INTERVIEW WITH PETER CAMEJO * ONTARIO LIBERALS EMPIRE & THE MEDIA * UPDATE ON VENEZUELA 2 Relay January/February 2005

Relay, A Socialist Project Review, intends to act as a forum for January / conveying and debating current issues of importance to the February RELAY Left in Ontario, Canada and from around the world. Contri- butions to the re-laying of the foundations for a viable social- ist politics are welcomed by the editorial committee. Issue #3

Editors: About the Socialist Project Peter Graham Tanner Mirrlees The Socialist Project does not propose an easy politics for defeating capital- ism or claim a ready alternative to take its place. We oppose capitalism out of Advisory Board: necessity and support the resistance of others out of solidarity. This resistance Greg Albo creates spaces of hope, and an activist hope is the first step to discovering a Carole Conde new socialist politics. Through the struggles of that politics – struggles in- Bryan Evans formed by collective analysis and reflection – alternatives to capitalism will Matt Fodor emerge. Such anti-capitalist struggles, we believe, must develop a viable Samantha Fodor working class politics, and be informed by democratic struggles against ra- Nicolas Lopez cial, sexist and homophobic oppressions, and in support of the national self- Jess MacKenzie determination of the many peoples of the world. In Canada and the world nchamah miller today, there is an imperative for the Left to begin a sustained process of re- Pance Stojkovski flection, struggle and organizational re-groupment and experimentation. Ernie Tate Neither capitalism nor neoliberalism will fade from the political landscape Carlos Torres based on the momentum of their own contradictions and without the Left developing new political capacities. We encourage those who share this as- sessment to meet, debate and begin to make a contribution to a renewed so- Printed by: cialist project in your union, school and community. For more information on Open Door Press the Socialist Project check our web-site at www.socialistproject.ca or e-mail Winnipeg us at [email protected].

Labour’s Crisis: The Challenge of Neoliberalism 4 Socialist Project Labour Committee

Labour Conference Report 6 Dan Crow

Declining Working Conditions, Worker Solidarity, 7 and the “Grandfather Clause” Sarah Rogers

Anti-imperialism Against Empire: Socialist School in Toronto 8 Scott Forsyth

The Price You Pay 9 Jay Johnston

The CAW’s Union in Politics Conference 10 Richard Harding

FOCUS PSAC Strike of 2004 11 ON Donald Swartz LABOUR

Canada Bushwacked? 13 Carolyn Watson Relay January/February 2005 3

Grocery Industry Armageddon 14 - Is Wal-Mart Really Our Biggest Threat? Angelo DiCaro

Wal-Mart’s Global Order: 16 North American Labour takes on the Retailing Giant Charles Smith Subscribe to Relay Subscribe to

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The Crisis of the Trade-Unions in Russia, Belarus and Ukraine 22 David Mandel SocialistPlease Project: send PO Boxcheques 85 The Day AFter the US Election 26 Station E Bill Fletcher, Jr. payable to: Toronto, Ontario M6H 4E1 The Indispensable Ken Loach – at the video store 27 Socialist Project: Scott Forsyth PO Box 85 Station E VERA DRAKE A Film by Mike Leigh 29 Toronto, Ontario Review written by Doug Williams M6H 4E1

Taking on ‘The Take’ 30 Corvin Russell

The Dirt of Pretty Things in Dirty Pretty Things 32 Tanner Mirrlees

For Steve Earle ‘The Revolution Starts ... Now’ 36 Len Bush

“We live in dangerous times” A Review of Canada House 37 Govind Rao

Labour, the left and the crisis in Israel-Palestine 39 Sid Shniad

Labour in Venezuela Today 41 Marcella Maspero

The Call of Caracus 46 Greg Albo

Reflections on the Referendum in Venezuela 47

Africa: The Next Liberation Struggle 47 4 Relay January/February 2005 Labour’s Crisis: The Challenge of Neo-liberalism

Socialist Project Labour Committee

These are not good times for the focus is not to build a movement with debates over political orientation and Canadian labour movement. In spite the capacity to challenge the power of strategies for challenging neo-liberal- of the relentless onslaught of neo-lib- capital. In government, it has imple- ism receding in importance. Private eralism, we remain stuck in defensive mented the same neo-liberal policies as and public sector struggles remain mode. the Liberals and Conservatives; it re- separated, as well. This isn’t exceptional: it is also mains fundamentally an electoral ma- Even more, petty, sectarian di- the case in most of the developed world chine, rather than a mobilizational in- visions amongst unions have stood in that the labour movement has been un- strument; and like its social democratic the way of labour being able to develop able to challenge the basic premises of cousins in Europe it has continued to common strategies for organizing the neo-liberalism. distance itself from labour and unorganized. Mass organizing of key Underlying the defensiveness of traditional working-class identities. unorganized sectors requires the col- labour is a series of critical weaknesses With the new funding limita- lective efforts of unions working to- and challenges: tions contained in campaign finance gether with a common project. This reform legislation, labour took hesitant is not happening. On the contrary, un- Lack of Political Struggle steps to develop independent “issue- ions are competing amongst them- oriented” electoral campaigns in the selves for potential new members. For In the wake of the Ontario So- recent federal election. The content of the growing number of workers in pre- cial Contract in 1993 a new opening these campaigns was thin and offered carious and low-paid employment, this for the left in the labour movement ap- limited strategic perspectives – such as has had a devastating effect. peared. In a number of unions, there calling for corporatist alliances with were fissures in the limiting of poli- employers, as a way to guarantee the Lack of an organizing focus tics to electoral support for social de- survival of different economic sectors. mocracy and it seemed that new forms Politics within the labour movement Although there have been or- of working class politics would be con- has remained “business as usual”, at a ganizing successes all too much of the sidered. There were important tradi- time when this is clearly no longer growth of individual unions has been tions and new experiences to build adequate. through mergers. While mergers are upon, such as the 1988 anti-free trade often necessary and positive, there campaign; the mass demonstration for Lack of unity have been few real organizing break- jobs in 1993; the Ontario Days of Ac- throughs. Labour needs to develop new tion and the Anti-globalization move- Divisions within the labour and bold organizing initiatives involv- ment. In each, a whole generation of movement remain deep-seated. At vari- ing collective efforts to bring the ma- labour activists gained experiences ous times, debates over these differ- jority of workers into the movement. with more radical and participatory ences have played a vital role in creat- This can only happen if labour sees or- forms of political action. In the CAW, ing openings for the left. (Recall the de- ganizing as part of building a work- a Taskforce on Working Class Politics bates over the Rae days, progressive ing class rather than adding members, was struck, which actually opened up competitiveness, the role of the public and integrates ‘organizing’ into a space – for the first time in over 40 sector, lean production and the role of larger vision of what kind of unions years – to consider new political ap- “empowerment”, labour funds and the we are bringing workers into. proaches and orientations. Now, the role of electoral vs. extra-parliamen- labour movement has returned willy- tary politics).To the extent that such Lack of debate nilly to the “new” NDP of Jack Layton. divisions reflected differences in po- While this party puts forward a pro- litical orientations between unions, The terrain for debating real gram defending social programs and such debates were vital to moving la- differences has shrunk, both inside in- modest but progressive reforms and bour ahead. More recently, however, dividual unions and within the labour may, for the time being represent the differences appear to be more about movement as a whole. Conventions, only electoral option for the left, its competing jurisdictional interests, with conferences and councils within un- Relay January/February 2005 5 ions are important democratic spaces We are living in a moment them. The HEU strike is still being where real debate has historically taken where the chickens are coming home hotly debated amongst left-oriented place. All too often real debate has all to roost, as the effects of neo-liberal labour activists. Whether one con- but disappeared as a new generation reforms are beginning to be felt in sec- cludes that the BC labour movement of left dissidents has not yet developed tors where they have been held off for missed an important opportunity to the confidence or experience to raise decades. Today, the desire to resist – build, or bargained the best possible difficult issues, all the more so in the as important as it is – isn’t enough. retreat under the circumstances, it is face of a growing intolerance of real Opposing concessions is absolutely clearly a major defeat for the labour differences by leaders. At the same essential, but the structural power of move ment and an opening for neo- time, in larger labour movement fo- employers is so strong that it forces us liberal governments with similar goals. rums, open debate is often discouraged to organize, educate and mobilize While there have been some in the name of keeping a paper unity, worked out in advance behind closed doors. Most important, the crisis la- bour faces in terms of external attacks is also a crisis within labour. Real de- bate and the search for new ways of challenging employers and the logic of capitalism, is a necessary condition for moving forwards.

Weakness of the left

Real, constructive challenges to the status quo depend upon the exist- ence of a strong, well-placed and ac- tive socialist left. This clearly does not exist today. New and creative strate- gies, ideas and criticisms seem to come from isolated individuals (marked by the mixed clarity and limited effective- ness of people working by themselves) against them and put forward alterna- important struggles against employer- and small groups of leftists operating tives which challenge the logic of com- initiated restructuring over the last few independently of each other. Most petitiveness in each sector. The trade years in many sectors, labour’s fight workers today have no exposure to left union movement – still tied to social back has been extremely uneven. ideas, as left political movements re- democratic approaches – is left with- Where labour leaders did initiate or main small and new. But at least we out serious political strategies to use participate in broader political activi- are seeing the beginnings of new left as a basis for putting forward alterna- ties such as the Ontario Days of Ac- movements working inside the labour tives. Many trade union leaders talk tion, the anti-globalization and anti- movement, starting again the process about fighting back. But even those war movements, they displayed a dis- of rooting left ideas and orientations that have held to the most consistent appointing pattern of inflated rhetori- inside the working class. anti-concession stands in the past in- cal flourishes, coupled with limited The crisis of labour is part of a creasingly find themselves in conces- mobilizational or educational commit- more general crisis of the socialist left. sion bargaining situations today be- ment. Finding new and creative ways to ad- cause of their inability or unwilling- Certainly, there is opposition to dress challenges such as globalization ness to politically challenge the struc- continued attacks on social programs and neo-liberalism and linking up with tural power of employers. Instead, we and further plans to privatize and the leading elements of the working see them capitulating to the “realities” deregulate existing state assets and class movement are important ways to of competitiveness – realities that flow programs. And, there remains a will- rekindle, once again, hopes and from the logic of neo-liberalism. ingness to fight employers and resist dreams of an alternative social system. Similar trends have emerged in takeaways. On the other hand, there is the public sector. In BC and Newfound- little desire or ability to challenge the Fighting Concessions and Political land neoliberal projects have at least ideology of competitiveness or the Challenges temporarily succeeded in defeating logic of globalization and neo-liberal- public sector union efforts to challenge ism. This has helped to create ® 6 Relay January/February 2005 a crisis in the ability of the labour A Network of Left Activists in the movement; heard reports from repre- movement to respond to the progres- Union Movement sentatives of networks and engaged in sive deterioration of the working con- general discussions about their reports. ditions and job security of their mem- It is in this context, that the The group agreed to meet every 6 bership. Today, key struggles that do Socialist Project initiated efforts to weeks for the foreseeable future to seek to resist employer offensives need build networks of activism based in discuss key issues facing the labour orientations which challenge competi- workplaces and communities. In No- movement, produce pamphlets and tiveness and regulate or limit the com- vember 14th we organized a successful engage in regular communications petitive environment in the sector. If conference that is summarized in this through Relay, and other means. n not, all too often, such struggles today issue of Relay. It provided a forum to end in resignation and frustration. discuss the overall crisis within the

Labour Conference Report Dan Crow

One of the core features of ence was to establish an ongoing net- cial and economic change. neo-liberalism is the fact that com- work of labour activists, not only to Strategies of resistance have petitive pressures are pushed onto rebuild and strengthen the culture of covered traditional union strategies, workers, who are constantly expected resistance within the labour movement, like the highly organized work-to-rule to diminish expectations in order to but also to develop strategies that will campaign by CUPE local 4400 work- protect jobs. Forces of competitive- put in motion a socialist strategy for ers in Toronto schools used to dem- ness have had distinct negative effects labour. onstrate how essential these workers on workers’ incomes, working con- As all conference participants are to the running of education. Yet ditions, hours of work and job secu- agreed, competitive pressures have had successes have come through strate- rity. Unions, although still the most negative effects on the ways in which gies that have been less widely used effective means by which workers can unions operate. Union executives are by unions, such as the broadly based defend their interests, have not been feeling greater pressures to enter into coalition to defend the public owner- immune to these pressures, being partnerships with management to pro- ship of Hydro in Ontario. forced into defensive postures for tect jobs. Such partnerships can take A number of other issues were much of the past 25 years. the form of union/management lobby- raised in the discussion, covering the It is in light of these pressures ing for subsidies for capital, as has range of concerns that left union ac- on unions (and the need to develop happened in the auto sector. But part- tivists face in the current context. strategies to challenge them), that the nerships and defensive strategies can Amongst others, they included: the Socialist Project Labour Committee also take the form of local executives need for greater space for debate and organized a well-attended one-day and stewards taking on management organizing within their unions; the conference on November 14, 2004. roles in trying to lower the expecta- role of leadership in challenging com- The conference brought together la- tions and pressuring their own mem- petitive pressure and organizing re- bour activists from across Southern bers to limit breaks and work faster. sistance; the difficulties of small num- Ontario, representing workers in both In private sector workplaces, the un- bers of left activists in creating an al- the public and private sectors. The derlying threat is capital flight; in the ternative current in their unions and conference was divided into three public sector the threat is that work will locals; balancing the concerns of panels, with discussions covering the be privatized in one form or another. workers from different sectors within auto sector, municipalities and the Although on the defensive, larger, “general” unions, and a public sector, health care, and workers and their unions have not been number of other issues. workplace environment issues. completely paralyzed. Panellists high- The conference concluded Sam Gindin opened the meet- lighted several strategies that have with unanimous agreement that it is ing with a statement of the goals of been successful at mobilizing mem- essential to continue organizing to the conference, which were twofold. bers, challenging employers and fight- build a long-term network of left and First, the conference was intended to ing for greater union democracy, while socialist labour activists. This network bring forward and discuss union combating neo-liberalism at will include regular meetings, begin- strategies that have been successful workplaces and in the public sphere. ning January 16th and occurring every at combating competitiveness. These Furthermore, discussions touched on six weeks, to share strategies, create strategies occur in the workplace, in specific proposals that could be used communities of support, and build the the community and in the broader po- to protect jobs and living standards, as left within the labour movement. n litical system at all levels of govern- well as build a labour movement more ment. The second goal of the confer- capable of organizing workers for so- Relay January/February 2005 7 Declining Working Conditions, Worker Solidar- ity, and the “Grandfather Clause”

Sarah Rogers

Having worked at a Dominion ers actually take home less than mini- made. This deskilling is then used to supermarket for twelve years, I have mum wage. New workers have little justify the low wages paid to new full- witnessed the working conditions in seniority, so if they work an average timers. the retail grocery industry deteriorate of ten hours per week, they won’t reach As a union steward and activ- with each new collective agreement. the top rate of $12.50 for at least ten ist, I often talk with workers about our Since the 1970s, Ontario’s retail gro- years. Even though in their 2001 con- working environment. Many people cery industry has undergone dramatic tract part-time workers “won” a pen- point out that there’s little incentive to restructuring and the impact upon sion like their full-time counterparts, work in Dominion stores or in the re- workers has been tremendous. The the low wages and small amount of tail grocery industry in general. A hot 1990s were extremely destructive to the hours these workers get doesn’t trans- topic right now is the collective agree- quality of employment in Ontario su- late into any real financial gains for ment established between the UFCW permarkets. Workers saw little im- them. and Loblaws Inc. In 2003, Loblaws provement in their working conditions Unless workers have put in five announced plans to restructure and in this decade and any new hires were years seniority, they can’t count on any successfully implemented a collective hit especially hard by the introduction particular amount of hours which agreement with the UFCW that mim- of a wage tier. The labour standards means they never know how much ics the labour standards found in non- in this industry have rapidly declined money they will earn. This also means unionized places like Wal-Mart. As to the point where the unionized and that workers are constantly wondering Dominion’s main competitor, Loblaws non-unionized workplaces are almost if they will meet the hours requirement stores usually set the standard for bar- indistinguishable in terms of pay, ben- each year, to be able to collect benefits gaining between Dominion and their efits and working conditions. For many in the following year. There is a se- unions. Many of us predict that Do- of today’s grocery workers, there ap- niority system for these workers, but minion stores will argue that they need pears to be almost no benefit to being seniority rights are rarely exercized or to compete “fairly” with Loblaws by a unionized worker in this industry. acknowledged. Rather, hours are al- implementing similar labour stan- Comparing my own wage and lotted to workers who are most flex- dards. Given this trend in the past, working conditions to someone who is ible and although this is a violation of workers’ fears are certainly under- hired under a new contract puts these seniority rights, many workers are too standable. deteriorating conditions into perspec- afraid to exercize seniority for fear of What is alarming to me is the tive. When I was hired, I knew that I being “punished” by having their hours ease with which grocery companies would receive a raise within three cut further. New workers are also have succeeded in restructuring. As a months, again in six months, and con- forced to make themselves available for shop steward and union activist, I am tinually until I reached the top rate of work on Sundays because their collec- concerned with the fact that there has pay for part-timers. With each year tive agreement states that Sunday is a been little resistance to this restructur- that passed, I earned more money and “regular” working day. ing. Why has it been so easy for com- more seniority, which meant more con- Newly hired full time workers panies to restructure? Why haven’t trol over my working conditions. Com don’t have it much better. They’re workers organized collectively, pared to many jobs in the service sec- working alongside people doing the through their union, to reverse the de- tor, my hourly rate of $16.00 per hour same job for almost five dollars more clining working conditions? While is striking. I also don’t have to worry per hour. Many full time workers put these questions require a more thor- about dental, medical or optical costs in a six-day work week to compensate ough discussion than what I can pro- because of my benefits package. for their low hourly rate of pay (which vide here, I want to discuss one prac- For new part-time workers, is approximately $16.50). Many of tice that helps to explain the success working conditions are not so good. these workers also supplement their in- of restructuring in this industry – the In fact, they are extremely precarious. comes with a part-time job. Skilled “grandfather clause”. This term refers Most new part-time workers (who are full-time workers such as bakers or to provisions in a collective agreement predominantly youth and women) start meat cutters are watching “just-in- that dictate the wages and working at minimum wage. After EI, taxes, and time” production de-skill their work as conditions for workers who will be union dues are deducted, these work- product is delivered pre-cut or pre- hired after the date of a ® 8 Relay January/February 2005 collective agreement ratification vote. clauses. They may not be “conces- upon the outcome of their voting deci- Introducing these clauses has allowed sions” in the typical sense whereby sion. On the other hand, I wonder how grocery companies to restructure suc- presently employed workers’ condi- we can accept collective agreements cessfully because there is no signifi- tions are affected, but they are still con- that determine the working conditions cant impact upon, or resistance from, cessions. What’s confusing to me is for workers who aren’t even hired yet. voting workers. Essentially, at bar- that unions understand that conces- If this reasoning has little influence gaining time, workers’ votes are sions in one collective agreement help upon workers, then perhaps they might swayed by the impact the contract will to impose a downward pressure on consider the long-term impact that this have on their individual working con- labour standards in the entire indus- kind of restructuring has upon indi- ditions. The grandfather clauses don’t try. And unions also understand that viduals, families, communities, and affect voting workers and conse- once concessions are made, it’s diffi- entire sectors of the Canadian quently, a vote of “yes” translates into cult to win back what was lost. But economy. Perhaps they might consider poor working conditions for new work- I’m sure that the issue is complicated, the working conditions of their future ers. and the fact of the matter is that these family members or the fact that with By implementing grandfather kinds of clauses don’t seem to be go- each collective agreement that includes clauses, grocery companies do more ing away. It seems to be up to the rank- these grandfather clauses, companies damage than ensure poor working con- and-file to resist them. grow stronger at the expense of work- ditions for new workers. They also So if it’s up to the rank-and-file ers who become more and more di- succeed in dividing workers from one to address the relationship between vided from one another. another, which means that the likeli- declining working conditions, worker Dominion stores are currently hood of organized resistance and soli- solidarity, and this grandfather clause, in bargaining with CAW Local 414 darity is low. While the retail grocery the question becomes how workers can and workers are anxiously waiting to industry has always had a somewhat develop and act upon a collective con- see what provisions might be included “fragmented” solidarity among work- sciousness in light of an agenda that in their next collective agreement. A ers - because the industry is comprised promotes individualism and division. number of conversations around this of many different “types” of workers One of the few ways workers can contract involve concerns about pen- such as full-time, part-time, skilled and exercize agency and solidarity is by sions, rates of pay, benefits and senior- unskilled, stopgap workers and long- voting but it is during voting where ity rights. However, little has been said time workers - the grandfather clause the divisions among workers is so ap- about grandfather clauses although a keeps workers divided from one an- parent. On one hand, I understand that few activists are trying to mobilize other by forcing them to consider their workers are often in such a desperate workers around this issue. It’s my hope own needs at the expense of others. state that any provision that appears that as workers become more aware of And this is what concerns me. I often to improve their working conditions the impact of these clauses, they will wonder why the unions would even will be appealing. Workers’ individual work collectively to resist them. n consider accepting grandfather needs are often the primary influence

