richards, Consul of God, 66. World of Early Christianity, ed. Everett Ferguson, vol. 1. (New York, N.Y.: 46. Purves, Pastoral Theology,56. Garland Publishing, 1999), 89. 47. Richards, Consul of God, 263–66. 12. Wilkins, “Submitting the Neck of Your Mind,” 91. 48. 1 Pet. 2:9. 13. Wilkins, “Submitting the Neck of Your Mind,” 96–97. 14. Wilkins, “Submitting the Neck of Your Mind,” 93–94. NEW AT CBE 15. Wilkins, “Submitting the Neck of Your Mind,” 92; Pastoral Care, Never miss an issue 186–92. of Priscilla Papers again! 16. Wilkins, “Submitting the Neck of Your Mind,” 92. 17. Pastoral Care, 48 (2.3). Contact Megan at mgreulich@ 18. Richards, Consul of God, 44–47; Purves, Pastoral Theology, 57; cbeinternational.org Dudden, Gregory the Great, 243. or 612-872-6898 to 19. Purves, Pastoral Theology, 60–62. See his discussion of consider- sign up for automatic atio, which entails balancing reflection and action, versus contemplatio, membership renewals.

20 • Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 Julian of Norwich: The Loving Motherhood of God Anne Clift Boris One of my spiritual mentors is a woman who lived six hundred is our true Mother, in whom we are endlessly born” (292), and years ago: Julian of Norwich. I admire her for the clarity of her comments that a “mother can give her child to suck of her milk, descriptions of spiritual experience, her balanced and orthodox but our precious Mother Jesus can feed us with himself, and does presentation of God as mother, and the divine comfort of her vi- . . . with the blessed sacrament” (298). Unlike other spiritual writ- sion of our sin and redemption. ers, however, Julian associated God’s motherhood with all three Very little is known of Julian of Norwich’s life. She lived in persons of the Trinity: late fourteenth-century England. At the age of thirty, she fell seri- “I understand three ways of contemplating motherhood in ously ill. As she lay dying in the presence of her mother and the God. The first is the foundation of our nature’s creation; the priest who had given her the , she had a lengthy vision second is his taking of our nature, where the motherhood of of Christ’s suffering on the cross and his redeeming love. She re- grace begins; the third is the motherhood at work . . . and it is covered and became an anchoress, walled into a small apartment, all one love.” (297) with one window into a church and one window onto the world. This extreme enclosure, so foreign to modern sensibility, did not Julian’s theologically precise and orthodox understanding of prevent her from having an active ministry. She is known to have God’s motherhood can inform our own spirituality. Though I provided spiritual advice to many over several decades and was have not quoted her many male images of God, as they are less still living in 1416.1 unusual, Julian is inclusive in using both mother and father im- Julian recorded her visions and her reflections on them in a ages for God. She retains the tradition of calling on God as our book she called Showings, which survives in an early short ver- Father, which Jesus himself initiated, but without subordinating sion and a later, longer form.2 Mystical experiences arouse deep her Mother images to her Father images: “as truly as God is our emotions and are by their nature difficult to communicate; it is Father, so truly is God our Mother.” Each member of the Trin- not surprising that many medieval spiritual writers’ turgid prose ity is described in both male and female language, and all such and emphasis on extreme ascetic practices seem uncongenial to language is understood as metaphor for the Uncreated Eternal. contemporary taste. Julian of Norwich’s writing is different. Her Julian’s fresh and balanced images assure us that seeking a femi- experiences and reflections are clearly, almost unemotionally, de- nine image of God within orthodox Christian theology is not a scribed. While her vision begins with Jesus’ bloody crucifixion, passing cultural fad. she did not remain weeping at the foot of the cross over Christ’s A second aspect of Julian’s work that is meaningful for me is pains and her own in the usual late medieval style, but found in the way she writes about sin. Our twenty-first-century culture the crucifixion a comforting vision of Christ’s redeeming love. is struggling hard to be inclusive, to remember that God hates The complexity of Julian’s thought cannot be encompassed in nothing he has made, but we can become so fearful of being judg- a short article; her language is simple, but her theology is not. mental that we ignore the reality of sin and the need for repen- However, three aspects of her writing in particular have been im- tance. Julian fully accepts her church’s teaching about sin and the portant to me as a Christian. need to obey God’s law, but the weeping penitential passion of The most striking aspect of Julian’s writing is her descrip- most late medieval spiritual writers is absent from her work. In- tion of God as Mother: “As truly as God is our Father, so truly stead, she speaks of sin as an illness or a pain, as part of what we is God our Mother” (296). It is for this that Julian is best known suffer. She advises that, when we fall into sin, we should not hide in feminist circles, and justly so. She was by no means the first from God in shame, but run to God for comfort and healing as a or the only spiritual writer of the Middle Ages to use feminine child runs to his or her mother when hurt: language for God. Medieval spiritual writers most often asso- But often when our falling and our wretchedness are shown ciated feminine imagery with the second person of the Trinity, to us, we are so much afraid and so greatly ashamed of our- identified with Holy Wisdom (Sophia), or specifically with the selves that we scarcely know where we can put ourselves. But person of Jesus. Caroline Bynum’s Jesus as Mother has described then our courteous Mother does not wish us to flee away, for the widespread use of physically feminine, mothering images for nothing would be less pleasing to him; but he then wants us to Jesus in the Middle Ages, usually by male writers.3 Such images behave like a child. For when it is distressed and frightened, it sound strange to contemporary ears, but might not have seemed as strange to Jesus himself, who compared himself to a mother ANNE CLIFT BORIS, Ph.D., is Senior Program Officer hen longing to gather her chicks (Luke 13:34). for Recruitment at the Council for International Julian is in this medieval tradition in that most of her fem- Exchange of Scholars in Washington, D.C. She inine language for God is applied to the second person of the has taught at universities in the Czech Republic, Trinity. She refers to Wisdom as our mother: “the high might of Belarus, and the United States, and has offered nu- the Trinity is our Father, and the deep wisdom of the Trinity is merous talks to church groups on church history our Mother, and the great love of the Trinity is our Lord” (294). and religious imagery. She also refers to the incarnate Jesus as our mother: “our saviour

Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 • 21 runs quickly to its mother; and if it can do no more, it calls to showed me something small, no bigger than a hazelnut, ly- the mother for help with all its might. So he wants us to act as ing in the palm of my hand, and I perceived that it was as a meek child, saying: My kind Mother, my gracious Mother, round as any ball. And I was given this general answer: It is my beloved Mother, have mercy on me. I have made myself everything which is made. I was amazed that it could last, for filthy and unlike you, and I may not and cannot make it right I thought that it was so little that it could suddenly fall into except with your help and grace. nothing. And I was answered in my understanding: It lasts . . . And then he wants us to show a child’s characteristics, and always will, because God loves it; and thus everything has which always naturally trusts in its mother’s love in well-being being through the love of God. (130) and in woe. (301) God’s love is stressed repeatedly throughout Showings, and, at its Julian returned again and again to the necessity for trust in God’s end, love is declared to be the whole meaning of her . mothering love. Julian’s assurance and trust in God is founded on the experience Julian’s trust included assurance that the sins and pains of the of God’s love: “for just as the blessed Trinity created everything whole world will be redeemed, will be made right, by a most lov- from nothing, just so the same blessed Trinity will make well all ing God, and this is the third aspect of her writing that teaches things which are not well” (152). me. It is the most difficult thing Julian has to communicate, and Julian’s teaching about the motherhood of God, about repen- she cannot explain it in detail because she was not told how it tance without fear, and about trust in God’s redeeming love make will happen, but, in her encounter with God, she is told again her a true spiritual mother of Christ’s church. and again: “All shall be well, and all shall be well, and all manner Notes of thing shall be well.” Her confidence was not the cheap opti- mism of one too young or fortunate to have suffered. She had 1. Edmund Colledge, O.S.A., and James Walsch, S.J., “Introduction” lived through the , which killed roughly one third to Julian of Norwich, Showings (New York, N.Y.: Paulist, 1978), 18–23. of the population of Europe in the years 1348-1350 and returned 2. Both versions are translated into modern English by Edmund Colledge, O.S.A., and James Walsch, S.J., in Julian of Norwich, Showings periodically thereafter; she had endured a painful, nearly fatal ill- (New York, N.Y.: Paulist, 1978). Most of the quotations throughout this ness; and the life of an anchoress was not easy. paper are from the longer text, written after Julian had reflected more Julian taught that all our pain must be seen in the perspective deeply on her spiritual experiences. of the smallness of our world in comparison with the greatness of 3. Caroline Walker Bynum, Jesus as Mother: Studies in Spirituality of the God’s love. Very early in her vision, God . . . (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1982.)

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22 • Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 Women and Liturgical Reform: The Case of St. Margaret of Scotland Bridget Nichols November 16 is the feast day of a remarkable woman: St. Marga- Margaret’s biographer effectively constructs multiple genealo- ret of Scotland. Margaret spent most of her early life in Hungary gies for her. He begins by meditating on her name, which means during her father’s exile. She returned to England with her family “pearls.” “This pearl,” Turgot says early in is account, “was tak- in 1056 or 1057, and, shortly after this her father died, leaving her en from the dunghill of this world and now shines in her place brother as a possible heir to the childless . among the jewels of the Eternal King” (47). Another way of deriv- But, Edward died in January 1066, and then came the Norman ing her suitability for sainthood is to look at her blood relations. Conquest. Her meeting with King Malcolm altered those plans Her grandfather was Edmund Ironside, half-brother to the saint- and set Margaret on the course toward a career of queenship ly Edward the Confessor. Edward inherited his royal status from rather than the life of religious contemplation she seems to have his grandfathers Edgar, King of the English, and Richard, Count wanted.1 of Normandy, both known for their piety. Edgar in particular was According to one source, it was at Wearmouth that she met marked out at birth, for Dunstan, Archbishop of Canterbury, had the widowed King of Scotland, Malcolm Canmore, whom she a vision of angels singing of peace in the as later married.2 Her husband was present at the laying of the foun- long as Edgar reigned and Dunstan lived. Richard of Normandy dation stone of Durham Cathedral on 11 August 1093, and the founded the monastery of Fécamp, where he himself used to wait story of her life was written early in the twelfth century by Turgot, on the brothers. Margaret, in Turgot’s opinion, “completes the Prior of Durham and later Bishop of St. Andrews. glory of this illustrious family” (48). A third way to indicate her Margaret appears in the Church of England’s present calen- sanctity is by placing her in a line that bears comparison to the dar of saints as “Queen of Scotland, Philanthropist, Reformer of Davidic kingship. Her great uncle Edward “as another , the Church.” The last appellation is unique. There are other royal that is, a lover of peace [again a game with names], protected saints, and at least one other philanthropist, but no other reform- his kingdom by peace rather than by arms.” Richard, Edward’s ers of the church. The purpose of this article is to reflect on the maternal grandfather, was “[e]ndowed with great riches, like a church’s appropriation of Margaret. For this, we must rely on a second David” (48). Turgot likens Margaret to Mary of Bethany, single piece of evidence: Turgot’s Life.3 “sitting at His feet” and “delighted to hear His word” (49). The exercise of reading Turgot shows that Margaret is part Margaret’s marriage to Malcolm Canmore, King of Scotland, of a complex picture. It asks us to consider how rival occupa- circa 1070 was not something she would have chosen for her- tions could live side by side—how did she manage her parallel self. Malcolm was a widower who gave shelter to Margaret and roles of queen, mother, ministering angel to the poor, freer of her siblings on their flight north after the . The slaves, formidable disputant in theological debate, and intensely Chronicle of Melrose records that . . . pious woman? There are two key questions for liturgy and gen- In the year 1070, King Malcolm wasted England as far as der in this. The first concerns the accuracy of this way of read- Cleveland, and then on his return, at Wearmouth, he granted ing Margaret. Does the church get her right when it recognizes his peace to the prince Edgar and his sisters Margaret and her chiefly for her efforts to revise the ritual and practice of a Christina, whom he found there fleeing from the King of Eng- local church? The second concerns the terms on which women land, and [intending] to go to Scotland. And afterwards he may become saints. Is the church guilty of reforming its notable united Margaret to himself in marriage.5 women by deforming them to fit categories that deny much of the seemingly obvious content of their lives? She took on the duties of queenship with good grace and even Turgot’s account of Margaret’s life enthusiasm, however, and interested herself in the wellbeing of the kingdom. Eventually, she was to build the church of the Holy First of all, let us review a summary of Turgot’s account. It was Trinity at Dunfermline with the triple purpose of redeeming written in response to a request from Margaret’s daughter Matil- Malcolm’s soul, assuring her own salvation, and obtaining pros- da, then married to Henry I of England. Matilda had been sent to perity in this life and the next for her eight children. The church a convent very much against her wishes. Her marriage to Henry was richly decorated, and later she was to extend the work to the provided a way out of the convent, but it is not clear that she church of St. Andrews where Turgot became bishop. She gathered had much choice in that either. The Life is a model of queenship a group of noblewomen of “approved gravity of conduct” to form for Matilda to emulate. Turgot’s assumptions of Margaret’s saintly an embroidery guild producing vestments and church ornaments. status predate the church’s recognition of her in 1249 or 1250 by Her conduct was impeccably restrained, her conversation wise, about one hundred fifty years. The Life is divided into four parts: the first describes Margaret’s Bridget Nichols studied English and Classics at noble descent and her attributes as a queen and mother; the sec- Cape Town University and taught for a short time ond describes her efforts to enhance the dignity of the kingdom, at the University of the Witwatersrand. She com- to rectify church discipline, and to correct abuse in church prac- pleted a doctorate in Literature and Theology at tice; the third turns to good works and acts of charity, her pattern the University of Durham (published as Liturgical for observing Lent, and her discipline of prayer; the fourth tells Hermeneutics, Peter Lang, 1996) and is now Lay how she prepared for her death.4 Chaplain to the Bishop of Ely (Church of England).

Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 • 23 and her general demeanor that of someone whose mind was on puts on her royal robes once more. The narrator tells us that, al- heavenly things. Her children were firmly disciplined, instructed though her face was smiling, her heart was constricted with fear.8 in Scripture, and exhorted to love and fear the Lord (51). For Turgot, all of this provides a scripturally endorsed expla- The second part of the Life sketches Margaret’s influence on nation for the tension between humility, enjoyment of wealth, the life of the court. Malcolm’s devotional habits seem to have and readiness to exercise power in the life of Margaret. Huney- improved significantly thanks to his sec- cutt lists the key emphases that the Esther ond wife.6 Margaret made Malcolm more he outshone all others in prayer, comparison allowed him to imply. Esther’s attentive to issues of justice and the needs Sfasting, and acts of charity—to the career justifies a lavish lifestyle by turning of the poor, and then began to work on his point of excess. worldly glory to a worthy use. She is a mod- personal practice of faith: el of wifely obedience, yet has the courage to disobey the king to see justice done. She is therefore a model From her also he learned to keep the vigils of the night in for peaceful negotiation toward the stability of the kingdom.9 prayer: from her exhortation and example he learned to pray There is an easy transition at this point from the earthly king- with groanings from the heart and abundance of tears. I con- dom to the heavenly as Turgot describes how the vigor of Marga- fess I marvelled at this great miracle of the mercy of God [says ret’s faith made her determined to purge the church of “unlawful Turgot surely rather condescendingly] when I saw such ear- things which had sprung up within it” (54). He tells of the coun- nestness of devotion in the King, and such sorrow in heart of cils she convened on a regular basis to bring the church into what a layman when engaged in prayer (52). he calls “the way of truth” (55). Other improvements followed. Margaret encouraged foreign One council occupies most of Turgot’s attention. It was held merchants to bring richly colorful garments and ornaments for at St. Andrews in 1074 and resulted in a number of reforms. He her subjects to buy. Standards of dress rose markedly, “so that paints a dramatic picture of the queen arguing from biblical and from that time they went about clothed in new costumes of dif- patristic evidence against the clergy. Margaret, says her biogra- ferent fashions, from the elegance of which they might have been pher, conducted herself like “another Helena,” “for just as she for- supposed to be a new race” (53). The king’s personal staff was re- merly overcame the Jews with the authority of the Scriptures, so placed with “a higher class of servants” who did not exploit their now did this Queen those who were in error” (55). position by oppressing the people. In the palace, servants wore Margaret addressed major issues of liturgical practice at the colorful livery, and gold and silver vessels appeared at the table. council. First, there was the keeping of Lent, which the Scots be- Now, Turgot makes an observation that would have been con- gan on the Monday after Ash Wednesday, thus reducing the fast to ventional in his chosen genre, but to which recent scholarship thirty-six days. She also tackled their reluctance to receive com- has returned with some interest: munion on Easter Day for fear of receiving the sacrament unwor- thily. She assured them that, with proper confession and repen- And this the Queen did not because the honour of the world tance in advance, there was no obstacle to their participation. The delighted her, but because she felt compelled to do what the catalogue takes on a slightly sensational tone when Turgot comes royal dignity required of her. For when she walked in state to the Eucharist. In some parts of the country, he reports “there clad in splendid apparel, as became a Queen, like another were some . . . who were wont to celebrate Masses according to Esther, she in her heart trod all these trappings beneath her I know not what barbarous rite, contrary to the custom of the feet, and bore in mind that under the gems and gold there was whole church” (57). After that, he lists a few more offenses, such nothing but dust and ashes. (53) as marrying a stepmother after one’s father’s death (apparently a The Esther of this comparison has close affinities with what we standard custom) and working on the Lord’s Day. Against these know as the apocryphal chapters of the Book of Esther. Turgot irregularities, Margaret’s knowledge of Scripture and the Fathers would have met her in the Vulgate version which, as Lois Huney- was so formidable that her opponents capitulated and “willingly cutt has pointed out in an essay on the Esther topos in references undertook to adopt whatever she desired” (58). to medieval queens, While Turgot gives an impression of considerable deviation from legitimate practice, a measure of moderation must be intro- [r]eflects two separate narrative traditions. The Hebrew version duced. The consensus among historians of the Scottish church is (found in modern-day Protestant Bibles) is a rather straight- that Margaret wished to impose the usage of the church of Rome, forward account that stresses God’s providence rather than as she had experienced it in the form King Stephen had intro- Esther’s actions. The Greek version of the story, incorporated duced at the Hungarian court, on perfectly orthodox local Chris- into the Vulgate along with the Hebrew version, forms a much tians. Ian Muirhead argues that it is important to refute the notion more dramatic narrative, stressing Esther’s personal danger of a Celtic church, radically distinct from its Roman mother: in approaching the king unbidden, elaborating on her inner struggle to determine the proper course of action, and empha- Christianity operated in lands linguistically Celtic, as in others, sizing the feminine wiles employed by the beautiful queen.7 and its material objects—, monuments, ecclesias- tical furnishings—might show the imprint of Celtic art forms. The Greek version thus lays great stress on the queen’s changes of There is no evidence that it used any language other than Latin clothing according to the predicament of the Jewish exiles. Hearing for its services, or in its scriptures (though sermons might be that the Israelites are facing death, she puts on garments of mourn- in the ). As Jocelyn Toynbee wrote many years ago, ing and scatters ashes on her head. After three days in prayer, she