ANTI-IMPERIALISM AGAINST EMPIRE: SOCIALIST SCHOOL IN TORONTO Scott Forsyth

A successful Socialist School day Saturday were the most appreci- ganizations were featured, including was held in Toronto, October 8 and 9, ated part of the School. Sessions were the Latin American Bolivarian Circle 2004, at the Steelworkers Hall. The held on a wide range of themes: gen- of Toronto, Palestine Right to Return event, centred on the theme Anti-im- der and imperialism, the economics of Group, the International Socialists, the perialism against Empire, was co- imperialism, the imperialist legacy in New Socialists Group, the Trotskyist sponsored by the Toronto branch of the the Middle East and worldwide, social- League, the Communist Party, Social- Socialist Project, the Toronto Marxist ist organizing in the thirties and for- ist Voice and the Socialist Project. Institute and the International Social- ties in Canada, debates in the anti-war Feedback to the organizers was very ists. movement, Canada in the imperial or- positive. Many participants felt the The School began Friday der. Sessions were set up to allow edu- School allowed the organized and in- evening with reports about anti-war cational discussions as well as sharp dependent left an opportunity to learn, and anti-imperialist resistance and or- debate; most were packed. discuss and debate in a positive and ganizing in Iraq, Palestine, Venezuela More than 100 people regis- creative atmosphere. and New York. A lively discussion un- tered for all, or part, of the School, The organizers will be discuss- derlined the importance of resistance most from Toronto but many from as ing the possibility of making the So- to the intensification of imperialist ag- far as Windsor. Speakers from a wide cialist School an annual, and even big- gression worldwide. The workshops all range of progressive and socialist or- ger, event for the Toronto Left. n Relay January/February 2005 9 The Price You Pay Jay Johnston

I’m a worker at the Cami plant in Ingersoll. Over the can’t hire students while we have workers waiting to come past seven years we’ve seen two indefinite layoffs cut back and Cami won’t bring those workers back if they can fill approximately 700 workers from our ranks. The rest of us their spots through overtime. have been subject to rotating layoffs for several years. I said that overtime was a way to get ahead. Most This spring most of our workers saw their economic of us, however, have limits on what we’d do to get ahead. situation vastly improve. We have a new product that’s We realize that our actions can negatively effect other peo- selling faster than we can build it. For most of us it means all ple, and that their actions can like wise harm us. For that the overtime we could want. Unfortunately, the condition of reason most of us wouldn’t lie, steal or cheat to get ahead. around ninety of our brothers and sisters hasn’t improved at Our laid off brothers and sisters have a right to be called all because they are still on layoff. back if there is work available. There is work available; it’s Not surprisingly, of late there’s been much talk on just not being offered to them - it’s offered as overtime. the floor and in the newsletter about overtime - there hasn’t The intent of this article isn’t to judge or lay a been much agreement though. Maybe that’s because over- guilt trip on anyone. Whether you accept overtime is a per- time, in itself, is neither good nor bad. An hour or four, here sonal decision. I’m sure that many people have quite valid or there, to clean or do repairs is a great thing. Other than reasons for accepting overtime. Another reason that no in- bargaining time, it’s the only way we as workers have, to get dividuals should feel guilty for working overtime is that ahead financially. But like everything in life there’s always a it’s a problem that can’t be solved individually. Why would price to pay. When we start getting into the amount of you turn down overtime when the person next to you is overtime that’s been offered lately, when we start working going to accept it? overtime to cover people for entire shifts, that price can be pretty high. Whether or not you work in a plant that’s in a situation like Cami’s, when workers work large amounts of overtime, all workers pay a price. Most of us are aware of the price we pay personally. Besides our own time, we sacrifice the time we have to spend with our families. We also lose the ability to have a life outside the plant, have hobbies or interests. But our communities also pay a price. We also threaten our own future security and that of our children. Many people ask why a com- pany would pay overtime instead of hir- ing more people. The usual answer is flex- ibility and not having to pay benefits. That, however, can’t be the full reason. Benefits don’t cost The only way our local will bring back our layed off as much as overtime. The rest of the equation comes down brothers and sisters is, if we, as a local, collectively decide to supply and demand. If there are more people working that the price of overtime is too high. On a larger scale, cor- overtime, there are fewer people employed. More people porations will only stop using overtime to exploit workers looking for work means people settle for lower wages and when we as a union and thebour movement as a whole deal poorer working conditions. A surplus of workers means la- with this issue. Until we educate our fellow workers on the bour is worth less. effects of their choices, until we place limits in our collective This isn’t just economic theory; it’s the reality of agreements on how and when overtime can be used, corpo- today. If you doubt me do some research into union density rations will use overtime to divide workers and devalue their and industrial wages in the U.S. Everyone I know who has a labour. Until that day, the decision is yours, but think of the child entering the job market talks about the lack of good cost; to yourself, your family, your future, your children’s paying, full time jobs. The other day a co-worker said that he future, and your brother’s and sisters. n hoped Cami would be hiring students next year. Cami 10 Relay January/February 2005 The CAW’s Union in Politics Conference Richard Harding

Port Elgin, Ontario, thing was lost in the translation - in well, with a member of Local 444 call- October 15-17, 2004 the midst of the talk about the rela- ing for improved infrastructure to ex- tionship between the workers and the pedite trade between Canada and the party not one word was mentioned US, especially through Windsor. Last summer, activists and about fighting capitalism in that coun- Again, I was astonished with the lack members of local executives learned try. This was to prove a potent setting of discussion around the capitalism’s that the national executive board of the of the stage for the morning’s work- fundamental disempowerment of CAW was planning to introduce a new shops. workers or a strategy to break free from Union in Politics Committee. The ra- I was immediately struck by the its limitations. While “the issues” were tionale behind this initiative was to average age of the participants in the (are) no doubt important, I felt the create space outside of the NDP-ori- session I attended; besides me, and emphasis was on explaining them ented Political education committees perhaps three others, no one (as far as through an abstract concept of “poli- for political organizing, and other ac- I could tell) was under the age of forty. tics” instead of naming and dealing tivities at all levels of the CAW. My impression was that there would be room for open discussion and debate around politics in our union, especially between rank and file members and the leadership; the October conference leaves me…wondering. The opening day featured speakers Buzz Hargrove, Jim Stanford, Judy Rebick, and Luc Desnoyers (CAW/TCA Quebec Director). I missed Hargrove Standford’s initial statements, but I caught Rebick. She spoke about her experiences in com- munity organizing as the Gindin Chair at Ryerson. She also mentioned the anti-globalization movement (in the present tense, which had me wonder- ing if something was going on with that movement that I was unaware of) and its critique of the “mainstream” media and the need for the creation of Not that age should be an indication with the prevailing economic, social, an independent media. Rebick out- of political effectiveness, but the fact and political system; this semi-con- lined, with a bit of detail, what neo- that most of the attendees of the con- scious ducking the real issue was so- liberalism was (is) all about. While I ference were members of their local cial democracy/liberalism at its best. applauded Rebick’s speech, I could not executives was a glaring indication of The afternoon promised discussion and help but wonder out loud why the word the lack of youth in positions of lead- debate around our relationship with the ‘capitalism’ had not been mentioned. ership in the CAW. The workshop be- NDP (which Buzz (a co-facilitator) re- By the end of the day I had the feeling gan with introductions and individu- peatedly referred to as “our party” [that that a social democratic fix was in. als naming three issues that were im- was, repeatedly, news to me]); I could The following morning fea- portant to them. The standards were hardly wait. tured Carlos Granos (president of the there: health care, education, health Following lunch, Carmella Brazilian Metalworkers union) on la- and safety laws, pensions, free trade, Allevato from Vancouver’s Coalition bour’s relationship with Lula’s PT. The corporate responsibility etc. The bor- of Progressive Electors (followed by speech was great, but - unless some- der infrastructure issue came up as the CAW’s Loretta Woodcock) spoke Relay January/February 2005 11 about the struggle for progressive cret going into this conference that went so far as to describe the role of change in Vancouver’s politics. While many workers are turned off by poli- labour in Venezuela in the coup at- the efforts of these municipal politi- tics and politicians; there was no short- tempt against Hugo Chavez in April cians to reform the municipal system age of participants who mentioned this 2002 to prove his point. Additionally, and provide services for those in need problem. Nash was a co-facilitator and despite the amount of leadership were very laudable, it was striking to she brought up the CAW Youth and present, I had the distinct feeling that hear statements like “the national gov- Woman to Woman campaigns as ex- there was space opening up (especially ernment is not as powerful as it used amples of success in involving work- on the local level) for politics outside to be” and “think globally, act locally” ers on political discourse. It was not of the NDP, and was surprised by the from them. Given the events since 9/ long before the NDP came up. If I be- opinion of many younger workers that 11, one would think that falling back lieved there was to be a debate about this UPC initiative was about inde- on these slogans of the anti-globaliza- our relationship with the party that af- pendent political action outside of the tion movement, which has been a non- ternoon I was soon to be disappointed. NDP. factor in the face of recent actions of The promising workshop fell quickly While the above was certainly nation states, would be anachronistic. into getting people to think about the inspiring, space, and opinions in fa- Peggy Nash, Buzz’s assistant, spoke difference between “our party” and the vour of change, will quickly close and about her experiences running for the others. Once again, there was no men- change if the socialist left in the CAW NDP in Toronto. I’m a big fan of tion of the severe constraints on worker does not exploit them quickly and Peggy’s; however it was difficult to get empowerment that the system imposes. imaginatively. As is true of the terrain excited about running for “our party”. So, do I have anything good to of the Canadian state, it is not the time The afternoon workshops were next. say about the UPC founding Confer- to surrender the CAW front to social The theme of the afternoon ses- ence? Yes. In the course of his speak- democracy, or (neo) liberalism; in fact, sion I attended was “Talking to Other ing, Buzz mentioned the conservative it’s time to put up the fight of our lives. Workers about Politics”. It was no se- nature of the labour movement. He n

The PSAC Strike of 2004 Donald Swartz

On Tuesday, October 12, solid support for the strike by the un- offer to its members without any rec- 130,000 members of the Public Serv- ion’s membership, although the picket ommendation, and on October 15 it ice Alliance of Canada walked off their lines were a bit uneven at first due called off the strike pending the out- jobs to back their demands for a new mostly to the challenge of organizing come of a ratification vote. collective agreement with their em- such a massive, countrywide strike. Certainly, the strike led to real ployer, the federal government. This This show of determination, together gains. It led the government to in- was the union’s first ‘general’ strike with an extensive media campaign to crease its financial offer from 6% over since 1991, involving several bargain- build support among the public, 3 years to 10% over 4, to offer a sub- ing units representing the vast major- prompted the government to respond stantial pay adjustment for skilled ity of the union’s members directly and following some intense negotia- tradespersons whose wage rates had employed by the government, as well tions it tabled what it called its final fallen well behind those of their coun- many of those working for quasi-sepa- offer. While the offer was accepted by terparts in the private sector, and to rate state agencies like the Canadian the representatives of some bargaining convert a significant percentage of Revenue Authority (CRA). It followed units, it was rejected by others, nota- term jobs into permanent ones at the a year of fruitless negotiations, and two bly those from the union’s large fe- CRA. The government also agreed to months of rotating strikes and other male-dominated and lower paid bar- further discussion of the PSAC’s de- job actions by various groups of mem- gaining units representing almost two- mand for a Social Justice Fund. De- bers, in particular those who worked thirds of those on strike. In the end, spite these gains, the strike was far for Parks Canada. Overall, there was the PSAC leadership decided to put the from a victory. The union’s ® 12 Relay January/February 2005 demand for a catch-up increase, given more than 200 different bargaining eral units and this round involved the that its members’ wages had been fro- units, whose members include clerks, more or less simultaneous negotiation zen from 1991 – 1997 and had since prison guards, customs officers, trades- of 7 collective agreements covering the increased only marginally (well below people, various types of technicians & vast majority of the union’s members. inflation), were simply dismissed, with program managers spread across the Equally significantly, bargaining has the government claiming that these country. The diverse circumstances un- been extensively democratized, and in were prohibited by legislation. The der which its members work gives rise these negotiations, the bargaining wage settlement itself is unlikely to to an extremely large set of issues to teams for these agreements were com- increase real wages at all, given the be addressed, issues that are extremely posed of members elected from the cor- expected rate of inflation over the next important to some yet not readily un- responding bargaining units. few years. The government’s final of- derstood by others. At the same time, However, real problems re- fer also included a number of rollbacks. the union’s political structure isn’t mained unresolved. Although the bar- Several thousand workers, mostly men, built around these bargaining units; it gaining teams brought representatives will lose various types of allowances, is built around ‘Components’ which from different bargaining units to- often worth more than a thousand dol- correspond to particular government gether, these representatives were ba- lars annually. And the settlement did departments & agencies. Members of sically preoccupied with the particu- not apply to some 7000 predominantly lar demands of women workers who saw their wages their own units – frozen for as much as 3 years. since it was to its Undoubtedly, several factors ac- members that they count for the modest gains and am- were responsible. biguous end to the strike, but two are The PSAC leaders central. The main one was the fact that were linked to the the threat of ‘back to work’ legislation different bargain- hung like a sword over the heads of ing teams through the union. The government made it Coordinating Com- clear to the union that it was ready to mittees and this en- use such legislation to end the strike sured that priority and the union had no reason to doubt demands arising them. Various governments have used from the union’s such legislation to end legal strikes Convention such as over 40 times in the last 15 years and, the Social Justice since being returned to office in 1993, Fund were pursued the Liberals themselves have used it 5 in all sets of nego- times, including against PSAC mem- tiations. These bers in 1999. Moreover, governments the same bargaining unit in the same committees also had some success in now routinely dictate the terms of the city thus are split into several locals getting the bargaining teams to focus agreement in this legislation, and the depending on the department in which on certain demands. But this was lim- union had no guarantee that these they work, and typically, these locals ited and many bargaining team mem- would include its ‘final’ offer. The include more than one bargaining unit. bers just stuck to the demands of those government’s readiness to coerce The result is a confusing structure that they represented rather than uniting PSAC members’ back to work reflected blurs lines of accountability, creates ob- around a few priorities ones where its determination to ensure that the stacles to participation and to solidar- gains might have been made. wages and conditions of federal work- ity. Finding a way to make the ers not lead those of similar workers In its early years bargaining PSAC more effective while preserving in the private sector. This especially was highly centralized and frag- the democratic advances in the union affected women working for the fed- mented; union staff handled the nego- won’t be easy, but this at least lies eral government, particularly those in tiating with little input from members within the power of its members. The the numerous, lower paid clerical jobs, and collective agreements for most bar- challenges posed by the lack of unioni- since most of their private sector coun- gaining units were negotiated sepa- zation in the private service sector and terparts toil in the unorganized serv- rately. This began to change begin- the threat of back to work legislation ice sector. ning with Clerks Strike in 1981. De- are another matter. To begin to address The second factor concerns the spite the opposition of the government, them will require significant changes PSAC itself; the complexity of the is- the union has managed to increase the in the broader labour movement. n sues it faces and its organizational de- coordination across bargaining units. ficiencies. The union encompasses Collective agreements now cover sev- Relay January/February 2005 13

Canada Bushwacked?

Carolyn Watson

When US President George W. Bush made a brief of attention during President Bush’s visit was security. and hastily planned trip to Canada on 30 November, The two leaders discussed border control and the need he was met by more than 5000 protestors in Ottawa to maintain friendly relations, providing the President and 7000 in Halifax the following day. Protestors gath- with the opportunity to raise the issue of Canada’s sup- ered to tell President Bush that he was not welcome in port for the US ballistic missile defence program. In Canada. They also wanted to express their opposi- spite of the President’s assurances that the program tion to US foreign policy all over the globe, especially does not include the militarization of space, plans for in Iraq, and the ballistic missile defence program that the program suggest this type of evolution and the involves putting weapons into space. However, the Pentagon is planning a research and development Canadian progressive and democratic sectors failed project to put interceptor rockets into space. Currently, to massively demonstrate their rejection of US foreign the existing system uses detection devices only in policy, especially its policies toward Canada. Riot po- space to locate enemy missiles. Ottawa approved the lice, strategically placed around the city, however, en- use of these detection devices as part of the Canada- sured that neither the President nor the Prime Minis- US North American Aerospace Defence Command in ter were distracted from their discussions on security August, without putting the issue to a vote in the House and trade, although they failed to resolve trade restric- of Commons. Interceptor rockets that would destroy tions on Canadian beef or softwood lumber. incoming missiles, however, are ground-based in this Prior to President Bush’s visit, Foreign Affairs limited composition. What the Pentagon wants, though, Minister Pierre Pettigrew was convinced that the Presi- is a space weapon that can be used against “a small dent would set out “clear commitments on the part of number of high-value targets” on this planet. What the United States” for reopening the border for Cana- exactly are “high-value targets”? Natural resources? dian beef. In spite of George Bush’s apparent delight Social transformations? Would the Prime Minister give in announcing at a dinner with Prime Minister Paul the House of Commons the option of voting down such Martin that Albertan beef was on the menu, discus- a plan or would he arbitrarily sign on to the American’s sions between the two leaders failed to expedite ne- defence plan? These are questions that Paul Martin gotiations on the issue of Canadian beef. The US has not been asked. closed the border to Canadian beef in May 2003 when The Prime Minister’s willingness to consider the a single cow was diagnosed with BSE. President Bush US missile defence plan comes in spite of strong op- had previously announced a process to reopen the position from the NDP and the Bloc Québécois, as border to Canadian beef at the Asia-Pacific Summit well as many in his own party, over concerns that it will earlier in November that would take six months to im- start an arms race in space. But exactly which nations plement fully. The implementation of that process will could contribute to such a build-up of weaponry be- mean that Canadian beef will have been banned from sides the US and for what purpose? Are they con- its main market for two years. Talks with the Prime cerned, for example, with Russia or China? Minister in Ottawa, however, failed to result in any kind Leader of the opposition Stephen Harper was of commitment. President Bush only said that he could more concerned with the business end of the ballistic do no more than push a new regulation to open the missile defence plan. “What we want to know is the border through the US bureaucracy - it would then need nature of our proposed involvement, the costs of any to go through Congress to be activated. obligations we would incur and the nature and value The fruitless discussion on the beef issue made of any benefits.” As long as taxes will not be raised it clear that more than trying to resolve disputes be- and Canadians will not be inconvenienced, Mr. Harper tween Canada and the US, Prime Minister Martin used seems willing to consider the ways in which such a the President’s visit to make a public gesture to west- plan could benefit Canada. What he fails to acknowl- ern cattle ranchers in solving the beef ban in an at- edge, in addition to the issues already raised surround- tempt to boost support for his minority government. ing the ballistic missile defence plan, is that US plans The fate of softwood lumber was not even discussed that seek Canadian support for their implementation and remains equally unresolved. rarely result in benefits for Canada or Canadians. The main topic of discussion and indeed focus NAFTA is the most recent example. n 14 Relay January/February 2005 Grocery Industry Armageddon - Is Wal-Mart Really Our Biggest Threat?

Angelo DiCaro

For months now I have been banners. The company has shifted most coveted retail sales market of hearing the muffles of an impend- its business strategy towards the southern Ontario. ing wave of reform set to hit the Ca- sole development of non-traditional What is most concerning nadian grocery industry. As a shop Real Canadian SuperStore (RCSS) about all of this is that the fight steward for Local 414 of the Cana- formats in Ontario. The benefits that doesn’t involve Loblaw. dian Auto Workers (one of North these new superstores will provide Wal-Mart’s expansion into America’s most heavily dominated Loblaw include: the space to house Canada began in 1994 when the retail Locals) I am privy to all of this 35% department store-type mer- American retail giant bought out hearsay and get a solid dose of it chandise, the ability to reduce direct Woolco Stores and have been in the weekly. All from the “did-you-hear?” wage costs and indirect benefit costs business to eat up retail market – type questions about who’s buy- from its operating budget and cre- share north of the border ever since. ing out who, which foreign interest ate a franchise-type system for in- That was ten years ago. Ten years group has had talks with which ma- dividual store operations, a goal set later we are on the verge of watch- jor North American retailer, the se- to be attained by the year 2008. ing Wal-Mart’s ‘Sam’s Club’ ware- cret agendas that are under con- struction for the next round of col- lective bargaining negotiations and to the clandestine reasoning behind why my hours have “really” been cut as of late. Any further probing I have afforded to these claims has con- tinuously led me to one response: Wal-Mart. It appears there are no two more frightening words (separated by a hyphen) in the English lan- guage. At this time, the panic has become an epidemic across Ontario amidst the recent mid-term amend- ments negotiated by fellow retail union compatriots, the United Food and Commercial Workers, and the And why did all of this occur? house stores open up all across the Loblaw Corporation. (Although Answer: Wal-Mart. (Notice the trend province (15 are slated to open in highly unpopular, this is an accept- forming here?) the year 2004) and while they do able practice under section 58(5) of The threat of an impending offer a variety of ‘pantry’, non-per- the Ontario Labour Relations Act, ‘Wal-Martian’ invasion on everything ishable and frozen grocery items, which allows amendments to be sacred and good and peaceful in the their position in Canadian retail is set made to an existing collective agree- Canadian grocery industry has to tighten up the competition of other ment through mutual consent of both struck fear into the hearts of anyone non-traditional warehouse club union and employer – a process not and everyone (or so I’m led to be- stores, like Costco, that cater to the mandated by membership ratifica- lieve). The movement, reshuffling needs of small business members tion) and panic of the Loblaw Corporation, and, only recently, the general pub- For those who do not know presumed to be the prime victim of lic. Realistically, Costco should be (yet), the Loblaw Corporation an- this assault, has set the stage for a the ones rolling up their sleeves pre- nounced a decision, in December of gruesome and (fiscally) overwhelm- paring to do battle with Wal-Mart. 2002, to end construction of conven- ing battle between two of North What, then, does this have to do with tional grocery stores bearing the America’s retail behemoths, in an a traditional grocery store chain like ‘Loblaws,’ ‘Zehrs,’ and ‘Fortino’s’ attempt to lay claim to Canada’s Loblaw? Relay January/February 2005 15 CIBC World Market analyst Mike Harris’ legendary Bill 31) and beneficial for the labour movement, Perry Caicco released a report in 2001 the Thompson, Manitoba organizing as a whole, to direct resources and that stated the arrival of Sam’s Club drive of 2003, nearly a victory but energy into organizing these low- warehouse stores can be seen as the thwarted by the evil and iniquitous waged, unorganized workers? foreshadowing of a subsequent incur- ‘vote-tainting’ CBC minivan parked Is this whole situation really a sion of retail grocery-focused Wal- conspiringly close to the line of work- pre-empted stance against an im- Mart Supercentres moving into ers waiting to cast their ratification pending threat of market loss or a Ontario over the next few years. vote… calculated manoeuvre to utilize an These same Supercentres have …Or so the company ephemeral threat in order to rocked the United States grocery claimed. reengineer the internal labour force industry, driving many small market By no stretch of the imagina- of a company that has been known competitors out of business. How- tion does Wal-Mart pride itself on the to have a markedly higher ‘Cadillac- ever, as Caicco stated, “Wal-Mart longevity and stability of its exclu- style’ compensation system and Supercentres in this (Canadian mar- sively part-time associates by pay- richer collective bargaining agree- ket) would struggle.” The Canadian ing them an ‘astounding’ $9.65 ment relative to it’s major competi- grocery industry maintains a stronger hourly rate after ten years of serv- tors in the grocery industry? price advantage over its U.S. coun- ice and having them pay for the bulk We’ll never really know until terparts; it remains strong with “low- of their own benefits. something actually happens. priced discount or ‘box’ stores and But everyone has been well Waiting patiently, arms in plenty of fresh, modern assets, even aware of that since 1994. hand, until the war begins. in the most rural of markets…and Why is all of this being For the rest of us in the retail populated by large stores full of deemed a threat only now? Why not grocery industry the pattern for col- tremendous perishables and strong ten years ago? lective bargaining has been set and private-label programs.” Wal-Mart Why propose to interrupt a the chaos has already begun… currently holds 5% of grocery market collective agreement in mid-term to …And it has nothing to do with share in Canada, and in the worst- resolve a problem that has not yet Wal-Mart. n case scenario, at the present growth started? rate of Sam’s Club stores, “the With no successor rights combined impact on the grocery in- guaranteed for unionization on new For source information please read: dustry would be a 1.53% grab of Real Canadian Superstores, and on consumer food-market share by the cusp of a potential confrontation “Battle of The Giants” by Zena 2009,” as reported by Caicco. with a company operating without a Olijnyk in Canadian Business No- The only ‘real’ threat, which unionized contingency, why provide vember 23, 2003. has the potential to cause Canadian the union with an ultimatum to bar- retail Armageddon, is if Wal-Mart de- gain concessions behind closed “A Sweetheart Deal” by Hugh cided to take a stab at a relatively doors without a union vote? Why Finnamore at www.ufcw.net/ rigid grocery market dampened with not simply proceed without the un- articles.html a number of well-established com- ion? petitors using its Supercentre ban- Why, as one of the largest “Evil Empires of The Canadian Gro- ner. According to President and private sector unions operating out cery Industry” by Perry Caicco. CEO of Wal-Mart Canada, Mario of Canada, do they agree to mirror Pilozzi, “there are currently no plans the working conditions of non-union to open Supercentres in Canada,” competitors? Wouldn’t it be more but did not rule out the possibility. Even if this war were destined to take place it would happen at no time in the near future. Yes, Wal-Mart has proven it- self quite villainous to the Canadian labour movement during its resi- dency. Its notorious anti-union policy has been illustrated through the Windsor, Ontario organizing drive of the mid 1990s by the Retail Whole- sale/United SteelWorkers of America (which led to the advent of 16 Relay January/February 2005 Wal-Mart’s Global Order: North American Labour takes on the Retailing Giant

Charles Smith

In the past decade, Wal-Mart has terns of deindustrialization and the de- efits and working conditions because of come to dominate the retail trade in cline of well paying industrial jobs vicious competition from an existing (or North America, becoming the largest within the core capitalist countries. In future) Wal-Mart store. private sector employer in the United short, Wal-Mart’s success has occurred Increasingly, the ‘Wal-Mart ef- States with over 1.5 million employees. because of the entrenchment of neo-lib- fect’ has been the catalyst behind major The success of the company is eral globalisation in the 1980s and unionization drives by some of the larg- unparallel in contemporary retail capi- 1990s. The Wal-Mart model of expan- est unions in the service sector, includ- talism, as it has reached annual revenue sion has consisted of penetrating local ing: the United Food and Commercial of $258 billion in 2003, surpassing $9 markets with extremely low cost con- Workers (UFCW), the United Steel billion in total net income. According sumer goods in both the retail and gro- Workers of America (USWA) and the to a report released by the Democratic cery sectors while squeezing suppliers Service Employees International Union Committee in the US House of Repre- to cut wholesale costs in order to sup- (SEIU). Yet, to date, there has been lit- sentatives (Everyday Low tle success in securing a Wages: A Report by the collective agreement for Democratic Committee on Wal-Mart employees in ei- Education and the ther the United States or Workforce, February 16, Canada. Given the impor- 2004) in 2003, 138 million tance which Wal-Mart has US shoppers visit Wal-Mart come to play within the every week, with 82 percent retail sector (and the of all American households economy as a whole) it is making at least one pur- important to explore why chase at a Wal-Mart. To put Wal-Mart remains largely those numbers in some con- union free. text, Wal-Mart’s total rev- enue has grown to encom- The United States pass a colossal 2 percent of total American GDP. The Few commentators company has achieved this would argue that the latter position through a reliance half of the 1990s and early on extremely low labour 2000s were not a period of costs and a complete de- significant growth within pendence on free trade the American economy. agreements within North Most analysts argue that America, Europe and this boom was fuelled by throughout Asia and Latin America. ply inexpensive commodities to con- extensive financial investment in the This dependence has led to a radical sumers. Late last year, the Los Angels technology sector, which was driven by reinvention of production and exchange Times accused the hyper competitive- companies such as Microsoft and within the retail sector which is char- ness of the Wal-Mart model as adding Northern Telecom. Yet, Warren Buffett, acterized by an aggressive global sup- significant pressure on U.S. manufac- the financial investment guru on Wall ply chain stretching from its home base tures to relocate industrial jobs overseas Street, has argued that it was low cost in Bentonville Arkansas to retail out- (November 23, 2003, Pg. 1). This has consumer goods pushed by Wal-Mart lets and production centres throughout led to what some observers have termed that fuelled the significant growth of the the world. the ‘Wal-Mart effect’ in local commu- American economy in the latter half of The rise of Wal-Mart’s market nities, as workers throughout the serv- the 1990s (Wall Street Journal, April 7, power has largely occurred because of ice sector are subjected to ever increas- 2004). If this is true—and in examin- the trends associated with current pat- ing downward pressures on wages, ben- ing the sheer expansion of Wal-Mart in Relay January/February 2005 17 the same decade (1,478 discount depart- be evidence of greater success, given the Quebec labour board in August of 2004. ment stores, 1, 471 Supercentres, 538 restrictions which Canadian labour law Already, Wal-Mart has indicated that Sam’s Club and 64 Neighborhood Mar- applies to employer threats during a the Jonquiere location may not be prof- kets as of 2003) it is entirely likely that unionization drive. itable and has threatened to close its it is—then all American workers doors, something that Canadian labour should be worried. Canada law is no longer capable of stopping. According to the American Bu- reau of Labour Statistics, the average Canadian workers face similar Problems for the Future: Challeng- hourly earnings for a Wal-Mart em- competitive pricing pressures from the ing the ‘Wal-Mart Effect’ ployee in 2003 was $7.84. Of those expansion of Wal-Mart into the coun- working full time, this worked out to try. The company has made clear from For the UFCW, then, 7 years of roughly $13,861 per year which fell the beginning that it was not interested organizing at Canadian Wal-Mart’s has below the $14, 630 per year poverty line in dealing with labour unions, as its had limited success. In the United (for a family of three) set by the Ameri- initial push into Canada in 1994 con- States, unions have faced similar obsta- can federal government. Yet even the sisted of gobbling up 122 non-union- cles, often in a much more difficult po- dubious distinction of working full time ized Woolco stores while passing on 22 litical environment. To be sure, the for below poverty line wages was out of other locations, 10 of which were sheer magnitude of Wal-Mart’s market reach for many Wal-Mart workers, as Woolco’s only unionized stores. Since strength makes the task of unionization average working time in most Wal-Mart 1994, the company has expanded to extremely difficult and expensive. In- stores fell below the 32 hours per week include 241 stores, including an aggres- deed, Wal-Mart’s hyper competitiveness needed to reach the status of full time sive expansion of the Sam’s Club for- model of low cost goods is entirely de- ‘associate.’ mat. Wages in the Canadian stores re- pendent on a global low wage Under such conditions, Wal- main comparatively low, ranging from workforce, which unionization would Mart should be an ideal organizing tar- $8.00 to $8.50 per hour in various prov- obviously challenge. In this regard, get for American labour unions. Ini- inces. In comparison, workers in un- North American unions begin every tially, the large service unions appeared ionized grocery stores can earn upwards union drive with its back to a wall—a to be up to the challenge. Between 1998 of $12.00 to $14.00 dollars per hour. wall, more than likely, supplied by ma- and 2002 the National Labour Relations Perhaps because of these wage differ- terial that has been distributed by Wal- Board filed more than forty complaints entials, the ‘Wal-Mart effect’ has placed Mart. Yet, there is still popular dissat- against Wal-Mart managers. These vio- increased pressure on Canadian retail- isfaction with the ‘Wal-Mart effect’ lations have ranged from firing union ers, who are increasingly pushing their throughout both Canada and the United supporters, intimidating workers, labour force to concede to wage con- States. Even the Democratic Party, threats to close stores if workers suc- cessions in order to compete with Wal- which has not been an overall friend to cessfully unionize, gender discrimina- Mart. labour in the past decade, has recog- tion and sexual harassment. More re- These wage pressures have nized the detrimental consequences that cently allegations have arisen that Wal- forced retail unions to aggressively pur- Wal-Mart has for the local communi- Mart was illegally employing immi- sue Wal-Mart campaigns. In Ontario, ties (Everyday Low Wages: A Report by grant workers to clean stores after the unionization campaign first broke the Democratic Committee on Educa- hours. In some cases, immigrant work- through in a 1997 victory by the USWA tion and the Workforce, February 16, ers were locked in the stores, unable to in Windsor. After much employee in- 2004). Historically, such levels of dis- leave until the store was opened in the timidation by Wal-Mart, the labour satisfaction have been a rallying point morning. board ruled that the union should be for massive unionization drives in sec- Yet despite the employment certified and the Windsor location be- tors with equally large employers, in- atrocities committed by Wal-Mart and came the first unionized Wal-Mart in cluding: auto, textiles, steel and in the the tacit support which the NLRB has North America. Shortly thereafter, public sector. The question, then, is why given to Wal-Mart organizing drives, company legal tactics and employee has the USWA and the UFCW been so unionization has largely failed.* In or- turnover diminished the bargaining unit unsuccessful? der to explain this failure, some have and the union was decertified. Since While the answers to these ques- pointed to the weakness in American that time, the unionization of Wal- tions are complex, part of the problem labour law (and the NLRB in particu- Mart’s have been overtaken by the seems to be an inability of the UFCW lar), which is unable to limit the ability UFCW. They have initiated unioniza- and the USWA to connect the organiz- of employers to threaten or strategically tion drives in British Columbia, Sas- ing principles of unionization with an move supporters of a union as a key katchewan, Manitoba, Ontario and overarching challenge to Wal-Mart’s variable in explaining the failures to un- Quebec. To date, the union has only global competitiveness model. Indeed, ionize the retailing giant. If this is true, had one successful bid, in Jonquiere the Canadian branch of the UFCW’s than the Canadian union drives should Quebec, which was certified by the overall strategy has been to hire ® 18 Relay January/February 2005 ex-Wal-Mart employees, fight the cor- Wal-Mart. In the current economic en- poration at the labour relations board vironment, it is too easy for the com- and then, if unsuccessful, to continue pany to bury organizing drives in the to litigate in the courts. While such a courts, threaten to abandon communi- strategy may be the logical outcome of ties or layoff employees over certain an industrial relations system built on amounts of time. Put more simply, the principles of legal compromise, union organization has to challenge there is little evidence that provincial Wal-Mart’s entire corporate model of labour law can halt Wal-Mart’s ability low cost competitiveness. This in- to stall and ultimately defeat unioni- cludes challenging the Company’s take zation. Thus, while the Canadian over of local communities rather than UFCW promises the laudable goals of focusing on simple pocket book issues better wages, benefits and workplace of potential members. This would conditions for Wal-Mart workers it also require greater political organizing, publicly accepts the market power community outreach and a long term which Wal-Mart has attainted. This vision of challenging Wal-Mart’s glo- acceptance has forced the same union’s bal market power. This is certainly no leadership in Ontario’s Local 1000A easy task, but one that we can no longer to unilaterally open an existing collec- ignore. tive agreement with the grocery giant, Loblaw Corporation, rolling back *A small meatcutters local in wages and benefits specifically because Jacksonville, Texas was successfully of the ‘Wal-Mart effect.’ In this con- unionized in February of 2000. The Mark Leier spoke at Ryerson text, the UFCW’s narrow vision for all unit has since been ‘restructured’ by University in Toronto in October on retail workers seems to be a tacit ac- the company. The meatcutters ap- the subject of the great nineteenth knowledgement that the best the un- pealed the restructuring to the federal century anarchist thinker Michael ion can offer is a wage increase in good court. The court agreed with the work- Bakunin. Leier, a historian at Van- times, and if necessary, concessions to ers and ordered the move illegal. True couver’s Simon Fraser University sustain corporate competitiveness. to form, Wal-Mart appealed the deci- who specializes in working class and Judging by the long-term failure of sion and vowed to continue fighting left-wing political movements, re- such a message, however, this will not in the courts. n cently completed a biography of prove a successful strategy to break into Bakunin, The Creative Passion, to be released in 2006. After 9/11, left- liberal and conservative writers alike have argued that Bakunin, perhaps best known for advocating “propa- ganda by the deed”, is the father of modern-day terrorism. Leier argues that Bakunin advocated violence against institutions, not the individu- als that maintain them; and further- more, the violence that has been committed by anarchists is invisible when compared to the violence com- mitted by capital and the state. The state, Bakunin argued, is founded by violence and maintained by the same means. Leier also discussed the fa- mous rivalry between Marx and Bakunin. Controversially, Leier con- tends that their views of the state are much more similar than many be- lieve, as Bakunin essentially agreed with Marx’s claim that the state serves as the “executive committee of the bourgeoisie”. n Relay January/February 2005 19 The Impact of Public Service Liberalisation on European workers Roland Atzmüller and Christoph Hermann