24 • Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 “the so-called Celtic Church, surviving continuously in the [m]iracles are common to the evil and to the good, but the west and north, was thoroughly Roman in creed and origins; works of true piety and charity belong to the good alone. The Roman too initially in its organisation and practise.”10 former sometimes indicate holiness, but the latter are holiness itself. Let us, I say, admire in Margaret the things which made A number of local differences might have existed and would not her a saint, rather than the miracles, if she did any, which have pleased those used to a different style.11 Muirhead concludes: might only have indicated that she was one to men. (63) There is undoubtedly a certain oddness in the glimpses we He permits himself one astonishing episode (obviously the only get of worship in the early Christian centuries, and one can one he is able to think of) concerning a gospel book dropped into understand how clerics like Wilfrid, fresh and enthusiastic for a ford by one of her attendants. A lengthy search ensued until the Roman ways, or Queen Margaret’s chaplain Turgot, unaware book was found at the bottom of the stream. It was hardly dam- of any principles of historical development, meeting “periph- aged at all except for some faint water marks. Turgot regards this eral survivals,” mistook them for “separatist heresies.” Turgot as a miracle “wrought by our Lord because of His love for this spoke of the Queen’s subjects celebrating mass in “I know not venerable Queen” (64). what barbarous rite.” Oddities and survivals must not blind The last part of the Life tells how she prepared for death and the student to the fact that the differences are superficial and how it finally came to her. It seems that she had a premonition of the underlying patterns are those which develop into the me- death, and, having wept with Turgot over the events of her life, dieval forms of worship of the next period.12 she asked him to remember her at Mass and to watch over the The reform of the church leads into a discussion of Margaret’s spiritual development of her children. It was not Turgot who was spiritual discipline in the third part of the Life. She outshone all with her when she died. He mentions another priest whom she others in prayer, fasting, and acts of charity—to the point of ex- loved particularly and who later became a monk in Durham. This cess. She would go out among the people and distribute articles priest testified to her uncanny knowledge that Malcolm had been for the relief of the poor. When these ran out, her attendants killed in battle before it actually was reported. She was almost spontaneously offered garments and other possessions. She fre- too weak to make her communion for the last time and, after quently removed items of the king’s property for almsgiving and that, hardly able to call for the black cross which was especially was even known to help herself to his gold Maundy Thursday precious to her. She was holding the cross and reciting Psalm 51 coins to give to the poor. [Vulgate 50] when her son came in to announce his father’s death. Margaret ransomed a number of English captives who were She took the news with resignation, since she knew this already, enslaved in Scotland and visited the many living in the and while she was saying a last prayer, died peacefully. kingdom. Her Lenten and Advent observances were even more Themes from Margaret’s story conspicuous. Not only did she spend most of the night saying the and offices in the monastic church, she then returned What are we to make of all this? There are a number of strands to join the king in washing the feet of six poor people. After a to be drawn together into the single thread of Margaret’s story, short sleep, she read the psalms while feeding nine orphans. At and it remains to find some principle of coherence in her intense the same time, three hundred poor people were being ushered personal piety, her wish to alter the customs of the church, her into the hall. The king and queen waited on them there, watched extravagant practice of charity, her taste in beautiful fabrics and only by the chaplains, a few monks, and some attendants. Then furnishings, and the discipline she exercised over her children and the queen returned to the church, where she would . . . on herself. There are several contradictions, notably rigorous pri- vate faith against a desire for a public role in the church and asceti- offer herself sacrifice to God with many prayers, sighs and tears. cism and self-denial against acquisition of opulent possessions. For besides the Hours of the Holy Trinity, the Holy Cross, and One possibility is to adopt a reading not unlike the one Tur- the Holy Mary, recited within the space of a day and a night, got offered Matilda, which is to concentrate on those elements she would on these holy days repeat the Psalter twice on thrice, of Margaret’s life that can teach us something. In other words, it and before the celebration of the Public mass cause five or six retrieves her uncritically from the eleventh century for contem- Masses to be sung privately in her presence. (62) porary Christians. This has been done recently by Sister Lavinia By then, it was time for another meal, but Margaret did not eat Byrne, who presents the heroine like this: until she had fed twenty-four poor people. In addition, she had Margaret of Scotland was a reconciler and reformer, a scholar twenty-four regular dependants whom she fed throughout the and an embroideress, a wife and a mother. In her, the line year.13 Turgot notes that she ate “only to sustain life and not to of the old Saxon kings of England was linked with the new please her palate” on ordinary occasions so that, when she fasted, dynasty of the Norman kings. We know about her because “the abstinence with which she was in the habit of afflicting her- her biographer, Turgot, wrote a lyrical account of her life. But self was incredible” (62). The result was permanent and severe what is the importance of this life nowadays? Why should we pain in the stomach. care? Margaret of Scotland stands at a key point in British his- It is a clever move on the hagiographer’s part to dwell on tory and is pivotal to the unravelling of its meaning. In our prayer, charity, and fasting here, because they dominate his next own times, as we face transition, devolution and the emer- observation, which is that Margaret performed none of the mira- gence of a new nationalism, her story has a curious relevance. cles usually required for sainthood. Instead, he says: It is a story for our age.14

Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 • 25 Byrne goes on to put the best possible face on Turgot’s Life. At Another facet of Margaret’s forceful will is her rigorous re- times, the point is stretched perilously thin. Margaret’s love of gime of prayer and abstinence. She is one of a number of me- rich textiles and colorful clothes becomes a sign of her incarna- dieval married women who committed themselves to extremely tional intelligence: “a Word who is made flesh has to be honoured harsh rules of life as part of their religious discipline. This has in the body, in what we see and touch and love. In turn these give been explained as a powerful form of identification with the pas- the context within which we practise any austerities or private sion of the incarnate Christ. Its manifestation included severe disciplines of denial.”15 The same kind of argument is used to ex- fasting, often leading to physical illness. Rudolph Bell, in a book plain the gap between her wealth and her ministry to the poor: entitled Holy Anorexia, writes: If she fed the poor and knelt down at their feet and served [t]hese women identified with the suffering of Jesus on the them, it was because she wanted to do good, not demolish cross both as victim and as aggressor. In their bodies they the structures which enabled her to have money, power and shared with all humankind the guilt of original sin, the re- influence to exercise on their behalf. To read her story in any sponsibility for demanding the death of the Redeemer. In their other way would be to impose late twentieth-century ideas of souls they shared with their Bridegroom the exquisite plea- equality on it.16 sure of making the ultimate sacrifice and of finally laying their anger to rest. Thus they declared unremitting war against their There is another way to present the conditions Margaret fought bodies, carrying their ascetic masochism to levels unknown to impose, which is intimately tied to the freedoms and con- among virginal holy anorexics and thereby narrowly escaping straints of her role. On the one hand, none of the changes would the schizophrenic depths against which they battled.19 have come about—or not perhaps at that time—had she not been queen of Scotland. It is also unlikely that she would have been Building on Bell’s research, Caroline Walker Bynum traces a con- canonized. The role of queen gave medieval women an unusual nection between medieval women’s eucharistic piety and their position of authority. Dynastic marriages meant that they had relationship with food: “Hagiographers were thus expected to in- influential relations. Their exalted position guaranteed the coop- clude at least passing reference to food abstention and eucharistic eration of prominent churchmen. All of these factors helped give piety in their accounts of pious people.”20 them opportunities to pursue their interests by concrete action. A more sophisticated reading comes from Edith Wyschogrod, Jane Tibbets Schulenberg, in a survey of the public and private who presents the physical suffering of the saints as an expression roles of women across the period 500–1100, writes: of desire: a desire for the insatiable call of the needy, suffering other, and a desire to alleviate that need and suffering. She readily [T]he office of queenship continued to provide visibility for admits that this is an ambiguous form of desire: women and access to sainthood. We therefore find at the end of this period a saint sum as Queen Margaret of Scotland (d. 1093) There is a paradox connected with the imitatio Christi aspect who in many ways is reminiscent of the prominent Merovin- of Christian saintliness bound up with saintly suffering that gian and Anglo-Saxon women of the golden age of sanctity. is worth noting: on the one hand the saint alleviates suffering As queen (consocia), St. Margaret played a major public role. but on the other imposes it on herself/himself. Is it not the Renowned for her learning, she was active in the reform move- obligation of another, if not the saint’s own responsibility, to ment and amended councils and set policy. The author of her alleviate this personal suffering?21 vita also praised the queen’s domestic proficiency (especially Wyschogrod finds a possible resolution in the Dialogues of St. her involvement in needlework) and her role as mother.17 . Catherine says that “in this life guilt is not Donald Weinstein and Rudolph Bell argued that a visible role as atoned for by suffering as suffering but rather by suffering borne a practitioner of charity in the community often commanded as with desire, love and contrition of heart. . . . The value is not in much reverence from the faithful as miracles: the suffering but in the soul’s desire.”22 In the case of Margaret, we see this analysis played out in the tensions between public What [such people] did any human being might do, but they decision-making and physical weakness, between fulfilling the were the ones who projected superhuman dedication, thor- desires of the people and refusing her own desires (e.g., for food oughness and effect. Great nurturing saints came to the fore and sleep) in order to meet their needs, between a consciousness in every era and for every kind of human need: Bononio and of her identity as the queen, and a sense, never resolved, that she Margaret of Scotland were among those eleventh-century was not good enough for God. saints dedicated to ransoming Christian prisoners.18 This may look like a conscientious attempt at debunking, and But, on the other hand, all this display of generosity and decision- certainly we have to be aware at some level that Turgot, like many making masks a real absence of power. A woman in Margaret’s hagiographers, had a strategic purpose. Derek Baker has suggest- position owned nothing. Her charity depended on begging from ed more convincingly that the cult of Edward the Confessor was her husband or deceiving him and stealing from him. Her au- gaining in strength at the beginning of the twelfth century and thority in councils depended on her marital relationship to him. that the monk saw his chance to attach Margaret’s cult to that of So, in a curious way, the giver has to be transformed into some- her illustrious great-uncle.23 thing like the object of charity—the poor person, the beggar, the Rereading Turgot’s Life in the light of modern scholarship in thief, and, more importantly perhaps, the hungry. aspects of church history, medieval studies, gender studies, and moral philosophy has suggested a more critical and sometimes