Political debates on the priva- The neoliberal employment regime was pursued depended mostly on the tisation or contracting out of public and the liberalisation of public strength of unions, the system of in- services have focused, for the most services dustrial relations, labour law, and pub- part, on the quality of services and their lic opinion. In the case of ‘socially re- accessibility to all citizens. Not as Neoliberal employment policies sponsible’ reductions, employees leave much attention has been paid to pri- have essentially two purposes: lower- the company ‘voluntarily’. They are vatisation’s impact on employment. ing wage costs and the increasing the expected to take advantage of early re- This is somewhat surprising as the flexibility of labour. The manner of tirement schemes, compensation pay- quality of public services depend to a achieving these objectives differ con- ments (‘golden handshakes’), and large degree on good working condi- siderably according to the sector, and promises of retraining. However, the tions and the satisfaction of employ- a society’s social and economic struc- voluntary character of such measures ees – especially in positions where in ture. In the labour intensive sectors is doubtful. The general insecurity that person contact is high, such as health (postal services, local public transport) accompanies restructuring, job and care. With the rise of neoliberalism the reduction of costs is primarily location transfers, and more work for public sector workers have gradually achieved by reducing the numbers of fewer employees leads to growing frus- lost much of their leverage and public employees and by lowering wages. In- tration. This leads many employees, services have become one of the main creasing the flexibility of labour, is the often women and older workers, to re- battle grounds in a far-reaching proc- first step in disposing of ‘excess’ work- tire or change jobs. ess of economic and social restructur- ers, which is a necessary first step be- With the exception of the ing. The liberalisation and privatisa- fore opening up service provision to United Kingdom, outright layoffs are tion of public services are an impor- market forces. rare. The threat of layoffs are never- tant element in what can be called theless regularly used to pressure un- neoliberal Standortpoltitk (politics of ions to agree to concessions in the re- location) and the competition-oriented structuring process. In countries with restructuring of the state. strong business-labour-government The main strategies with regard partnership traditions, employees that to the reform of labour and employ- are displaced are reassigned to in- ment practises are well known from the house employment agencies or to or- restructuring of the private sector (e.g. ganisations for continuing training to downsizing, benchmarking). The prepare employees for the external la- same policies’ introduction to the pub- bour market. In some cases – includ- lic sector have been distinguished by ing DB services of Deutsche Bahn the speed, brutality and economic ir- (German Railways) – temporary work rationality of their application. In this agencies are set up that contract out column we want to summarize some ‘redundant’ workers to other compa- results of a study on the impact of lib- nies. eralisation and privatisation of public As a result, employment in cer- services on employment, working con- tain sectors (electricity in the UK, rail- ditions and labour relations The level of employment. From ways in Germany) was more than cut (Atzmüller/Hermann 2004a and the neoliberal perspective ‘inefficien- in half in the first ten years following 2004b).1 We look at their effects for cies’ in public services are the result liberalisation or privatisation. Moreo- employment and wage levels, working of overstaffing (or overpayment). Con- ver, careful tracking of employment conditions, and the union movement. sequently the scaling back of employ- within Deutsche Bahn have shown that Although the situation in Europe is ment is a central aim of neoliberal re- since the start of restructuring in the certainly different than in Canada, we structuring. In our study we found cor- early 1990s between 75 and 90 percent think that many will find the broad porations used two methods of reduc- of the railway personnel have been re- strokes of the picture disturbingly fa- ing employment: layoffs and ‘socially placed. In the course of our study we miliar. responsible’ reduction. Which method found no proof for the oft-stated ® 20 Relay January/February 2005 working hours over the pay period. The age). In labour-intensive sectors breaks excess working time during the appli- and rest periods have been reduced so cable period (within certain limits) that the so-called productive propor- does not count as overtime. Payment tion of the working day – that is those of overtime bonuses and weekend pre- periods for which customers pay for miums are avoided by so-called ‘all- services – is increased. in-employment contracts’ that include Aside from the intensification a prefixed amount of overtime hours of work, restructuring is often followed for which no premiums are paid. Other by a changing the nature of the labour strategies to push down wages are per- force, by transforming traditional jobs formance-based wages, and pay and qualifications. Thus, new sorting schemes that vary with the individual. centres in postal services, results in the We also found the re-emergence of deskilling of labour. Most sectors have older employment practises, such as also seen a dramatic reduction in the piece rates in postal delivery and a sort number of apprenticeships and pro- of day-labourer system in the Swedish grams for qualification upgrading. bus sector. Industrial relations. From a neoliberal The pressure on wages was ac- perspective, trade unions are a main companied by an attack on collective cause of the alleged rigidity of public agreements. New suppliers are often services. This is supposed to be true covered by worse (or no) collective for wage costs as well as labour proc- agreements. The extension of part-time esses. In some countries (UK) liberali- work and temporary work and the sation and privatisation therefore were outsourcing of certain services such as explicitly put on the agenda to weaken cleaning to private suppliers can also union organisation in public services. be seen as indirect form of income re- In all countries and sectors unions have claim that the loss in employment in duction. accepted liberalisation and privatisa- the public sector is more than made Working conditions. According tion, if only after putting up a lengthy up by new service providers in the to the neoliberal critique public serv- fight. Unions have decided to cooper- market as stated in the European Com- ices are characterised by extensive ate with governments and manage- mission’s Green Paper on Services of bureaucratisation, rigidity and ineffi- ment so to prevent lay-offs and secure General Interest (EU 2003: 4). ciency. The maximal use of employ- a ‘socially responsible’ restructuring. Labour and wage costs. Neoliberal re- ees and a strong concern for customer- Unions have often focused on the pres- structuring also attacks alleged satisfaction are believed to ensure a ervation of rights of the existing rigidities and elevated wages in pub- high degree of flexibility and effi- workforce at the expense of the rights lic services. Highly-unionised employ- ciency. In the restructuring of public of incoming employees or those work- ees, according to this line of argument, services, improvements in efficiency, ing for new service suppliers. can win above market equilibrium if they take place at all, are almost al- Privatisation and liberalisation wages because of their protected posi- ways based on the deterioration of has led to significant decentralisation tions in public services. Our study working conditions. The pace and ex- and fragmentation of collective agree- found that liberalisation and privati- tent of job cuts in almost all cases re- ments. Often this is accompanied by a sation have only in exceptional cases sults in a significant intensification of reduction or erosion of workers’ par- led to a direct cut in existing basic work, as fewer workers must do the ticipation rights, weakening the pos- wages. Instead long-term reduction of same or increased amounts of work. sibilities of labour representation. wage costs were achieved by restrict- From our interviews with employees Disagreement over the union response ing wage increases, and by flattening it is clear that they are under increas- has led to division within the labour the wage hierarchy. In some cases new ing stress and work harder in less time. movement. Many unions no longer employees are paid lower entry wages The effects of this are felt in their pri- pursue broader political and social ob- than their older colleagues received, vate life and on their health. jectives such as nationalising basic in- and the reduction of benefits and pen- Even if there is no immediate dustries or securing free access to ba- sions is widespread. Wage reduction extension of working hours, the reduc- sic services. Instead they limit their strategies overlap with attempts at flex- tion of employment has led to a dra- efforts to the representation of their ibility. matic rise in overtime in some sectors. members’ interests. In short, liberali- Flexible working hours are used In other cases there is also an erosion sation and privatisation have put un- to avoid fully paying employees for in company working-time regulations ions on the defensive and narrowed their work. The company averages (cuts in holidays, a higher retirement their activities to concession bargain Relay January/February 2005 21 ing. Unions’ acceptance of varying in developing new ways in which in- Beschäftigung, Arbeitsbedingungen work and employment conditions for terests of service providers as well as und Arbeitsbeziehungen. Wien: different groups of workers and con- service users are democratically articu- Arbeiterkammer (Nr. 2 der cessions in the reorganisation of labour lated and satisfied, we will be able to Schriftenreihe ‘Zur Zukunft processes undermines the solidarity of rebuild an alternative emancipatory öffentlicher Dienstleistungen). workers and weakens the union move- political and social project (Hirsch ment. 2003). Subordinating the provision of Atzmüller Roland and Hermann public services to the market and to the Christoph (2004b): Auswirkung der Conclusions law of profit-maximisation is no solu- Liberalisierung öffentlicher tion. The result will not only be a de- Dienstleistungen auf Beschäftigung, With the alleged objective of terioration of employment and work- Arbeitbedingungen und improving efficiency and effectiveness ing conditions but also a restriction of Arbeitsbeziehungen. In: Huffschmid, in the delivery of public services, the access as well as a worsening of the Jörg (ed.), Die Privatisierung der neoliberal work and employment re- quality of services because of growing Welt. Hintergründe, Folgen, gime was gradually extended to the levels of exhaustion and frustration Gegenstrategien. Hamburg: VSA- public sector within the last couple of among service providers and because Verlag. years. Consequently, meeting social of lack of resources needed to fulfil in- needs as well as the universal provi- dividual needs and wants of all serv- European Commission (2003): sion of public services has increasingly ice users, regardless of their income Green Paper on Services of General become subject to the overall aim of and of the commodity-character of the Interest. profit maximization. Profits are maxi- service delivered. n mized at the expense of those men and Hirsch, Joachim (2003): Eine andere women who deliver the services in Gesellschaft ist nötig. Zum Konzept their daily life. As a result liberalisa- 1 The study is based on primary analy- tion and privatisation have led to a sis (data collection and interviews) re- einer Sozialpolitik als soziale massive reduction in employment, garding the development of public Infrastruktur. Veröffentlicht unter services in Austria, and summaries of widespread decline in wages and la- http://www.links-netz.de/K_texte/ bour costs, as well as a deterioration existing studies as well as additional K_hirsch_sozialpolitik.html of working conditions and workers’ information from Germany, Sweden participation rights. The ultimate goal and UK. Following sectors are in- from the perspective of profit- cluded: Railway, local public maximisation is not an improvement transport, electricity, natural in the quality and efficiency of serv- gas, postal services and water. ices – in fact the quality of services The study was commissioned often worsen as a result of liberalisa- by the Austrian Chamber of tion and privatisation – but weaken- Labour and conducted by the ing unions and increasing control of Working Life Research Centre/ the labour process. FORBA in Vienna From a socialist perspective, ex- (www.forba.at). The final re- periences with state-controlled public port is available from the services and nationalised industries are Chamber of Labour controversial to say the least. The (www.arbeiterkammer.at). We statist-bureaucratic character of the would like to thank the sector public sector blocked many initiatives experts and especially Werner for a more progressive and radical de- Raza at the Chamber of Labour mocratisation and transformation of and our colleagues at FORBA the economy and society (as voiced by for their support. the new social and newly radicalised labour movements in the 1960s and Bibliography 70s). A strategy that has the potential to challenge neoliberalism must there- Atzmüller Roland and fore address the problem of statism and Hermann Christoph (2004a): bureaucracy in the production as well Liberalisierung öffentlicher as the delivery of public services. The Dienstleistungen in der EU answer must be a far-reaching process und Österreich. of democratisation. Only if we succeed Auswirkungen auf 22 Relay January/February 2005 The Crisis of the Trade-Unions in Russia, Belarus and Ukraine David Mandel

In this excerpt from his talk to damental interest in the suc- losses suffered could at least a Socialist Project public fo- cess of the given enterprise have been much smaller. rum on November 30th, in To- and of the economy as a Most unions did not make use ronto, David Mandel dis- whole. Serious conflict is of the resources they had, to cusses his new book, “Labour viewed as a failure of commu- fight. After Communism: nication or the refusal of the The most unfavourable Autoworkers and Their Un- parties to understand their condition was the legacy of ions in Russia”. Mandel is a long-term interests. Under totalitarian rule which did not leading Marxist authority on “partnership,” negotiations allow workers to organize in- post-Soviet labour. He backed by real force are re- dependently. As a result, they teaches political science at placed by “concertation,” entered the new period with- the University of Quebec, pseudo-negotiations based or out experience of collective Montreal.) wishful thinking. action or free discussion. By embracing “partner- Anyone who still sees the So- The book revolves ship,” the post-Soviet labour viet system as “socialist” must around the issue of “class in- movement sealed the workers’ fit that into their analysis. The dependence.” That is a stra- defeat. And it has been crush- Soviet labour movement did tegic orientation whose start- ing, with its living standards play an important role in un- ing point is the antagonistic falling by two thirds; the com- dermining the dictatorship, relations of labour and capi- prehensive economic security once Gorbachev created the tal, labour and the state. From of the Soviet period elimi- initial opening. But it could not that it follows that the labour nated; and a major decline in develop the needed organi- movement’s priority is to build education and culture. Even zational or ideological inde- a correlation of forces in- political rights, the principal pendence and served as a creasingly favourable to la- gain from the fall of the old battering ram for forces hos- bour and that the basis of la- system, have been eroded. tile to its interests. Events bour’s strength is the solidar- There is still considerable moved too quickly for most ity, consciousness, and ac- freedom of association and workers to gain the experi- tive commitment of workers, press but none of the coun- ence necessary to develop their confidence in their col- tries can be termed a bour- independent analyses and or- lective capacity to effect posi- geois democracy, that is, a ganizations. tive societal change. relatively law-based state The international con- “Class independence” which allows free, if unequal, text was also unfavourable. It stands in opposition to “social political competition, as long was a period of capitalist of- partnership,” the dominant as the bases of capitalism are fensive. Socialism, even as a strategy in the former Soviet not threatened. theoretical option, was eve- Union and the world today. Of course, “class inde- rywhere in retreat. Soviet “Social partnership” takes dif- pendence” would not have workers thought they had al- ferent forms, but at bottom it guaranteed victory. Objective ready experienced socialism is based on the view that la- circumstances were highly un- and believed liberal bour and capital share a fun- favourable. Nevertheless, the ideologues who told them that Relay January/February 2005 23 only capitalism was “normal.” ism” but by “social partner- unions to try to organize the “Shock therapy” was ship”. employers, hoping that their another objective obstacle. It In most plants, there organization would negotiate was conceived to disarm po- was no resistance to the all- a national agreement with tential opposition to capital- out attack on rights and liv- them and impose it on the in- ist restoration subordinate to ing standards by the state and dividual plants. Of course, Western interests. Overnight, management. Where workers nothing of the kind happened. the social system was turned resisted, they received no Politically, the federa- upside down, disorienting substantive support from tion, to which the workers and throwing them other local unions or from the autoworkers’ union is affili- into heightened insecurity. national level. To be fair, the ated, formed electoral alli- The auto and farm-ma- national union was starved of ances the directors’ organiza- chinery sector, the focus of resources. But that only re- tions, which failed miserably. the book, lost two thirds of its flected the abysmal level of In 2000, the federation joined

workforce in Russia between solidarity, a logical conse- Putin’s party. It was back to 1991 and 2003. About 90% of quence of “partnership,” the future under the secure those who remain belong to which teaches workers to wing of the same state that is the union inherited from the show solidary with their leading the offensive against Soviet period. It includes bosses rather than with “com- workers. management, often even the peting” workers. The only bright spot is plant director. At the plant and In conditions of indus- that some independent un- national levels, it embraces trial collapse, local struggles ions formed in the early “partnership.” In practice, the could achieve little. But on the 1990s have survived — affiliated local unions con- sectoral level, the watchword though they represent only a tinue to function as junior per- was also “partnership.” Magi- few per cent of total union sonnel departments. This is cal thinking led the national membership — and have no longer justified by “social- leaders of the metalworking shifted to the political ® 24 Relay January/February 2005 opposition, adopting at least try changing things “from be- cent between 1991 and 2002, social-democratic positions. low,” becoming director of the to about 150,000. The Ukrainian School for Worker Democ- After Lukashenko be- autoworkers’ union was differ- racy. This rank-and-file edu- came virtual dictator in 1996, ent, in that it elected a com- cation has yielded real, if lim- the union turned to outright mitted socialist and supporter ited, results, despite its political opposition, and of “class independence” as meager resources. eventually pulled the federa- president. He actively sup- In Belarus, the issue of tion behind it. In the 2001 ported local struggles, hold- “class independence” played presidential elections, the ing them up for emulation. He itself out differently. Here the federation’s president was cajoled the local leaders to rank-and-file of the union was the candidate of the demo- amend the constitution cratic opposition. to exclude manage- But the union’s ment. Through educa- position in the plants tion and a national pa- was more ambiguous. per he reached out di- After the 1991 strike, rectly to the rank and some plants elected file. He got the union’s independent leaders, constitution changed but the pressure from to ensure rank-and-file below was unable to workers were repre- dislodge most sented in elected bod- conciliationists. The ies. He tried to organ- national leaders at first ize other national appeared determined leaders to depose the to do what they could federation’s to support rank-and- conciliationist leader- file forces for “class in- ship. His union sup- dependence.” But ported the left-social- gradually, they made democratic Socialist peace with subservi- Party of Ukraine. ent plant leaders. This But he could not occurred as they fo- generate enough sup- cused most of their port to wean most energy on political plant presidents away from more active with a significant struggles. the idea of “partnership.” As current opposed to partner- This seemed to a result, he could not obtain ship, thanks, in part, to a make sense — after all, the a share of the dues that would month-long general strike in state was the ultimate em- have allowed him to reach 1991 that shook things up. ployer. But in practice, it was more of the rank-and-file di- The union elected a national was a self-defeating strategy, rectly. Meanwhile, the indus- leadership committed to because subservient plant try was being destroyed even “class independence.” And, leaders refused to mobilize faster than in Russia. It lost thanks to the government’s workers for actions against three quarters of its jobs be- rejection of “shock the government. They re- tween 1991 and 2003. therapy”— most plants are fused because their directors After ten years, he still nationalized — employ- told them to. As a result, the stepped down as president to ment fell by only twenty per national leadership could not Relay January/February 2005 25 build a correlation of forces workers against manage- tal’s power as a usurpation against the government. Its ment. “Partnership” was their that is tolerated only because active support among work- only option. Yet, a minority of workers are too weak to chal- ers continued to fall. leaders in all countries opted lenge it frontally. But the long- Another problem was its for independence, and the term perspective is to build failure to offer workers a pro- workers in their plants put up the correlation of forces to the gramme that they could sup- active, often heroic, resist- point where labour can real- port against the government. ance. What set the workers istically challenge the very In 1992, it created the Labour in these plants apart was the existence of capital as a so- Party, on the face of it a step quality of their leaders, since cial and political power towards “class independ- the rank-and-file were no dif- against labour. ence.” But the party’s pro- ferent from the sizable minor- It is unlikely that unions, gramme was ambiguous, ity of workers, in all three except in extraordinary cir- calling for a strong welfare countries, who showed they cumstances, can be won over state but also for “economic were ready to actively resist. to socialism. But the role of freedom” for the enterprises. But in most workplaces this socialists is to promote “class Bylorussian workers were minority was too weak to independence” within unions, well aware of the effects of lib- force a change in leadership. to win over workers and to or- eral economic policy in Rus- Had there been a leadership ganize them politically. Diffi- sia and Ukraine. Despite his willing to lead and unite the cult as that is today, that strat- dictatorial rule, Lukashenko active minority behind a real- egy alone offers the perspec- was perceived by many as istic strategy based on “class tive of successfully resisting defending Belarus against independence,” they may well capital’s already quarter-cen- “shock therapy.” The workers have awoken the others, the tury offensive and eventually misgivings were only height- demoralized majority, to join mounting a counter-attack. ened when the Labour Party the struggle. Certainly, the The crisis of organized labour entered an electoral alliance most probable outcome oc- is at bottom a crisis of politi- in 2001 with liberal parties un- curred. But it was not the only cal representation: workers der the aegis of the US em- one possible, and especially today have no party to repre- bassy. not the enormous scale of sent them politically, on the When the showdown that defeat. The leadership level of “class against class.” came after the presidential cannot evade its responsibil- In the region of the elections, Lukashenko had lit- ity for what happened. former Soviet Union, there is tle trouble getting rid of the A final point on socialist no socialist movement of any union leaders, who were un- trade unionists: A consistent significance, though workers able to call on significant strategy of “class independ- are losing their allergy to so- rank-and-file support. Today, ence” must have socialism as cialist ideas. As noted, the in- there is only a very small in- its ultimate goal. Unions that dependent elements of the la- dependent union movement strive for independence from bour movement are shifting in Belarus, though it keeps on management but accept capi- leftwards. As always, there is fighting against very harsh talism as unavoidable, end up hope. But things would be a odds. trapped in their own contra- lot easier if labour in the West What is the responsibil- dictions. To posit socialism as could score some important ity of leadership for these de- the strategic goal is to reject victories. This would open up feats? Most leaders will say the legitimacy of capital’s ideological space for an inde- that it was hopeless to mobi- power in the enterprises and pendent labour movement in lize demoralized, scared in the state. It is to view capi- the former Soviet Union. n 26 Relay January/February 2005 The day after the US election

Bill Fletcher, Jr.

I am writing this the morning while it is obvious to most sober September fear plus the concern in after the US Presidential election observers that Bush has bungled sections of the population about so- and the results are not completely issues of national security and has called moral values, the neo-liberal settled, though it appears that launched the US into a war of ag- agenda has been advanced. To put Senator John Kerry is preparing to gression against Iraq, a worried it another way, millions of people concede the election to President electorate will not necessarily de- are prepared to accept a neo-lib- George Bush. The following rep- cide to change course unless some eral agenda, despite or irrespective resents personal observations on of the fundamentals of the thinking of its consequences, because they the election and the apparent re- and actions of the sitting President have accepted the Bush adminis- sults. are challenged. Thus, Senator tration’s arguments about national The election was as close as Kerry was criticized by the Bush security and morality. everyone had anticipated. The per- campaign for so-called “flip-flop- centage breakdown is about 51% ping” on Iraq. Kerry attempted to · The Democratic Party’s ap- for Bush and 48% for Kerry. This is explain his positions but ended up proach of attempting to compete not the makings of a mandate. If confusing many people. He could with the ultra-Right on its own terms one factors in that approximately have simply said something along continues to fail. The notion that 25% of the US electorate has been the lines of that he had made a mis- an appeal to moderates by accept- polled as being politically reaction- take in believing what President ing precepts of the Right simply un- ary, that means that the key ques- Bush had said about Iraq. This line dermines the base of the Demo- tion is what motivated the other 25- of argument would have immedi- cratic Party. While Kerry chal- 6%. Additionally, what can one ately undercut the charges of flip lenged the Iraq war, he was actu- make of who turned out in support flopping and would have put the ally late in doing so, but also never of Kerry and who did not? burden elsewhere. challenged Bush’s approach to the Overall, there have not been The Kerry campaign, as well so-called war against terrorism. major changes from the 2000 elec- as many liberal and progressive tion. In other words, despite the sig- supporters, believed that the newly · The ultra-Right within the nificant voter turnout, the US elec- registered voters, and particularly Republican Party is very well organ- torate appears to remain deeply di- the youth vote, would make a deci- ized and ideologically solidified be- vided politically. The terrorist at- sive difference. As of this writing it hind an agenda. There is nothing tack of 11 September 2001, along appears that the youth vote re- comparable on the Left and Pro- with the Bush campaign’s religious mained more or less what it was in gressive side within the Democratic calls for ‘moral values’ seems to the 2000 election, i.e., about 17%. Party. The leadership of the Demo- have been the main motivating This is deeply disappointing for cratic Party continues to advance force for the Bush supporters. In Kerry supporters given that so notions about moving the Party fur- other words, the issue of domestic much time was put into registering ther to the Right, but this demoral- security overrode many other con- new voters and voter mobilization izes the base rather than energiz- cerns that the US electorate has efforts. It also appears that the ing it. had with President Bush. It is criti- newly registered Republican voters cal, therefore, to keep in mind that did turn out in higher numbers. · Fear, appropriately manipu- Bush is a deeply unpopular Presi- lated, can lead people to vote dent, though he is the sitting Presi- There are certain points against their own interests. n dent during a time of war. that are worth considering: Senator John Kerry made a ——————————————— strategic decision to focus his cam- · The Bush campaign focused Bill Fletcher, Jr. is a US-based ac- paign largely on attempting to com- on fear and religious values in or- tivist who has had a long time in- pete with President Bush on the der to advance its neo-liberal volvement in the labor movement matter of national security. His agenda. It was quite noticeable that and international issues. The views message came down to something the Bush campaign had no defense expressed here are his own and do akin to: I can make you safer; Bush of its domestic agenda. Neverthe- not represent those of any organi- has bungled the situation. Now, less, using the shield of post-11 zation with which he is affiliated. Relay January/February 2005 27 The Indispensable Ken Loach – at the video store Scott Forsyth

Ken Loach is an indispensa- communicating deeply with a wide celebration of class militance ble filmmaker for socialists. Of audience, outlasting the sectarian against the brutal new conditions of course, Loach does not fit the cyni- academic theorists who dismissed low-pay contingent service work, cal right wing times, he is the mas- his popularization of radical issues. but characteristically Loach focuses ter filmmaker of the working class, Loach’s is a cinema, unabashedly, as much on the personal costs and and his militant socialism has of both emotion and analysis, pain of that struggle. never wavered. His films are not sometimes didactic (and that is not making the local megaplex but a always a bad thing), always brutally radical film lover will want to put honest. In these films, victories are together a Loach festival; many of few and far between, triumphs of- his classic films and all the most ten solely of working class spirit recent should be available from the against overwhelming odds. video store – you will be rewarded and challenged. Over the last decade, Loach’s films have repeatedly His extraordinary body of come back to the ravages of, and work over 40 years – Cathy Come struggle against, the ruling class Home, Kes, the magisterial series offensive known as neo-liberalism. Days of Hope, Hidden Agenda, The attack on working people’s liv- Riff-Raff, Ladybird, Ladybird, and ing standards, wages and unions, The Navigators (2001) takes Land and Freedom, to name just a the relentless erosion of the social, us right within the heart of few – offers a panoramic but inti- health and educational provisions Thatcherite Britain, to the grim op- mate exploration of working class of the so-called welfare state, the posite of the California optimism of politics and everyday life, particu- polarization of rich and poor, the the janitors’ limited triumph. The larly in the British isles, but always familiar mantras of privatization, film offers a series of tableau’s internationally conscious as well. deregulation, free market magic are among the workers of a British Rail Loach’s films have powerfully ad- all too well known. If this onslaught maintenance crew. The narrative dressed the politics and betrayals is still emblematized by Thatcher spine is provided by the privatiza- of unions, strikes and revolutions, and Reagan, it is now generalized tion of this public corporation, a the painful daily struggles with fam- as blatantly imperialist globaliza- legacy Blair has continued to pur- ily, sexuality, race, housing, pov- tion, borne by the World Bank, the sue despite years of accidents and erty, drugs and alcohol, the con- IMF and American military might. scandals. The film centres on the tradictions and inhumanity of the Loach’s films of the last few years relationships among the men and welfare state, the solidarity and op- have looked prismatically at where a few women in the workplace. pression of the workplace; every working people stand in this ep- Written by a former rail worker, the aspect of working class life in- ochal transformation, what the re- stories give viewers a privileged trigues this humane realist. These structuring of class relations is from access to what the day’s work is classics take us from the British the workers’ eyes. like, what these workers talk about, General strike of 1926 to state ter- how they act with each other, how ror in Northern Ireland, from the Bread and Roses (2000) is they fight and joke. But this goes Spanish Republic’s defeat to the set within a recent victory, at least beyond a simple idea of naturalism. small agonies of work and family partially, for working class struggle: Indeed, the scenes of banter, de- in everyday England. Loach’s ca- the successful organization and bate and anger in the cafeteria are reer has survived the censorship strike by janitors in California, marvels of editing and camera battles that marked so many of his largely illegal Mexican immigrants. movement; this constructed style of early television films and he has The film, an interesting foray out- realism makes us feel the camara- remained a critical realist, intent on side the British Isles for Loach, is a derie and the unstated e ® 28 Relay January/February 2005 motions. This is exhilarating but, confronts a profoundly changed and her no-good drug dealer boyfriend, poignantly, dissipates as the priva- daunting class terrain. can start a new life with Liam when tization takes its apparently she gets released...on his sixteenth unstoppable course. We watch the Sweet Sixteen (2002) birthday. To raise the money, Liam painful layoffs and buyouts, the presents yet another angle on class has to show a real talent for deal- absurd and dangerous contracting conflict and day-to-day struggles. It ing drugs, betraying his friends and and sub-contracting of work, the is set in Glasgow in a working class manoeuvring with the refined but ruthless profiteering of a succession area once home of the great Clyde ruthless “rich cunts” who really run of owners, finally turning workers shipyards and, though never ac- the business. Even with his success against workers in desperate com- knowledged in the film, the heart at this dirty business, Liam finally petition for work, any work. We of the famously radical Scottish has to confront the fact that his ide- reach a painful climax in a terrible trade union movement. The area alized Mom does not want the life accident but Loach’s concern is as is now largely poverty-stricken he imagines for them, does not much what has been lost among the projects, product of de-industriali- want to be rescued. Even, espe- men, what sad individualistic strata- zation and decline, and this painful cially, our loved ones may not be gems they are now left with. We coming of age tale follows young just what we want them to be. So Liam’s adventures in the drug trade. there is no stirring rhetoric to an- The film, which won Best Screen- swer the film’s bitter ironies and un- play at Cannes, immerses us natu- resolved contradictions. The film rally in this world with a thoughtful concludes sadly, with futile vio-

narrative structure, evocative cast- lence, and Liam staring out at the ing and rapid-fire dialogue – some cold grey sea, trapped, with no- viewers will use the sub-titles for where to run. There are no epipha- this intensely Scottish story. Loach, nies, no slogans; beyond a seeth- a masterful actor’s director, elicits ing inchoate class-consciousness, wonderful performances, particu- there is again no political discourse larly from the young inexperienced at all. Perhaps, there is an optimism actors. As in many American films, of the spirit in the feeling that this gradually realize that the film reso- dealing drugs is presented as an memorably alive Liam could still nates with an almost complete ab- entrepreneurial response to, and make his own story in this perilous sence of political and union dis- embodiment of, the neo-liberal place and time. course – no one presents an analy- times. For the immiserated Loach offers us clear-sighted sis, an articulate protest, a coura- lumpens left behind by and unsentimental, but deeply emo- geous last stand for what previous Thatcherism, drugs seem to offer tional and generous, pictures of how generations had won. The trade un- solace to some. To others, dealing contemporary capitalism is making ions are absent, as powerless as the offers economic survival, and the and remaking class – and how isolated workers. This is what only route to class mobility still working class people, heroes of a makes the privatization seem so open. Liam’s motives are painfully kind, sometimes fight back, some- unstoppable, this subtle ideological ironic and touching; as so often in times just endure. n and organizational indication of the Loach’s films there is a difficult and depth of crisis and defeat. If the complex family history. He is trying A different version of this essay ap- film’s comic energy belies this pes- to get enough money together so peared in CineAction 62, Spring simism, we still know that the class his Mom, in jail taking the rap for 2003. Relay January/February 2005 29 sons women have abortions: poverty, rape, pregnancy-out-of-wedlock, and, in one poignant scene, sheer maternal ex- haustion. Vera is competent and cheer- ful in face of her clients’ despair, anxiety and fear. But her necessarily primitive methods court danger - inevitably, one of her charges gets infection and nearly dies. The police are notified. Vera is charged, tried and sent to jail for 28 months. Leigh and his production team de- pict the narrow confines of postwar work- ing class life with breathtaking beauty and economy: the narrow tenement pas- sageways, the dingy cafes, the shabby close quarters where people perch like trapped birds - seemingly content with endless cigarettes and cups of tea. However, Leigh’s real subject is class oppression through language and thought control. It’s a theme Leigh has dealt with before, notably, in his film Naked (‘93). In a brilliant depiction of a worker driven to the edge of madness by poverty and his own insights into the nature of class society, Leigh examines the flip side of the Vera Drake charac- ter: a marginalized man who understands well how the world works and who is con- sidered a raving lunatic for talking about it. The film’s a tragi-comic tour-de-force. With Naked and, now, Vera Drake, Leigh has created important works about what George Orwell perceived as the relation- ship between politics and language. Leigh has never shied away from the comic side of working class exist- ence: his humane intention is so obvi- British filmmaker Mike Leigh’s new film, Vera ous that there is no hint of condescension. Doubling Drake, is about a factory worker and mother who, in as script writer, he creates scenes that are highly en- defiance of the law, gives free abortions to women. tertaining in their depiction of workers faced with a pov- As usual with films about British working class life, it’s erty that is profoundly cultural as well as material. At also about the tyranny of the British class system. And, times I didn’t know whether to laugh or cry. if you look a little closer, it’s about a deeper theme that But my ambivalence turned to anger as Leigh’s is close to Leigh’s heart. portrait of workers - kept almost infantile in their awe, Vera is a saint-like figure in a bleak mid-20th respect for and fear of class and police authority - snaps century working class community - a devoted home into focus. This is a world ruled by a particularly Brit- maker, revered by her family and all who know her. ish form of terror: the police are gentle in their proce- By day, she tests and packs light bulbs; in her off hours, dures, the legal process is refined and subdued. As she cleans the houses of the middle class. She also the voice of a ruling class utterly confident in its posi- ministers to the elderly and infirm, never asking any- tion of superiority, the judge’s lecturing of Vera for “the thing in return. extreme seriousness” of her crime is infuriating. But there is a secret side to Vera’s life - helping The film takes place in 1951 (sixteen years be- women terminate unwanted pregnancies. In a memo- fore abortion was legalized in UK), just 2 years after rable series of vignettes, Leigh portrays the main rea- Orwell published 1984. It’s easy to forget, ® 30 Relay January/February 2005