26 • Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 less palatable view of the heroine. The present exercise has rec- nine steps are typical: (1) origin in a noble family or a family of respect- ognized Margaret in her own right, as a woman of her times, ex- able social standing, (2) miraculous birth or birth predicted by wise peo- pressing the concerns of her age. It has also shown that she used ple, (3) special qualities and precocious wisdom evident in childhood, (4) clear educational development, (5) piety, (6) martyrdom—more her position as queen to arrange a form of public faith that met detailed usually than other elements of a Life, (7) inventio—discovery with her tastes, she insisted on an extravagant style of courtly of relics or body and accompanying miracles, (8) translatio—relics are life in marked contrast to the of most of her subjects, taken to the place where they are venerated at the time when the Life is she practiced a form of conspicuous charity that sometimes de- written, (9) miracles. See Regis Boyer, “An attempt to define the typology pended on idiosyncratic minor dishonesties, and she inflicted of medieval hagiography,” in Hans Bekker-Nielsen, ed., Hagiography and dangerous deprivations on her own body. (Odense: Odense University Press, 1981), 27–36. 5. A. O. Anderson, Early Sources of Scottish History AD 500–1286 A saint in three dimensions [1922], rev. Marjorie Anderson (Stamford: Paul Watkins, 1990), vol. 2, 23. 6. See Gordon Donaldson, The Faith of the Scots(London: Batsford, The perspective of contemporary history is perhaps an impor- 1994), 26: “It has been suggested that Margaret’s zeal owed something to tant control on our judgment of a woman of the eleventh century. her experience of a land where Christianity was an exciting novelty and All-embracing judgments are always subject to revision. There is where, after the death of St. Stephen (1038), the Christian party had to never a final position, and every age will make its own appropria- contend with a pagan reaction. However, as it had been only about 995 that the Earl of Orkney had been coerced into baptism, [his daughter tion. Edith Wyschogrod insists that the analysis of saintly moti- Ingeborg] Malcolm’s first wife may also have imbibed the zeal of recent vation lies beyond our reach, and that there may always be a lin- converts and he may have been the victim—if that is the word—of two gering doubt hanging over the connection between the personal demonstratively zealous wives.” neediness of the saint and his or her reaching out to others. But, 7. Lois L. Huneycutt, “Intercession and the High-Medieval Queen: there is another side to this complexity: The Esther Topos,” in Jennifer Carpenter and Sally-Beth MacLean, eds., Power of the Weak: Studies on Medieval Women (Urbana, Ill.: University In reply, it can be argued that certainty would nullify the of Illinois Press, 1995), 126–46, 128. See also Pauline Stafford, Queens. character of existence as risk and constitute a misreading of Concubines and Dowagers: The King’s Wife in the life-histories as selfcertifyingly hagiographic. Whether there (London: Batsford, 1983), esp. 25. are political saints is a question that en principe cannot be de- 8. The apocryphal chapters of Esther, esp. chs. 14–15. 9. Huneycutt, “Intercession,” 129. cided. The narrative’s addressee must risk making the motions 10. Ian Muirhead, “The Beginnings,” in D. Forrester and D. Murray, after the story’s protagonist or refuse to do so, itself a signifi- eds., Studies in the History of Worship in Scotland (Edinburgh: T & T cant choice.24 Clark, 1984), 1–16, 7. 11. The possibilities are enumerated by F. E. Warren in The Liturgy This is exactly why the church needs to keep the stories of the and Ritual of the Celtic Church, 2nd ed., ed. Jane Stevenson (Woodbridge: saints alive—and by alive I mean open to question, though not Boyden Press, 1987), 96ff. tarnished by cynicism. The imposition of classifications helps us 12. Muirhead, “The Beginnings,” 12. only to a limited extent. After that, they become ways of making 13. These must be symbolic numbers, but I have not found any ex- three-dimensional people two-dimensional. Women saints have planation for them. perhaps suffered more from the labeling process than their male 14. Lavinia Byrne, The Life and Wisdom of Margaret of Scotland (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1998), ix. counterparts. The reminds us that we are 15. �������Byrne, Life and Wisdom, 20–21. “knit together” with the saints in “one communion and fellow- 16. �������Byrne, Life and Wisdom, 21. ship,” and expresses the hope that we might follow the example of 17. Jane Tibbets Schulenberg, “Female Sanctity: Public and Private those who have gone before us “in all virtuous and godly living.” Roles, ca. 500–1100,” in Mary Erler and Maryanne Kowaleski, eds., It wisely refrains from suggesting that virtue and godliness are the Women and Power in the Middle Ages (Athens, Ga.: University of Geor- only dimensions of the lives of the saints. Their imperfect human- gia Press, 1988), 102–25, 118. ity is a great consolation for those who strive toward the eternal 18. Donald Weinstein and Rudolph M. Bell, Saints and Society (Chi- cago, Ill.: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 157. contentment, so strange to contemporary ears that recent revi- 19. Rudolph M. Bell, Holy Anorexia (Chicago, Ill.: University of Chi- sions have altered it—“those unspeakable joys, which [God] has cago Press, 1985), 113. . . . prepared for them that unfeignedly love [him].”25 20. Caroline Walker Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley, Calif.: University of Notes California Press, 1987). See also Lynda L. Coon, Sacred Fictions: Holy 1. John Duke notes that Margaret’s wish to be a is attested by Women and Hagiography in Late Antiquity (Philadelphia, Pa.: University the Historia Ecclesiae of Ordericus Vitalis Migne PL clxxxviii col. 620. of Pennsylvania Press, 1997). See John A. Duke, History of the Church of Scotland to the Reformation 21. Edith Wyschogrod, Saints and Postmodernism: Revisioning Mor- (Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd, 1937), 72 n. al Philosophy (Chicago, Ill.: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 38. 2. The Chronicle of Melrose. 22. ������������Wyschogrod, Saints and Postmodernism, 38. 3. Turgot, Bishop of St. Andrews, The Life of Saint Margaret Queen of 23. Derek Baker, “‘A Nursery of Saints’: Saint Margaret of Scotland Scotland, tr. W. M. Metcalfe, first published in Metcalfe Ancient Lives of Reconsidered,” in Derek Baker, ed., Medieval Women (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1978), 119–41, 124–25. Scottish Saints (Paisley: Alexander Gardner, 1895). Repr. in Lives of the Scot- tish Saints (Lampeter, Llanerch Enterprises, 1990), 43–69. All quotations 24. Wyschogrod, Saints and Postmodernism,161–62. from the Life will be referenced by page numbers in the body of the text. 25. The Book of Common Prayer, 1662, Collect for All Saints Day 4. The structural conventions of the saint’s life genre have been dem- (1 November). onstrated by Regis Boyer, who shows that all or some of the following CBE thanks Ushaw College, Durham, England, for permission to print this article.

Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 • 27 “How can they preach unless they are sent? …‘How beautiful are the feet of those who bring the good news!’” - Romans 10:14–15 tniv

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Henry and Sharon Join us in Toronto on July 18-20, 2008 Tam for CBE’s International Symposium Mary Stewart Van Leeuwen on Gender and Missions! Jim and Rhonda Walton

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28 • Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 Book Review: Climbing the Dragon’s Ladder By Andrea Lorenzo Molinari (Wipf & Stock, 2006)

Reviewed by Aída Besançon Spencer In a time when wealth and prosperity are more welcomed than trast, Perpetua’s description of her father is an apt warning for all the cost of discipleship, Climbing the Dragon’s Ladder is a timely of us: “Power, ability, prestige, worldly importance, these things historical novel. No greater identification can be made about the are like sand we try to grasp in our hands but that inevitably slips cost involved in persevering as a Christian than identifying with a through our fingers. . . . we are prepared to stop at nothing, to martyr such as Perpetua. Andrea Lorenzo Molinari, president of destroy anyone, just to build our house of sand” (246). Blessed Edmund Rice School for Pastoral Ministry and assistant What critical issues does the Martyrdom present? Some schol- professor of New Testament and early church history, has used the ars posit that “it is possible that Perpetua and her companions original account of The Martyrdom of Perpetua in combination were Montanists,” since Tertullian (a Montanist) wrote the intro- with archaeological and historical information to expand upon duction.4 Molinari instead presents Perpetua as completely or- and recreate a likely scenario for Perpetua’s martyrdom. The full- thodox. I would agree. In contrast to Perpetua, Montanus thought page illustrations by Tyler Walpole help the imagination envision he was the Paraclete predicted by Jesus. The Montanists claimed the scenes. Perpetua’s martyrdom is the “first known work written to have been martyred for the faith, but Apolinarius said none of by an early Christian woman” (xi). According to professor Rose- them was arrested or killed for the faith. According to Apollonius, mary Rader, “The account demonstrates the emergence within they preached fasting and the annulment of marriage, but, in re- the church of a prophetic movement in which women assumed ality, lived off robbing others (Eusebius, Church History 5.14–18). leadership roles indicative of . . . male/female equality.”1 The only surprising aspect of Perpetua’s visions is her “obligation” Vibia Perpetua, together with her friend and slave Felicitas, and to pray to the Lord for the end of the suffering of her deceased Saturus, Revocatus, Saturninus, and Secundulus died on (or before) seven-year-old brother Dinocrates (Martyrdom 7), who is in some March 7, a.d. 203, in Carthage, North Africa, during the persecu- kind of limbo, still diseased, unable to drink water. In contrast, tion of Christians under Emperor Septimus Severus. For the origi- Jesus taught that between the tormented rich man in Hades and nal collector of Perpetua’s diary, Perpetua was an illustration of Acts the beggar Lazarus is “a great chasm” that no one can cross (Luke 2:17, Pentecost, and the Holy Spirit still falling upon women (as well 16:19–31), and Jesus never asked the living to pray for the dead. as men) and granting visions.2 The journey to her martyrdom in- Perpetua may not have been perfect in her theology, yet she cludes numerous visions: climbing the dragon’s ladder to the heav- is a model for all of us. As Molinari summarizes, Perpetua “is enly shepherd, seeing her dead brother Dinocrates in trouble and looked to by her fellow Christians for spiritual leadership, who then healthy, Perpetua battling the devil (in the form of an Egyp- stands before the pervasive male authorities (i.e., her father, the tian), and Saturus’ journey to the youthful “white-haired man.” Roman procurator) and simply refuses their attempts to stifle her Molinari takes the original brief Martyrdom of Perpetua and voice. Yet she is not an angry woman. She doesn’t hate men. De- develops a lengthy and positive picture of Perpetua and her Chris- spite her clashes with her father, her love for him is undeniable” tian brothers and sisters, developing the characters of the persons (xii). No wonder Molinari named his own daughter “Perpetua”! in the original account. Twelve pages3 have been expanded to 278 Notes pages; thus, Climbing is clearly historical fiction. As Molinari hopes, it is indeed “in the realm of what is reasonable and possible” (xiii). 1. Patricia Wilson-Kastner, et al., A Lost Tradition: Women Writers of the Early Church (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1981), 3. It begins with an introduction to the young man who will collect See also R.E. Wallis, “The Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas,” Ante- Perpetua’s diary, giving a detailed feel to the archaeology and cus- Nicene Fathers 3, ed. Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson (Peabody, toms of the day. Molinari relates the different stages of arrest: house Mass.: Hendrickson, 1885), 699-706. (ch. 1), gladiatorial school (ch. 6), military prison (ch. 21), and, fi- 2. Martyrdom of Perpetua 2; Wilson-Kastner, A Lost Tradition, 19. 3. Martyrdom of Perpetua in Wilson-Kastner, A Lost Tradition, 19–30. nally, execution at the amphitheater in Carthage (ch. 29). 4. Justo Gonzalez, The Story of Christianity I (New York, N.Y.: Harp- A baffling aspect of the original Martyrdom is that Perpetua er and Row, 1984), 83; Ronald A. N. Kydd, Charismatic Gifts in the Early is described as “a young married woman about twenty years old. Church (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1984), 69–70; Wilson-Kastner, A . . . She had . . . an infant son at the breast” (Martyrdom 2). Her Lost Tradition, 2 (“it reflects strong pro-Montanist tendencies”) versus husband is never mentioned explicitly. Molinari develops the 17 (“there is no positive evidence of Perpetua’s personal affiliation with the sect. . . .the Montanist aspect of the work seems to have escaped the character of Saturus as the missing husband, creating a delightful notice of Augustine and many of the early Fathers”). romantic first meeting in the arranged marriage (ch. 3) and a tri- umphant proclamation of Saturus’ faith before the accusing judge AÍDA BESANÇON SPENCER (Ph.D., Southern Bap- after he makes certain the state does not take his estate (ch. 14). tist Seminary) is professor of New Testament at Particularly poignant is Molinari’s beautiful description of the Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary in South support of all believers during a martyrdom: “We are here, strug- Hamilton, Mass. She has written numerous books gling with you,” says the deacon Pomponius to Perpetua in her and articles including Beyond the Curse, Paul ‘s Lit- vision. “What do you mean, ‘we’?” she asks. She looks up into the erary Style, 2 Corinthians (reprinted by Hendrickson stands to see a huge crowd of white-robed martyrs exhorting her as Daily Bible Commentary) and contributions to to be “strong and of good courage” and “brave” (238). We are re- Discovering Biblical Equality and The IVP Women’s Bible Commentary. minded of the “great cloud of witnesses” in Hebrews 12:1. In con-

Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 • 29 � Christians for Biblical Equality CBE Membership Form Christians for Biblical Equality (CBE) is an organization of Christian men and women who believe that the Bible, properly interpreted, Contact Information teaches the fundamental equality of believers of all racial and ethnic groups, and all economic classes, and all age groups, based on the ______teachings of scripture as reflected in Galatians 3:28. first and last name Injustice is an abuse of power, taking from others what God has ______given them: their dignity, their freedom, their resources, and even their street address very lives. CBE also recognizes that prohibiting individuals from exer- cising their God-given gifts to further his kingdom constitutes injustice ______city in a form that impoverishes the body of Christ and its ministry in the world at large. CBE accepts the call to be part of God’s mission in ______opposing injustice as required in Scriptures such as 6:8. state / province / country zip / postal code ______Core Values ◆ We believe the Bible teaches the equality of women phone e-mail address and men. We believe God has given each person gifts to be used for the good of Christ’s kingdom. We believe Christians are to develop ______church denomination and exercise their God-given gifts in home, church, and society. We believe the Bible teaches that Christians are to oppose injustice. Annual Membership Fee (all fees are in U.S. dollars) Mission Statement ◆ CBE equips believers by affirming the biblical truth about equality and justice. Thus all believers, without Please check one: regard to gender, ethnicity, and class, are free and encouraged to use their God-given gifts in families, ministries, and communities. United States Members 1 Year 3 Years Core Purpose ◆ To communicate broadly the biblical truth that Individual ☐ $45 ☐ $120 men and women are equally responsible to act justly and use their Household ☐ $65 ☐ $170 God-given gifts to further Christ’s kingdom. Low Income ☐ $25 ☐ N/A Envisioned Future ◆ CBE envisions a future where all believers Subscriptions* ☐ $40 ☐ $115 will be encouraged to use their gifts for God’s glory and missional purposes, with the full support of their Christian communities. International Members 1 Year 3 Years Individual ☐ $55 ☐ $145 Statement of Faith Household ☐ $75 ☐ $190 We believe the Bible is the inspired Word of God, is reliable, and Low Income ☐ $34 ☐ N/A is the final authority for faith and practice. Subscriptions* ☐ $49 ☐ $140 We believe in the unity and trinity of God, eternally existing as *Does not include membership benefits. three equal persons. Tax-Deductible Contribution $ ______We believe in the full deity and full humanity of Jesus Christ. We believe in the sinfulness of all persons. One result of sin is TOTAL $ ______shattered relationships with God, others, and self. CBE is an exempt organization as described in IRS Sec. 501(c)(3), so donations We believe that eternal salvation and restored relationships are may qualify as a charitable contributions where allowed by law. possible through faith in Jesus Christ who died for us, rose from the dead, and is coming again. This salvation is offered to all people. Payment Method We believe in the work of the Holy Spirit in salvation, and in the ☐ Check/Money Order (payable to Christians for Biblical Equality) power and presence of the Holy Spirit in the life of believers. ☐ Visa ☐ MasterCard ☐ Discover ☐ American Express We believe in the equality and essential dignity of men and women of all ethnicities, ages, and classes. We recognize that all ______persons are made in the image of God and are to reflect that image account number expiration date in the community of believers, in the home, and in society. ______We believe that men and women are to diligently develop and use verification code (the four digits on the top right corner of American their God-given gifts for the good of the home, church, and society. Express cards or final three digits found on the back of other cards) We believe in the family, celibate singleness, and faithful hetero- ______sexual marriage as God’s design. signature We believe that, as mandated by the Bible, men and women are to oppose injustice.

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30 • Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 Jeanne D’Arc

(Et toi, que réponds tu à l’amour?) Renunciation As with Mary, Could Mary have refused, it was the sound of angel wings when it was offered her, that broke the silence. left her fingers My ears rung with gold, open around the gift, I felt fire sprouting up from releasing the weight of it the dun earth. from the palm of her hand? Light spilt over the green valley— Could she simply have turned on my head a warmth when the angel startled her, settled, and began to spread. and gone about folding the I heard the sound of beating pulses clothes, between bird-notes, heard sweeping dust from corners, the sound baking the daily bread? water makes falling from a clay pitcher, Could she have brushed it felt my blood running aside, warm in my veins, arm upraised not in fear but release— and then He came. a wave of good-bye, a hand blocking merely the Do not ask me why God glare seems always to whisper His wisdom of the morning sun, to women too young to keep secrets. not the radiance of angels in her kitchen? This slow coming alive was a burning, God’s red-flaming touch on my heart. I heard Him come and settle in the fields of France, heard Him ask,

“With what will you answer My love?”

Jennifer Stewart lives in the port town of Klaipeda, Lithuania, and teaches writing and literature at Lithuania Christian College. Before moving to Klaipeda, she earned degrees in rhetoric, composition, and literature from Colorado State University and Bethel University in St. Paul, Minnesota. She loves words in all their forms, the Rocky Moun- tains, and Lithuanian “kepta duona” (fried bread).

France of Joan of Arc by Andrew C. P. Haggard, John Lane Company, New York, N.Y., 1912. Online: http://www.lib.utexas.edu/exhibits/portraits/index.php?img=202.

Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008 • 31 Now available… 2008 CBE catalog Featuring new, classic, and best-selling books and recordings about biblical equality

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32 • Priscilla Papers ◆ Vol. 22, No. 1 ◆ Winter 2008