that, while ostensibly writing about a dystopia dec- ades in the future, Orwell was commenting on con- temporary Britain as well. In the novel, one of the Newspeak engineers says, “[we’re] cutting the language Taking on down to the bone . . . Newspeak is the only language in the world whose vocabulary gets smaller every year,” and, “In the end we shall make thoughtcrime literally impossible, because there will be no words in which to express it.” Confronted with the fact of Vera’s flouting ‘The Take’ of an antiabortion law passed in 1861, the family is utterly shamed and humiliated by their mother’s trans- Reviewed by Corvin Russell gression. But, apart from a few “How could you do it, Mum?”s, there is no discussion, nor questioning of the law, nor rage at their multi-layered oppression. In- In 2001, after a long period of intensive neoliberal stead, Vera weeps with childlike shame. At her sen- restructuring of the Argentinean economy and state, Ar- tencing, her inability to utter a single word in her gentina entered a period of severe economic and political defense is devastating. crisis. The state was no longer able to meet its external In prison, Vera meets two abortionists like her- financial obligations. Pressure mounted as corporations and self. They have no analysis - no “Women’s Right To wealthy people, fearing a meltdown, exported capital. Gov- Choose” slogans are uttered here - just a grim deter- ernment spending was further slashed, after a decade of mination to carry on: both are “in” for the second time. severe cuts and wholesale privatization. Personal accounts But Vera takes no comfort in their minimal posturing: were frozen. Middle and working class protesters thronged she has been denied the vocabulary to express anger, the streets along with existing movements of the poor and defiance and will to help her sisters. unemployed, forcing the resignation of President Fernando Some critics have dismissed Vera’s saintly si- de la Rua and his Economy Minister, Domingo Cavallo. lence as unbelievable. An eloquent self- defense might Eventually, the peso was severely devalued, wiping out the have satisfied an audience eager for a “feel-good” peso-denominated savings of many Argentineans. A suc- ending, but such a device would have been a denial of cession of short-lived administrations followed. In the se- history and of Leigh’s central theme. quel to this crisis, the economy continued its sharp con- The British have made an industry of self-ha- traction, and many workplaces were closed. tred - it’s been a cultural mainstay since the loss of the This crisis, following on the dotcom bubble, 9/11, Empire. It would be easy to dismiss (or faintly praise) and worldwide anti-globalization protests, contributed to Vera Drake as a rehash of familiar “Isn’t the class sys- the rapid discrediting in Western media circles, and in many tem terrible!” themes. But Vera Drake exposes an Western capitals, of extreme neoliberalism as an explicit aspect of class rule that inspired Orwell to produce his ideology (as distinct from a social, political, and practical brilliant satire. The trivial conversations, the lack of reality). It also offered lessons, both negative and positive, books or newspapers - even among the middle class - for the broad left. Avi Lewis and Naomi Klein have made a the complete lack of perspective beyond their hum- new movie that showcases one of the more inspirational drum daily concerns, make for scenes that are flaw- stories to be found in the implosion of the “Argentinean less in their depiction of a people utterly bamboozled miracle”: the story of the “fabricas recuperadas” or “occu- by one of the oldest, most experienced, highly-skilled pied factories”, abandoned factories taken over, managed, and subtly vicious ruling classes on the planet. and returned to productivity by their workers. The Take tells Vera Drake provides an artful look at a chapter the story of one group of workers trying to reclaim the Forja in British working class life in which - despite the sac- auto parts factory as a worker-owned cooperative, after the rifice and promise of two world wars - little had changed owner has left it derelict. since Engels wrote The Conditions of The Working Several things are impressive and important about Class In England, in 1892. Contemporary British popu- the movie. First, there is the tremendous respect the film- lar culture, too, is hobbled by a nearly-complete ab- makers show their principal subjects, the working people sence of serious intellectual, mass-circulation publi- taking over and running these factories. The workers are cations. Rather, it is driven by a familiar mix of sports, given time to tell their stories, are shown as having com- celebrity and a perpetual media uproar focused on plex and contradictory feelings, and struggling with the scandal. The reasons, according to Leigh and Orwell, difficulties of the experiment they are undertaking. are clear. Class rule continues to degrade public dis- Secondly, the movie is important because it under- course and marginalize serious criticism in an era when cuts the myth of capitalist ideology everywhere that owner- the very forces that create the heroic Vera Drakes of bosses are essential to production. The Take does this with the world are again on the march. n humour and the lightest of touches. Relay January/February 2005 31 The film is also enjoyable as a human tale of trial gentina, and the occupied factories don’t come out of a and triumph, populated by well-chosen, likeable charac- vacuum. Too, the political challenge of the fabricas ters. recuperadas is qualitatively different from the worker co- Finally, the movie gives hope to people, including op movement in Canada: in Argentina’s recent crisis, work- people in North America who are without hope and deeply ers challenged the basic right of private property of exist- pessimistic about the possibility of alternative social arrange- ing factory owners. Is he really suggesting that workers in ments, that things do not have to be the way they are. Canada would be able to challenge the ownership of their But I fear that the film sets these hopes up to be factories under the prevailing conditions of social and po- disappointed by the reality that the occupied factories will litical order? Even in the revolutionary context of Argen- face in the coming years. Without an understanding of the tina presented in the film, the process of occupying facto- historical setting and the broader political context that makes ries depended on the largesse of politicians and the juridi- sense of the challenges faced by the occupied factory move- cal apparatus of the state. ment, setbacks and defeats may be more demoralizing than Second among the salient facts whose importance they would be had we never had unrealistic hopes; and an the film does not contend with: Argentina underwent a to- understanding of the successes may be too flawed for us to tal economic collapse, with a lot of deep despair and a com- learn from them. In this sense, I think the film sells itself plete loss of legitimacy at the political level. How often has short, and is even irresponsible. this happened in an “advanced” industrial economy in re- There is cent times? It’s far next to no his- from obvious that torical context things which hap- provided, cer- pened in that con- tainly not the text offer lessons context needed that can be trans- to draw appro- ferred to the far priate political stabler context of lessons from the Canada. More in movie. Avi tune with the Ca- Lewis, the film’s nadian situation director, at- are questions like tended the this one from an screening I saw, audience member: and owned up to “Where can we the absence of get start-up capital any context. for a co-op?” This didn’t stop It’s not that him from pre- Lewis and his senting the film-making part- fabricas ner Naomi Klein recuperadas as a aren’t aware of the model or template that we could somehow import to Canada. loss of legitimacy of the Argentinean political system. On Lewis talked about how vibrant the worker co-op move- the contrary, rhetorically, the film takes up the refrain of ment was in Canada, and compared it to the occupied fac- “que se vayan todos”—it underlines how “all the candi- tory movement in Argentina. I work at a worker co-op and dates are more or less the same” in the Argentinean presi- am fully supportive of the idea and the practice of worker dential election, and how five of them are Peronists. The co-ops, but I would not characterize the worker co-op sec- film’s depiction of state politics is resigned, without an ar- tor here as a “movement”, let alone as analogous to the gument, that this is the only way state politics could be, fabricas recuperadas in any political sense. that it must inevitably be so. The case of Venezuela, how- To take the occupied factories as a template to be ever problematic, certainly suggests otherwise. What the emulated in other countries, especially countries like audience doesn’t hear in the film is the specific historical Canada, one has to ignore the most salient facts about the reason for the absence of an organized, compelling politi- Argentinean situation. To start with, there is a much deeper cal left in Argentina: during the junta, 30,000 leftists, com- history of worker co-operatives in Argentina and Uruguay, munity activists, and intellectuals were tortured and killed much of it connected to the Communist Party, that the film under the military dictatorship, wiping out generations of never touches on. Many of the leaders of the co-operative knowledge, experience, and leadership on the left. So when movement were killed during the junta, but there is still a there was a total crisis of legitimacy in Argentina, there deep social experience of the cooperative economy in Ar- was no organized political force on the left to step ® 32 Relay January/February 2005 into the vacuum. (In Marxist cant, there were the objective, but not the subjective, conditions of revolution.) Instead, The Dirt of Pretty the forces of neoliberalism have had a chance to consoli- date their hold on the state because there was no credible organized challenge to them. It is an impoverished analy- Things in Dirty sis that takes this as an affirmation of the strength of a new post-state leftist politics, and not the fundamental weak- Pretty Things ness of the Argentinean left in a moment of crisis. Inadvertently, the film itself hammers this point in. What is striking is that the examples of occupation they Tanner Mirrlees show, while touted as “extra-state” action, in every case shown in the movie require sanction from the state, either the courts, or the legislature. (So if you want to occupy your Dirty Pretty Things (2003), directed by Stephen factory here, what lesson does this suggest? How much luck Frears and written by Steven Knight, is a realist narrative will you have?) Furthermore, these sanctions are tempo- of set in the cosmopolitan global city-scape of London in rary and subject to review after two years in most cases. the period following Thatcher’s neo-liberal re-structuring. Meanwhile, as already mentioned, neoliberal forces have The film explores the black-market traffic of human body regrouped and consolidated their hold on the state and civil parts and immigrant labor flows, examines the survival society. Has the number of occupations continued to grow struggles of legal (and illegal) immigrant workers, and per- or stagnate? What power really supports them? An unin- forms a subtle critique of class relations in the era of global formed audience watching The Take would be ill equipped capitalism. A brief synopsis follows. Dirty Pretty Things’ to hazard an answer to these questions. protagonists are two illegal immigrant workers that share a In their zeal to dismiss the old left in favour of a romantic relationship. Okwe (Chiwetel Ejiofor) is a Nige- vision of vision of anarchistic, spontaneous direct democ- rian ex-doctor that labors as a taxi-cab driver and as a desk racy, Lewis and Klein don’t spend much time examining clerk at the Baltic Hotel. Senay (Audrey Tautou) is a Turk- the practice of democracy and power in the factories, nor ish Muslim that labors as a chambermaid at the Baltic Ho- the question of the relation of each factory to the economy tel and as a machine operator in a garment sweatshop. Af- as a whole. They also gloss over the question of the role of ter successfully dodging the British state’s immigration of- leadership and ideology in bringing about the occupations. ficers with the help of Juliette (Sophie Okonedo) a black It’s quite obvious, and Lewis admitted it at the film screen- prostitute, Ivan (Zlatko Buric), a Russian bellhop, and Guo ing, that one of the Forja leaders was already politicized. Is Yi (Benedict Wong), an over-skilled South Asian morgue this typical? Would the Forja occupation have taken place attendant, Okwe and Senay reveal that Sneaky (Sergi without this leadership? And if we are about recognizing Lopez), the manager of the Baltic Hotel, is exchanging fab- the value of work, is not the work of achieving political ricated citizenship passports with impoverished illegal im- consciousness, which is the hard work of many years and migrants for their kidneys. Sneaky’s disgusting black mar- many dangers, also work to be valued and not ignored, or ket scheme of selling extracted immigrant kidneys to held in contempt? wealthy English consumers for a steep price is foiled by The rhetoric of the movie fits with Naomi Klein’s Okwe and Senay, who eventually gain two fabricated pass- political orientation: a distrust of government and the state; ports and then depart from London (and each other) to- as a vector for progressive social change; a distrust of uni- ward uncertain and unpredictable futures. tary ideologies, strategies, and movements; a distrust of On first glance, the film’s title “Dirty Pretty Things” structured relations of power and responsibility, which goes appears to be an oxymoron, the combination or alignment along with an uncritical attitude towards informal relations of contradictory terms. On closer examination of the film’s of power and responsibility; and a conception of “bottom- narrative, however, the title’s articulation of “dirty” to up” alternatives sprouting and somehow supplanting the “pretty” to “things” actually works on a number of interest- established order of capitalism, chaotically and without any ing semantic, thematic, and ideological levels which re- common political project or organization. But far from be- veal and critique rather than conceal and naturalize the ing the best argument for this conception of progressive fetishistic and reified working conditions of global capital- politics, the example of Argentina in recent years is the ism. clearest and best argument against it. The example of the fabricas recuperadas does nothing to challenge what the Fetishism and Reification at the Baltic Hotel evidence suggests: that the notion of pockets of autonomy outside the state is illusory (as with the fabricas), unsus- For Marx, social relations in capitalism are tainable, or marginal and parasitical, in the absence of fetishistic and reified. Fetishistic, because the market’s at- broader, more strategic political projects and collectivities. tribution of commodities and services with an exchange- n value or price mystifies the value of labor and unequal so Relay January/February 2005 33 cial relations inherent to the sphere of production; the workspace. Immigrant children sweat it out for an In- reified, because the market reduces all sensual, natural and dian garment contractor in scenes that highlight the con- human life to an exchange-value, to an object that can be flation of (what were traditionally distinguished as) “first sold, bought, and owned, thus making unequal relations world” and “third world” labor practices. The bodies of between people appear as equal relations between things. women are transformed into exchangeable sex-service com- In affluent ‘postmodern’ consumer societies such as North modities that are used, in Juliette’s case, by any man that America and Western Europe, the bulk of the culture in- can pay, and in Senay’s case, by Sneaky and the pig-like dustry’s advertisements, television programs, and media sweatshop owner to avoid being reported to immigration commodities conceal the unequal relations of production officers. Dirty Pretty Things’ most graphic illustration of between people, construct “the good life” as one defined the market’s transformation of humans into exchangeable solely by over-consumption, and represent human freedom, objects occurs in scenes in which kidneys are extracted from politics, and cultural identity as an “effect” of consumer immigrants, transformed into commodities, and put up for choice and market behavior. Unlike the representations of sale on the market. The reification and consumption of these media-commodities, that either naturalize the exploita- immigrant bodies (and body parts) by the capitalist market, tive relations of exchange inherent to the sphere of produc- which Dirty Pretty Things represents as one way by which tion or mystify the reality of wage-labor and social classes, each immigrant-worker survives and attains basics suste- DPT is about the “dirty work” of waged-laborers, the “dirty” nance, covertly alludes, in allegorical form, to Marx’s de- side of the global market, and the social class divisions that scription of the capitalist market as a vampire: “the capi- underlie (and facilitate) the production of all the world’s talist [market] devours the labour-power of the workers and spectacular “pretty things.” This theme is encapsulated by appropriates their living labor as the life-blood of capital- the Baltic Hotel’s customer service motto: “our guests leave ism.” dirty things, we make them pretty things.” Indeed, behind the pretty façade of the Baltic hotel —its delectable choco- late truffles, its after-hours gourmet room service, its crustless white bread, its pristine rooms and clean white sheets—exist dirty labor-relations and dark and dirty se- crets. Housemaids are scrutinized by immigration officers, sex workers are hired and beaten by wealthy white tourists, insomniac desk clerks fish devalued bloody organs out of flooding toilets while happy patrons dine, relax, and sleep. By concentrating on the “dirty” elements of hotel produc- tion and reproduction, the work process, and the class divi- sions between destitute workers and wealthy tourist-con- sumers, DPS de-fetishizes this reality. The film reveals the “dirty” side of service-labor that are typically concealed or mystified by the “pretty” world of commodity exchange, market pleasure, and pre-packaged leisure. The narrative’s climax epitomizes the film’s attempt to de-fetishize and Agency and the Politics of Cultural Identity reveal the dirt of capitalism’s pretty things. Okwe, after being asked “how come I never see you people?” by a Though Dirty Pretty Things represents the wealthy English consumer who expects to purchase a kid- brutalization of immigrant laborers, it does not reduce its ney from Sneaky, responds: “because we are the people you protagonist workers to passive victims, to pure ideological don’t see. We drive your cabs, clean your rooms, and suck “effects” of dominant capitalist structures. Gou, reflecting your cocks.” on the mechanical and mind-numbing routine of mortuary Unlike the wealthy consumers that prefer not to production, states: “A kidney for $10,000! For that some see and not to think about the “unfree” social relations of people take risks. If I had the courage, I would sell my kid- exchange which underlie and support their sexual, tourist, ney just to get out of here. Just to save my brain.” Here, and commodity fantasies in global cities, Dirty Pretty Things Gou’s reflections on the active choice to mutilate and sell concentrates on the reification of human beings as wage- his body parts, —to become a body-merchant— though ter- laborers, the unfreedom of wage-labor work, and the re- rible and desperate, provides an alternative to the sale of duction of humans to exchangeable objects that are circu- his labor-power and alienating conditions of his work place. lated on (and consumed by) the capitalist market. Through- While Gou’s reflection —and the kind of worker “agency” out the narrative, racialized and sexualized bodies (and body it implies— does not, in any fundamental and collectively parts) are objectified as exchange-values and consumed by efficacious way, challenge the alienating structures of pro- the market. Flows of chamber maids are objectified by the duction that he is fettered to, it de-stabilizes an interpreta- panoptic gaze of hotel surveillance cameras as they enter tion of the film which construes the immigrant ® 34 Relay January/February 2005 workers as only as passive objects and inactive victims. deportation, imprisonment, and in Okwe’s case, execution. Hence, Dirty Pretty Things represents workers as objects Okwe and Senay thus struggle against the constructions of that are conditioned, affected, and in many ways, entrapped their past and present cultural identities and seek to appro- by dire institutional and material structures, it also repre- priate ideologically legitimate ones in the form of fabri- sents workers as active subjects, as agents that make choices, cated citizenship passports. Okwe and Senay’s struggle for react against their oppressors, and struggle to transform a new identity and their negotiation of the oppressive ef- and reproduce their situations and lives in different ways. fects of the ones they inhabit is the underlying conflict that In many moments, characters refuse to perform (and mate- drives Dirty Pretty Things’ narrative forward. Cultural iden- rially reproduce) specific kinds of labor, and by refusing to tity is thus constitutive of each character’s past and present perform specific kinds of labor, they refuse to become (and subordination and oppression; it is also the condition of ideologically reproduce) particular kinds of people. For ex- possibility that orients each character’s struggle to build ample, by refusing to labor as Sneaky’s black market butcher and move toward a different future. qua “doctor,” Okwe not only sabotages the productive ca- Okwe and Senay’s common struggle to survive, pacities and efficiency of Sneaky’s operation, but also, refuses to become like Sneaky –a self-interested and indi- vidualized neo-liberal subject that capitalizes on the plight and tragedy of others, a subject that selfishly “wills to power” with no ethical or moral consideration of the wider conse- quences his actions. Likewise, by refusing to labor as the Indian sweatshop contractor’s whore (by “biting” while performing oral sex), Senay not only interrupts the smooth reproduction of the capitalist sweatshop and its patriarchal production, but also, refuses to accept that that she is only a pure instrument or rationalized object of exchange. By re- fusing to heed the morally bankrupt and ethically perverse business ventures of self-interested middle managers, by struggling to preserve and demonstrate some degree of con- trol over their individual bodies and minds, Okwe and Senay work together, within and against, the structures and insti- tutions that seek to reduce them to machines. In Dirty Pretty Things, cultural identity both lim- its and enables each character’s agency and struggle. On first glance, ethno-cultural identities act as fetters on each character’s mobility, as disciplinary and ideological con- structions that contribute to each character’s subordination and oppression. Okwe, for example, is an ex-doctor framed by the Nigerian state for murdering his wife; Okwe is on the run from state authorities and this ideological construc- tion of his identity. Senay is a Muslim woman whose “god no longer speaks to her”; she seeks to escape the religious and sexual limitations of this historical construction of her and moments of identification between immigrant laborers identity. In the narrative’s present temporality, Okwe and in Dirty Pretty Things, is exemplary of forms of temporary Senay’s cultural identities —racialized, sexualized, and solidarity and allegiance that both cut across and are defi- classed as inferior “others” by the dominant ideological nite products of ethno-cultural and sexual differences and structures of the British state and society— are not, as many similarities. Though DPT stages moments between charac- multi-cultural scholars would contend, something to be re- ters which give credence to “the politics of ethno-cultural deemed and made functional to the evaporation of a variety identity” and “ethno-cultural solidarity,” the film avoids of oppressions, marginalizations, and humiliations once they an essentializing, sentimentalizing and romanticizing view are socially recognized, acknowledged, and embraced for of the characters, which would imagine shared ethno-cul- all of their “otherness” and de-centering “difference.” On tural identity as the only basis for solidarity and identifica- the contrary, the past and present-ness of Okwe and Senay’s tion. Okwe, for example, refuses to remove the kidney of a racialized, sexualized, and classed cultural identities are Nigerian woman, despite her pleas and attempt to hail him constituted by and constitutive of their social subordina- as her Nigerian “brother.” Rather than inhabiting the sub- tion; the social and governmental recognition of Okwe and ject-position constituted by the female patient’s discourse Senay’s cultural identities (as illegal immigrants) would (“Nigerian brother”) and performing the kidney-operation not result in their liberation and acceptance, but rather, their (an act which would imply that Okwe and the female pa- Relay January/February 2005 35 tient’s “common” ethno-cultural identity as Nigerians was vival and basic reproduction, paint a picture of what Marx the basis for their social and political solidarity), Okwe re- would call a working class-in itself (meaning that workers plies: “put on your clothes.” By depicting the characters are conscious of their similar objective relation to the struc- both identifying and dis-identifying with the ethno-cultural ture of capitalism as exploited wage-laborers), but not a subject-positions that are constituted for them by the par- working class for-itself (meaning that workers are conscious ticular discourses of others, along with broader historical, of their revolutionary ‘interest’ to transform their relation geographical and material determinants, Dirty Pretty Things to the structure of capitalism). Hence, DPS represents mo- puts fourth a complicated and anti-essentialist interpreta- ments of working class solidarity and identification that tion of ethno-cultural identity and solidarity. At the same unfortunately don’t add up to an organized working class time, DPT, unlike some work in postmodern cultural stud- ies, is careful not to envisage the simple presence of differ- ent ethno-cultural identities and different ethno-cultural meanings (ie. non-white, non-Anglophonic, non-hetero- normative, etc.) as a sign of radical politics, “opposition,” or revolutionary fervor. Actually, DPT’s performs a subtle critique of the banality and political limitations of different cultural meanings. While sewing up the jacket of a dead South Asian in the hospital morgue, Guo Yi, as if to enter- tain himself during the alienating moments of late-night labor-time, dispassionately contemplates the multiple and cross cultural connotations and meanings of buttons as they circulate between and through different “cultural” (religious, national, ethnic, etc.) contexts. Here, the appreciation of different cultural meanings becomes a mode by which struggle. The workers are dis-organized.. Their struggle for laborers cope with being alienated by their relation to pro- basic sustenance trumps the struggle for freedom, which duction rather than acting as the catalyst for engaging them appears, by the end of the film, illusory —another spec- in a political struggle over their relation to work. tacular product of the Hollywood culture industry. Okwe, trying to de-mystify Senay’s indulgence in the “American Class Solidarity Without Class Struggle Dream,” her hopes to immigrate to America, where she imagines gaining new freedoms and opportunities once DPS intimates that the most meaningful form of having attained a new passport, states: “For you and I, there solidarity between its worker-protagonists is not ethno-cul- is only survival. It is time you woke up from your stupid tural, but economic. Throughout the film, immigrant work- dream!” ers empathize with each other’s experience of selling labor- Though DPS reveals certain elements of global power and toiling in oppressive conditions; characters iden- capitalism that are typically concealed by the bulk of cul- tify with each other, not because they are Nigerian or Mus- ture industry media commodities, the film is not politically lim or Russian or Spanish, but because they are workers, tendentious or didactic. It does not offer imaginary resolu- members of a social class that share a similar work experi- tions to the class contradictions and conflicts its narrative ence. Furthermore, it is in the sphere of work, of service- represents. After all, DPS is just a consumable media-com- production, that the film’s worker-protagonists interact, help modity, one that cultural critics such as I often rely on to each other out, and develop a silent consciousness of them- cope with the contradictions and conflicts of are own pre- selves as a social class. Okwe beats a John after he gets dicaments. Though the culture industry may produce me- rough with his friend Juliette, a local prostitute. Guo al- dia-commodities whose narratives and texts point, in fan- lows Okwe to sleep in his office at the hospital morgue tasy form, to the class contradictions and conflicts of global when he is deprived of shelter. Hospital workers allow Okwe capitalism, we should not rely on it to pose solutions, to to steal surgical supplies and medicine, so that he can save provide answers, and to transform these problems. These the life of a destitute Nigerian male who has been butch- tasks are for socialists and socialist organizations. But if ered by the kidney doctor, and also, so that he can treat the culture industry and its symbolic producers wish to join taxi-cab drivers that are suffering with various STDs. When us in this struggle by producing and distributing films like Senay returns to work, the plans of immigration officers to Dirty Pretty Things, in which the narrative contains an arrest her are foiled by Ivan, the bell hop, who stops her imaginary representation of the dire realities of wage-la- from entering the Baltic hotel’s lobby; and as the immigra- bour and fragmented social classes in the era of global capi- tion officers flash Senay’s picture to the Baltic hotel’s other talism to de-mystify liberal fantasies about the market, then maids, in hopes that they will recognize Senay and turn her we should welcome the popular consumption of these ‘ideo- in, they simply ignore the image. All of these moments in logical’ reflections. n which workers “help each other out” to ensure their sur- 36 Relay January/February 2005

“The most important presidential election of our life- Still you can’t simply put Earle in the ‘vote Demo- time was less than seven months away and we des- crat and the world will be alright’ camp. As he wrote in the perately wanted to weigh in, both as artists and citi- liner notes, “the day after the election, regardless of the zens of a democracy.” outcome, the war will go on, outsourcing of our jobs will continue, and over a third of our citizens will have no health Steve Earle, liner notes. care coverage whatsoever.” Like many American activists, Earle sees beating Bush as an important struggle but hardly a panacea. This is possibly Steve Earle’s most overtly political Earle, who has described himself as an American CD to date. Hurriedly recorded and released, Earle’s liner Marxist, has been emerging as one of the most interesting notes indicate that most songs on the album were written political artists in decades. Having performed shows at the and recorded within 24 hours, so as to be released prior to FTAA protests in Miami, at anti-death penalty events and the US election - and sometimes it shows. While the ma- vigils, and, most recently, on the streets in New York dur- jority of songs are quite strong there a couple that should ing the street protests outside the Republican Convention, have probably been given a little more time to develop. he is breathing new life into the musty old protest singer Many will find the hook heavy anthems a bit over the top - stereotype. Recently he has started hosting a Sunday night though I tend to be a sucker for them. The album delivers radio show on Air America (called ‘The Revolution Starts enough musically to be considered very good. Now’ - www.airamericaradio.com/_show_earle.asp). As to whether it works politically is a far more in- teresting question. A good number of the songs focus on ”The revolution starts now / When you rise above your fear the war in Iraq which provides a lot of grist for his musical / And tear the walls around you down / The revolution starts mill. Still, I wonder if, in the effort to help defeat Bush, he here” has avoided topics considered too hot by the Democrats. In particular, his songs in opposition to the death penalty are Two years ago he raised the ire of the American right missing. On past releases these have tended to be his strong- wing and the Nashville radio establishment with his ‘John est and emotionally powerful offerings. Walker’s Blues’. Written from the perspective of the Ameri- Earle is at his best when singing from the perspec- can youth who went to fight with the Taliban he attempted tive of the poor, the working class, or the outsider. His to humanize someone that the US establishment was going songs about prison and the death penalty ring with an ur- out if its way to demonize (while using the case to target gency that is lacking on many of the tracks of the ’The ‘liberal’ parents). The album was banned from some sta- Revolution Starts... Now.’ The song ‘Home to Houston’ is tion’s playlists and attacks on Earle in the press became a notable exception. Perhaps one of Earle’s best songs ever commonplace. Earle, along with unlikely activists ‘The it tells the tale of an American trucker in Iraq who prom- Dixie Chicks’, confronted the backlash head-on and were ises God to give up trucking if he can return to Houston hence able to emerge even stronger artists and performers. alive - set to a great trucker tune. ”When I pulled out of Basra they all wished me luck ”I can say anything I wanna say / So fuck the FCC / Fuck / Just like they always did before / With a bulletproof screen the FBI / Fuck the CIA / Livin’ in the motherfuckin’ USA” on the hood of my truck / And a Bradley on my back door” That the Nashville music establishment would go Relay January/February 2005 37 after Earle, and that he could withstand the attack, demon- learn “more from a three minute record than we ever learned strates another way he differs from other political perform- in school.” ers in the US - he has mainstream appeal. Similar to the Musically he could be loosely tagged as a country group Spearhead, Earle performs in a musical genre that rocker or, the more trendy, alt-country. There is enough reaches out to a large number of radio listeners. Most po- jagged guitar work on this album to keep the most dedi- litical artists have established themselves in very narrow cated roots music devotee happy - and enough politics to musical niches intended for, at best, a small market. This make a lefty’s heart pound along with the drums. And is music written about and for the working class and, in all Earle’s sense of humour shows in songs like ‘Condi, Condi’ likelihood, would set their toes-a-tapping - even if they disa- and ‘F the CC’. I can even imagine a few Republicans greed with the lyrics. getting an illicit chuckle out of his lusty latin ballad to Condoleeza Rice. ”Now he’s got a rifle in his hand / Rollin’ into Baghdad wonder’ how he got this far / Just another poor boy off to ”Sweet and dandy pretty as can be / You be the flower and fight a rich man’s war” I’ll be the bumble bee / Oh she loves me oops she loves me not / People say you’re cold but I think you’re hot” Despite the anti-war message none of the songs on this CD will spark as much controversy as the ‘John Walker The Revolution Starts ...Now’ is a good album with Lindh Blues’. This may be a positive thing. The themes some rough edges. Steve Earle is an artist that will con- explored on the CD come right out of the 6 o’clock news tinue to make waves throughout the music industry and and may very well help many put the days headlines into merits a good listen. n context. To paraphrase Bruce Springsteen, some people

“Canada House”, a new two-act play by J. Karol Hanging over the events of the play, is a big strike at Do- Korczynski, November 24th-28th, 2004, Theatre Passe minion Fiberglass that had the dual effect of breaking the Muraille Backspace, a production of The Canada House union, and forcing Dominion into bankruptcy. The three Cooperative characters were all touched by that strike, and frequent the same run-down watering hole. Louis (Daniel Kash) the Directed by Graham Cozzubbo, featuring: Wendy Thatcher, former head of the local, absconded with the strike fund, Brian Marler, Daniel Kash and has slipped into petty thievery to survive and feed his alcohol habit. Sally (Wendy Thatcher), is a former union “Canada House” is first production of the newly- activist who now supports herself as a phone sex worker formed The Canada House Cooperative, an artistic work- for ‘Karol’s Kinky Kunts’. As fate would have it, one of ers’ cooperative in Toronto. The cooperative’s stated in- her most faithful customers is Ray Bigwell, son of the former tention is to make ‘dangerous theatre’, and Canada House owner of Dominion Fiberglass a sunglasses-at-night-wear- (the play) has the cooperative well on the way to reaching ing and epitome of an evil conscienceless capitalist. Ray’s that goal. favourite phone-sex fantasies are about ‘pain and sadness’, This two-act play pulls no punches in its raw, booze, which he beats off to while partially asphyxiating himself drug, and poverty-filled portrayal of Skid Row, Toronto. with a plastic bag. ® 38 Relay January/February 2005 Ray is trying to regain his family fortune as an up Canada House is welcome in a theatre scene that often deals and coming member of the Social Market Foundation with poverty and oppression as sanitized versions as in the (‘cheaper, faster, lesser’) which is a cross between a secret musical Urinetown. society, the Rotary Club, and the mafia. He recruits his The Backspace is particularly suited to the staging drinking buddy, Louis to help win the Foundation’s “Time of this production. The space is very narrow, about 20 feet and Motion Award”. Louis himself haunted by his memo- across, but with ceiling height of 25 feet, there is a sense of ries of the assembly-line, sees the Foundation as his ticket the characters being trapped in a pit. The set itself was to wealth. Their Award entry is the manufacture of Spartan; for most of the play consisting of a bar, a table, a methamthydamine by a kidnapped slave worker. After Ray’s few chairs and stools, and a karaoke booth. This minimalism first slave dies, in a chemical accident, he enlists Louis to suits both the subject matter and the slice of life that drug and kidnap Sally. Sally saves herself from a hopeless Korczynski and Cozzubbo stage. The lighting work was situation by burning off her hand in a phosphorous solu- similarly appropriate; most of the time the stage was very tion to escape her chains. dimly lit, punctured by a spotlight once and awhile. The second act picks up the story 11 years on. The Thatcher’s performance as Sally deserves special economic crisis has reached the boiling point, with work mention. She brings her character alive, playing it so real- and food riots, and a strict curfew enforced by a large secu- istically that she succeeds in forging a crucial empathetic rity apparatus. Sally has become a begger, who earns pocket link with the audience. The writing and playing of the two change by showing off her disfigured hand that she keeps male characters falls somewhat sort. We never really get a in a shoebox. Ray’s new Foundation project is ‘social ro- convincing view of what makes Kash’s Louis tick, and botics’, a way of producing the new working man: “Work- Marler is cannot rescue Ray from what is nearly a carica- ers who will do what you want without question”. His tured two-dimensional antagonist. In fairness, Ray’s char- project, Louis, rejects his programming and regains his hu- acter is meant to be a trope, manifesting capitalism in its most extreme form, and therefore is difficult to play.

Art as Social Commentary

Korczynski shows us a side of capitalism that is all too familiar to the underclass who are the most exposed to its brutality. Sally and Louis are best sited to know the true nature of the system. His choice of the underclass as politi- cal subject begs some questions: How do we go from ex- treme oppression to revolution? The predatory capitalism that Korczynski portrays is clearly ripe with social unrest, as well as possibilities for change. But where the play- wright succeeds in painting Sally and Louis as victims, it is less clear is how they metamorphose into agents of change. At a time where the broad majority of the working class in Canada has not yet been immiserated, is the underclass where we place our hope for revolution? manity in time to refuse Ray’s order to murder Sally. Ray As Sally and Louis have nothing to lose, the choice now runs an ad-hoc crematorium in which he incinerates for revolution is an ‘easy’ one. How to convince those who those workers he has murdered. Sally pluckily escapes death feel that they have a stake in the system, without simply once again and after learning that Ray is her old phone sex waiting for the dystopia Korczynski sketches to become customer, tells him the story of the union ‘victory’ at Do- generalized? I think most important for art that is to be minion Fiberglass. Ray finds this story both so sad and dangerous, is that it help us make sense of the complexities arousing that he asphyxiates himself with the plastic bag. of daily life, that the audience to relate to the play. Person- Sally has phone sexed him to death. The play ends with ally, I found it difficult to relate to the characters, and I her sitting with Louis, with the revolution underway in the suspect that others did too. In another two-act play, Arthur streets. Sally tells Louis and the audience that she, “Knows Miller’s The Death of a Salesman, everyday life is the hor- what folks can be”. ror, and it is that everyday life that is also so recognizable to the audience. Art needs to help us pull back the veil and The Production understand the world we live in, as well as how it needs to be changed. Canada House does the first part admirably, The play for all its rawness is one of hope and deter- but the second less developed. That said, the play is an com- mination. Sally never gives up the struggle of “sticking mendable first production for the collective. I can’t wait together to not be a slave”, and this spirit keeps her alive. for future productions. ××× (3 stars out of four) n Relay January/February 2005 39 Labour, the left and the crisis in Israel-Palestine Sid Shniad

Israel and its Zionist sympathiz- group including Arabic and Hebrew, societies to validate their treatment of ers have created the myth that oppos- into a racial construct used to support Palestinians. While racism of any kind ing their policies is tantamount to ha- the theory that Jews posses unattractive, is intolerable, it is essential to note that tred of the Jewish people, that criticism even dangerous racial characteristics. anti-Jewish attitudes are not endemic of Israel is anti-Semitic. This charge is His intention was to deny Jews’ Euro- to these societies. They have arisen in a unsupportable. pean heritage and to show that they specific context, when characterized by In Israel/Palestine, one of the constituted a threat to European Chris- Israel’s displacement of the Palestinian world’s strongest militaries is using its tian society. people, the occupation of their land, and unfettered power to occupy and oppress The Nazi Holocaust was the ul- relentless belligerence with respect to another people, in defiance of countless timate manifestation of Marr’s anti- the other peoples of the Middle East. United Nations resolutions. Instead of Semitism. The effects were devastating, An unfortunate fact is that the addressing the concerns of those who particularly the death and torment that only exposure that many Arabs have to criticize this behaviour, Israel and its Nazi persecution caused – not only to Jews is with reactionary Israeli politi- defenders choose to label the country’s Jews, but to millions of others, includ- cal leaders, soldiers, settlers, and North critics as anti-Semites. (If the critics are ing Gypsies and homosexuals, who American Zionists who voice racist and Jews, they are deemed to be “self-hat- were also slaughtered in death camps. hawkish views with respect to Arabs ers.”) The trauma of the Holocaust has while expressing unqualified support to Progressives concerned with had an enormous effect on postwar so- Israel’s actions. Those who are serious human rights violations generally, and ciety. Some Jews interpret it as a de- about addressing the issue of anti-Jew- those occurring in occupied Palestine finitive refutation of the longstanding ish attitudes in the Arab world must in particular, cannot allow themselves hope that they could escape persecution change the context in which those sen- to be silenced by these scurrilous in societies where they were a minority timents have arisen. charges. To distinguish between oppo- of the population. Consequently, many It is wrong to insist that opposi- sition to Israeli actions and anti- Jews who originally had little interest tion to the occupation of the West Bank Semitism, it is necessary to take a brief in Zionism concluded that the Zionists and Gaza, to the rejection of Palestin- look at anti-Semitism. were right – that Jews would always be ian refugees’ claims resulting from con- Western hatred of Jews dates to at risk, and that pogroms and forced flicts dating back to 1948, or to Israeli the earliest days of the Christian exile could start again unless they had laws that give Jews more rights than Church. That is when the establishment access to refuge in a Jewish state. non-Jews, is rooted in antipathy toward practice of channelling popular outrage I disagree with this view of the Jews. To counteract the regressive re- against social and economic injustices world. The threat of resurgent anti- flex which characterizes all criticism of into anti-Jewish attitudes and violence Semitism cannot be adequately ad- Israel as anti-Semitism, activists work- began. Later, in Eastern Europe and dressed via an unquestioning embrace ing for a future in which Palestinians Russia, where anti-Semitism reached its of Israel as a haven for the world’s Jews. and Israeli Jews can live together in pre-Hitlerian height, pogroms, organ- Ironically, there are few places on earth mutual respect, peace and security, must ized and encouraged by reactionary gov- today that are less safe for Jews than take the fight against anti-Semitism out ernments and supported by Church es- Israel, thanks to that country’s mistreat- of the hands of those who exploit the tablishments, became regular occur- ment of the Palestinian population in issue in order to stifle debate about Is- rences. This hostile atmosphere pro- the West Bank and Gaza. Real security rael’s racist and oppressive policies. vided a major impetus for Jewish im- can only be achieved and sustained Furthermore, while confronting real migration to the United States and through vigilance and cooperation with anti-Semitism, progressives must si- Canada in the late 19th and early 20th allies who are determined to combat all multaneously confront those who dis- centuries. forms of hatred and oppression, regard- honour centuries of Jewish persecution The phrase anti-Semitism was less of whether these are based on reli- by defending racist policies that are an- coined in the late 19th century by Ger- gion, ethnicity, gender, or sexual ori- tithetical to the pursuit of justice for all man Jew-hater Wilhelm Marr. Marr entation. victims of oppression and injustice. transformed the linguistic term Defenders of Israel point to anti- Fortunately, the ranks of “Semite”, which refers to a linguistic Jewish sentiments in Arab and Muslim progressives who are ® 40 Relay January/February 2005 promoting this approach are growing, facts has so fundamentally distorted Is- this incident was aired on Israeli TV, both inside and outside Israel. Ilan raelis’ perceptions that many of them the station received many letters of Pappe, a senior lecturer of Political Sci- choose to see the occupation as an act complaint – not about the soldiers’ ence at Haifa University and the Aca- of benevolence that is bringing enlight- outrageous behaviour, but because demic Director of the Research Insti- enment and progress to the Palestinian televising such behaviour would help tute for Peace at Givat Haviva is one people. the “enemy.” outstanding example. When he spoke In the second Palestinian upris- Despite his bleak message, at McGill University in 2003, Pappe ing, beginning in October 2000, elic- Pappe is ultimately an optimist. He delivered a lecture entitled “Israel, a ited a renewed, intensified denial draws hope from the fact that sources State in Denial,” in which he shed light among Israelis. Pappe explains that the of information are accessible which pro- on contradictory interpretations of the occupation which existed between 1967 vide an alternative to those which have events surrounding the birth of Israel and 2000 was characterized by the col- traditionally dominated. Furthermore, in 1948. lective abuse of Palestinians’ rights. The he notes that while only five Israeli sol- In the process of fulfilling their conditions faced by the Palestinian diers refused to serve in the Occupied dream, Zionist forces destroyed five population have undergone a further, Territories in October 2000, there are hundred villages, eleven towns and serious deterioration since October now more than 500. forced 750,000 Palestinians from their 2000. He acknowledges that the pro- own land. “In the collective Israeli Jew- Pappe makes the case that de- test movement within Israel is still very ish memory,” says Pappe, “very few spite this human crisis, Israeli society small. Nevertheless he concludes that people remember or want to remember is even less willing to face reality than if someone like him can abandon the this less pleasant side of this story.” it was in the 1967 to 2000 period. He prevailing state of denial, others can, While Israel’s media, educa- argues that this state of denial gener- as well. He stresses that progressive tional, and political systems refer to the ated the destructive consensus within activists can help in this process by events of 1948 as the “Day Of Independ- Israeli society that brought Ariel Sharon bringing reinforcement from the outside ence,” or the end of the 2000-year Jew- to power and which was responsible for to empower forces within Israel that are ish exile, they ignore the side of the his re-election. opposed to the occupation and to exert story which involves the systematic economic, cultural and political pres- uprooting of another people, the de- sure on the Israeli state. struction of the local population, and Progressives, unionists and ac- the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. He tivists of every stripe have a respon- explains that this history has been sys- sibility to take up Pappe’s challenge tematically erased from Israelis’ col- by insisting that Israel be held to the lective memory. same standards of law and morality Israeli textbooks, media out- as any other state. Only that ap- lets, and politicians have replaced this proach can yield positive results for history with a version that portrays Israelis and Palestinians alike. the Jewish State in a highly selective, Trade unionists have a vital role romantic light. It was not until the late The final stage of denial, which to play in all this. The executives of the 1980s, with the work of Israeli histori- dominates in Israel today, began with Canadian Labour Congress and the ans like Pappe and Benny Morris, that Israel’s military incursion into the West Vancouver and District Labour Coun- Israelis and the rest of the world began Bank in April 2002, designed to crush cil as well as the Canadian Union of to hear the version of the story that has Palestinian resistance. He believes that Public Employees, the BC Government been told by Palestinians since 1948. this denial prevents Israelis from un- Employees’ Union and the Canadian Pappe notes that Israelis are in derstanding that the Palestinian people Union of Postal Workers have all joined denial about several crucial issues, in- have been living under constant curfews with unions in Britain and Europe to cluding the events of 1948; the occupa- and closures and that they have suffered take a strong position on the Israeli-Pal- tion of the West Bank and Gaza Strip pervasive malnutrition since that date. estinian crisis. Our task is to get this since 1967; the reasons for the Pales- The mistreatment of Palestin- issue in front of other Canadian unions tinian uprisings; the reality of Palestin- ians at the hands of Israeli soldiers, and ensure that these policies are backed ians’ suffering; and Israel’s central role which has now become systematic, is up with organization and action. n in contributing to that suffering. Pappe exemplified by soldiers’ behaviour at argues that house demolitions, expul- military checkpoints. Pappe cites an Sid Shniad is a founding member of the sions and killings have, from the be- incident at one of these checkpoints Trade Union Committee for Justice in ginning, characterized the extremely where an Israeli TV station crew the Middle East (TUCJME). For fur- brutal occupation of the West Bank and filmed Israeli soldiers playing Russian ther information about TUCJME, Gaza. But he insists that denial of these Roulette – with Palestinians. When please contact [email protected]. Relay January/February 2005 41 Labour in Venezuela Today

Marcella Maspero

This speech was given by Marcella and business, there was also a sense of joined up with the Chamber of Com- Maspero, leader of the Union Nacional the privilege that those labour officials merce and the government, to hatch a de Trabajadores (UNT) of Venezuela, had, and especially those labour offi- plan to completely transform the social in Toronto, November 28, 2004. cials who were involved in some of the benefits and the whole regime of un- financial institutions that were supposed employment benefits and fringe ben- As a Venezuelan worker, it is an to be benefiting workers, such as the efits that workers had enjoyed. It was honour for me to be here with this group Workers’ Bank. Lately that institution supposed to be based on improving ben- of Canadian workers, especially at this was the source of a major scandal and a efits, based upon seniority and a living quite historic moment, when it’s very number of the leaders, the members of wage package, social security for eve- important for us in Venezuela to have the board of the Workers’ Bank of Ven- ryone. the understanding and solidarity of ezuela, had warrants out for their ar- People had a lot of hopes during this workers around the world. In my pres- rest and a lot of those financial institu- period. But it didn’t turn out that way entation this evening, I would like to tions ended up not actually meeting the at all and the failure of this so-called talk a bit about the background, about needs of rank and file workers although ”agreement” to improve the lives of how the union movement was before the the people who sat on the boards of these Venezuelans led to an even greater loss government of President Chavez, the financial institutions, supposedly rep- of credibility for the CTV and again current political situation, and some of resented workers. They actually were there was a very low expectation on the the political issues we were facing lead- there to only line their own pockets. part of workers that their union organi- ing up to the birth of the U.N.T., and For us, the democratization of the zation would do anything positive for how things stand now. CTV did not happen as was planned them. The largest trade union central for and I can speak from my experience as This led to the national elections in many years in Venezuela was the a member of a private sector union. December, 1998, in which people felt Confederacion de Trabajadores de Ven- When we tried to form a group of peo- betrayed by the traditional political par- ezuela, the Confederation of Venezue- ple to make up a slate to run against ties; they felt betrayed by the govern- lan Workers,(CTV), and it fought many the current leadership, we found out that ment that was in power and workers in important battles, especially during the the CTV was very powerful and many particular felt betrayed by the CTV. years of the dictatorship. Over the of the people who dared to form an op- There was really a lack of credibility in years, it started to lose credibility, how- position slate were either fired by their all the major institutions of our country ever, because of positions it took, which companies or brought up on charges by and it was at that moment people started were very pro-government and because the union itself. listening to Hugo Chavez who was a of its many agreements with manage- The political moment was one when candidate for the Presidency and who ment and the government, which were the International Monetary Fund was talked of building a better society. I reached behind the backs of the work- wielding a big stick in Venezuela and actually believe people voted for Chavez ers. The CTV saw the need to democ- our government was basically on its without any direction from their trade ratize itself and renew its credibility knees doing whatever the large inter- unions about how to vote or any par- which led to an approved vote in 1995 national financial institutions wanted . ticular ideological orientation, but undertaken by all rank-and-file mem- I’m referring to the period of the last rather they were seeking solutions to bers. This was agreed to at a conven- Presidency, the one before President their problems and what Chavez was tion and that was how I managed, in Chavez. During that period, the CTV promising at that point was to clean up that last phase, to get onto the execu- and the Federation of Chambers of the corrupt institutions, to bring in a tive board of the CTV. But we were Commerce, formed what they called a new constitution and to change the way very disappointed when we joined the “tri-partite movement” with the govern- government operated. new executive to find out that the whole ment and this is one issue the Interna- When he assumed power, his first idea of democracy and renovation was tional Labour Organization (ILO) talks major programme was to set up a na- not really going to materialize. a lot about a “tri-partism”. We really tional constituent assembly to develop When we look at why the CTV be- reject their view of what trade unions the new constitution. This was some- gan to lose credibility, in addition to all should be doing in terms of forming thing that began in the middle of 1999 the agreements that were made behind agreements. What happened was, that as a process which involved large num- the backs of workers with government the top leaders of our labour movement, bers of people and the resulting ® 42 Relay January/February 2005 constitution was a document that defi- functionaries who had lined their own sion that they made internally and not nitely did improve the social and labour pockets. These are people not without one that was imposed by the govern- rights of people. It was also a real their own financial interests. And this ment. Rank-and-file votes took place switch from a kind of representative led to a lot of confusion. in all the work-places; all the labour democracy as had been structured be- However, the government imple- centrals were involved in them, except fore, to something that we could now mented a rather large outreach pro- for two which did not participate. call participatory democracy. The new gramme. All the trade union centrals After these agreements were ac- constitution included a number of participated in the discussion about how cepted, all the unions had to run their clauses that were very new, such as a the new law would be structured to en- elections and present their results to a requirement for social oversight of all sure there would be trade union democ- national electoral council, which had state agencies and a co-responsibility, racy, or at least a move towards a more the power of oversight over all the trade which involved evaluation of all gov- democratic trade union movement and union votes in the country. Each union ernment policies by the people. the top leaders were involved, although set up its own electoral council to inter- The trade union centrals and the po- I was not, as I was an alternate at that nally oversee its own votes and to es- litical parties participated in the con- point. tablish their own rules. The CTV un- stituent assembly. The goal was to bring An agreement was reached to have ions participated in this, as did the Gen- the top decision makers together, to a referendum on the unions. This pro- eral Confederation of Labour (CGT). reach some agreement about the legal instru- ments that would re-struc- ture trade unions from that point forward, especially with respect to a legisla- tive bill that was called “The Union Democratiza- tion Act”. This Act had a number of elements, a number of which the ILO has complained about as being too “intervention- ist”, but I would like to say that the very contentious measures that were in the union democratization bill, were written partially by the trade-unionists themselves. My organiza- tion participated in the writing of those rules and we felt that was the way we wanted to do it. One of the important elements of this law posal was also questioned by the ILO, These union elections led to a re- was that unions would produce their fi- because this was a referendum that was newal of leadership. All I can tell you nancial statement, their accountability to be put not only to members of trade is that there were some unions that had statements, and present them to a na- unions, but before all the Venezuelan had the same secretary general for forty tional body, where they would show people who would be able to vote on years. And they never had had local where they got their money and where whether the trade unions should go elections where the rank-and-file could their money was going. through the democratization process vote, so this was a real democratizing The people who had participated and re-confirmation of their leader- process. There was participation, there in this high-level discussion were the ships. After the CTV reached an agree- was real participatory democracy and top leaders of the CTV. These were ment that this was the process they that process changed workers and of people who historically had enjoyed would undergo, they then got rid of all course the leaders of the federations did some of the highest level of privileges their current leaders and put in place change during the process. of anybody in Venezuela. Some of these some boards to go through this democ- Sadly, the CTV then took an un- trade-union leaders are richer than some ratization process. This was not the way fortunate route. Although they may business owners and the government it was supposed to be, but it was a deci- have held elections wherever they had Relay January/February 2005 43 a base, forty-eight percent of the reports rights to have a livelihood. was to overthrow President Chavez. of their election results were never filed Another one was the land-reform There were no worker demands behind with the national electoral council and act that was commonly and erroneously this work stoppage at all, it was really this cast a shadow of doubt over the known, although it was not, as an “ap- just meant to paralyze the country and whole process about whether it had been propriation act”, something of which throw the President out. fair and about who had actually won internationally we have been accused. This time when the work stopped, these elections. When they presented We have a country where there are a lot nobody got paid. But what did happen their slate of their new board of direc- of people who are hungry and there is a was that President Chavez was thrown tors, the new executive of the CTV, lot of land that is not being farmed. And out of office and for forty-eight hours President Chavez was put in a difficult the purpose of the Land Act was to en- he was not able to govern the country. position. He said, “I don’t know if these sure that any land that was not in use The people came out on the streets in a people have won or didn’t win. I can’t and could be farmed, would be farmed. massive way without any particular pro- sign off on this because you haven’t pre- And the land that was not in use could gramme except that we wanted our sented the papers that you were sup- be turned over to peasants so that they president back. With one stroke of the posed to present on completion of the would farm the land and develop food pen, the interim government wiped out elections.” So there was a new leader- security for our country. the new constitution and all the very ship of the CTV; it was renewed in some There was a lot of social context in important changes that we had worked way, but it didn’t match what the elec- these pieces of legislation. There was a so hard for and had built a consensus tion results had been and it wasn’t done micro-financing law for example; there around, the idea of having the people’s according to the rules that they them- was also a law on the public service. involvement in determining policy. selves had agreed to and this led to more There were some things about the Act This was a big mobilizing issue during loss of credibility for the CTV. when it was first presented with which the forty-eight hours when the interim At the same time there were organi- we didn’t agree. We had a big debate government took over from President zations within the CTV, different cur- about it; changes were made to it and Chavez. The representative national rents within the CTV, that were very we were much more satisfied with the assembly and even the Supreme Court much in favour of deeper changes, more resulting legislation. However, the were wiped out by these people, so when transformation of the way the labour CTV on the other hand, took the posi- President Chavez came back, some peo- movement operated in our country. I, tion that this was the exactly wrong di- ple thought there should be some very for instance, participated as a member rection for the country to go in and to- hard measures taken against those peo- of an organization called the Bolivarian gether with the Federation of the Cham- ple who plotted the coup. But what Labour Forces, we were members of the bers of Commerce, called a strike in De- happened instead, was that President CTV, and before the elections within the cember of 2001. I don’t know, but this Chavez called for a round table and a CTV, we had major discussions about may be the only strike in the world national dialogue. whether we should participate in these where the people showed up for work, I was fortunate to be one of the elections. Many of us felt it was good were sent home and were paid their sal- workers’ representatives at that national to challenge from within and it was ary to be on strike against their compa- table. There were four worker repre- good to carry out a fight that would nies. sentatives. I was still with the CTV at cause an internal debate. We felt we Things started to really heat up in that time and there were representatives should go forward with this and if it the streets. There was a lot of oppositon from a number of sectors, including the would change the CTV from inside, it from those people who had the most media, university workers, business would avoid further fracturing of the privilege to the fact that we had land leaders; the whole purpose was to de- labour movement, which we felt would reform and poor people had access to velop some kind of consensus. This be very good. We had four labour credit. A lot of people, who tradition- round table dialogue didn’t last very centrals at the time, of which the CTV ally held positions of privilege, didn’t long, but when it looked like it was was the largest. The activists believed like the way things were turning out. moving towards a consensus that was in working inside the CTV. And in 2002, these people who didn’t very progressive, some of the reaction- Around this time, the National As- like the new direction of the govern- ary people who had been involved in sembly was discussing forty-nine pieces ment, got together and led a coup this dialogue, started to pull out. Why of enabling legislation that would re- against President Chavez. This was did they pull out of the process? Be- ally change the way government oper- also a work stoppage. Many of the cause these were the people with privi- ated and we wanted to be part of that. presidents of the various trade union leges who thought that their privileges For instance, one of the forty-nine federations, in the electrical sector, in would be taken away or certainly not pieces of legislation was the Fisheries the oil sector, in the public sector and guaranteed. Act that had special provisions for those private sector unions, were against the We formed a team internally in the inshore fishers who were casting nets work stoppage that led up to the coup. CTV to have a dialogue with our rank- close to the shore and it protected their We could see that the only purpose of it and-file, with small companies ® 44 Relay January/February 2005 and with the government, to talk about ers took place, lasting two days, in were able to restart the operations at how to make the country work better, which we put forward the proposal for PVDSA. how to make things more productive. the organizing of a new trade union During that disruption, people some- For instance we took part in a discus- central, the UNT. We invited President times had to line up for twenty-four sion around an industrial strategy for Chavez to attend. We had a long list of hours to get gas. This was even true for the auto sector and we arrived at an demands we wanted him to hear. That the state owned trucking companies that agreement between the unions and the was our founding meeting, December, were bringing important supplies into business sectors. It was an industrial 2002, which also coincided with the the cities from around the country. But policy which balanced the need to have next attack on the Chavez government, the people really pitched in to help, peo- jobs with the need to have productivity a work stoppage and sabotage that be- ple would share food or whatever they and to put in place a policy to make sure gan in December and continued to Feb- had. We wanted to have our country that our auto assembly plants would stay ruary of 2003. This time our Federa- back. in the country, and they have, to this tions acted from a class perspective and People outside have said about day, been able to generate not just big- from a worker’s perspective and we Venezuela that there is no freedom of ger sales of automobiles, but also more went right to the plant gates and stood expression, that the press is being co- jobs. at the gates and we said, “Open these erced, that people have no right to in- We were lucky that Presi- formation, but I can tell dent Chavez was interested you that over the seventy in convening the round ta- days of the strike, the Presi- bles. We had some large dent of the CTV and the meetings, for instance, at Federation of the Cham- the Ford plant and the Presi- bers of Commerce were on dent actually signed on as a the air ten hours a day giv- guarantor of the agreement ing their war reports every on our Auto Pact that was five minutes about how also signed by the Minis- well the strike was going ters. It was very important and what was happening in to us that the President was this or that place and “to close to these discussions in hold on, people of Ven- the various industrial sec- ezuela, we will win. Keep tors, which also took place those stores closed; keep in the textile and electrical those businesses closed!” sectors. At this time, the And you know, they never state electrical company ever said it was over. Even seemed to be on the verge when it was over, they of a major privatization and never admitted that it was that well-known strategy over. And their strike had was being used where they a huge damaging impact try to run down the state- upon the economy of the owned company, to make it country. look really inefficient and You may have heard claim that it is not working and then gates; these workers want to work!” about the 18,000 workers who took their turn it over to private hands. When we And again, it was a work stoppage complaints to the ILO about how they brought this to the attention of Presi- called by the Chambers of Commerce were fired. Well, these weren’t just dent Chavez, he became the number one and the corrupt leadership of the CTV; 18,000 ordinary workers. They were opponent of privatization and he said with no workers’ demands whatsoever. the managers. They’re the ones who so in all his speeches and he said that Its only purpose was to get rid of Presi- sat across the table from us in collec- he would not only oppose privatization, dent Chavez. tive bargaining, but they were also but he also proposed co-management The major target of this work stop- members of the union. They were the with the workers to make sure that the page was the PVDSA, the national pe- ones who were actively sabotaging the state-run electrical company would op- troleum company, the largest in the oil company; you don’t hear much about erating efficiently. country, and we said, and the labour the 100,000 people who those same Obviously, the CTV’s open role in movement said it generally, workers managers fired and who can’t get their the coup, led to a lot of friction within want to work and it was the workers — back-pay nor get their jobs back. the labour movement and in Septem- and many of you may know this from So at this point during this chaos ber of 2002, a national meeting of work- the reports — it was the workers who in the country, a lot of trade-unionists Relay January/February 2005 45 were asking: “why should we stay in zation in the public sector. We also crease in the social wage and the gov- the CTV?” We then formed the UNT oppose the rule of the IMF over our ernment has established a number of which has a much more horizontal country and also those policies that fa- parallel programmes that ensures access structure. We registered our leadership vour imports over the re-development to health and education. Over eight- with the Ministry of Labour, even with of our domestic industry. We were very, een million Venezuelans have benefited some incomplete by-laws, but we are very active in the referendum process from programmes which are known as still building on them. But it did allow that culminated in August. As trade the “missions”, which include getting us to begin to concentrate our struggle. unionists, we felt that was a struggle food at low cost. We think that these We have had a good start, our princi- that did have a worker’s agenda. So are measures that help workers. They ples are laid out, we have our ethics and we were there, not just in favour of the are pro-worker measures. They help an analysis of the situation. We have government, but in favour of the kind build a society where there are jobs and formed twenty-four regional bodies of of transformation that this government it helps to reduce the gap between those the UNT. We represent all the major promises to make for workers and is rich people who seem to be getting ever sectors, the private sector, the electri- making every day, such as a job secu- and ever richer and the poor people who cal, the petroleum, construction sectors rity law and increased wages, both of seem to be getting ever and ever poorer. and the public sector, in health and a which were opposed by the CTV and These processes are more participatory. number of other sectors. Some of these the Chambers of Commerce. We believe we need to see less polari- unions have come zation and movement away straight over from the from an approach of con- CTV to the UNT and frontation to an approach of others are new unions appreciating what everyone in the process of be- can contribute to the process. ing formed now. In conclusion, I would Outside our coun- like to express my thanks to try, some people claim all the organizations that the UNT doesn’t re- have come together to organ- ally exist and doesn’t ize this event, especially negotiate contracts. Sheila Katz and Steve The fact is we have Benedict from the Canadian been negotiating on Labour Congress who re- behalf of workers. We cently visited us in Ven- have been at the bar- ezuela and got a chance to gaining table in al- understand what we are go- most all the important ing through. And now they sectors. The UNT has know who we are and that developed a position we are struggling on behalf on autonomy; we be- of workers. lieve we have to be autonomous of gov- The new job security law that we We will be holding a constitutional ernment, even though many of our po- did get, over the protests of the CTV, is meeting in February of 2005 which will sitions are in favour of the government. not a full guarantee of employment for let all our members decide on the struc- We support the process to create a everyone, for ever and ever, but it makes ture of our new UNT. We had to post- Venezuela that has social justice, and sure that workers will not be punished pone the meeting for a while because it that has also a participatory approach, when they displease their bosses. It will was not convenient for some workers. but we need to be free of any forces upon not be so easy for them to be punished Before we vote for the UNT we wanted us that would distort our responsibility for their politics. to make sure that everyone had a voice of representing workers and meeting The other thing that our govern- in the structure and constitutional by- their needs. It doesn’t mean that we ment has done is to foster co-manage- laws of the new organization. So again, never protest; we go out all the time on ment; I mentioned the exciting exam- the workers will decide and we need all mobilizations and demonstrations ple of the electrical sector. In that case, of your organizations, both internation- against particular government officials two union leaders were named to the ally and in our country, to help us we who we feel are not doing what they co-management of the electricity sys- can learn from each other and also to should. It is our right as a trade union tem and they have successfully fought make sure that the unions have support. to exercise that tool. off privatization. Similar things are Thank you very much. n We have also opposed some of the happening in the area of culture. measures that have been put forward We have seen, not just an increase such as “work flexibility” and privati- in the minimum wage, but also an in- 46 Relay January/February 2005 The Call of Caracas

Greg Albo

The Left today confronts sev- by recitals of deepening radicalism and Bush and Martin give us in North eral hard realities about the political impending crisis of neoliberalism from America). The Nobel peace prize win- terrain that has unfolded over the last quarters of the Left that should know ner from Argentina, Adolfo Perez two decades: the neoliberal project that better). Esquivel, read the final Caracas Dec- the New Right put forward in the early The Caracas Encounter in laration, which argues for a global 1980s is not simply fading from the Defence of Humanity on 1-4 of Decem- front of resistance to neoliberalism and political or economic scenes under the ber 2004 placed these issues squarely imperialism, and in particular the uni- weight of its internal contradictions; on the table. With over 350 delegates lateralism of the United States and the the social and income polarisation that from 52 countries, such hard questions global economic institutions that have has devastated the working classes and were being addressed across ten work- doggedly implemented neoliberalism peasantries the world over has now an ing tables, ranging from alternatives around the world. Who can imagine embedded logic that is integral to to liberal trade integration, to popular another place in the world and another world accumulation; the organizations participation to struggles over the me- political leader today that would have of the Left – particularly trade unions dia and mass communication and glo- supported such a gathering? and socialist parties – are either at an bal inequality. The contributors ranged The informal mandate of the impasse or in disarray; and the ruling widely from Left intellectuals such as Encounter, however, entailed a great classes across a complex of social for- Tariq Ali, Marta Harnecker, Saul deal more than the formal signing of mations and states keeps laying the or- Landau, Ernesto Cardenal, prominent intellectuals and artists a declaration ganizational framework of the world academics such as Atilio Boron, James of their outrage at neoliberalism. At a market in a way that reinforces Petras and Mike Lebowitz, and politi- global level, the agenda of the Chavez neoliberalism and the relations of cal leaders, notably the FSLN leader- government has been to piece together domination of imperialism rather than ship of Nicaragua and key figures from a grouping of countries against Ameri- challenging them. This is a sobering Cuba such as Ricardo Alarcon. Amidst can hegemony and neoliberalism. This accounting. all the chaos that is Venezuela today is necessarily a messy business of of- It puts into perspective the in the midst of a transformative project ten dealing with the devil that is the commonly-expressed declaration of the (the ‘Bolivarian’ government of Hugo inter-state system and the structures of social movements that ‘another world Chavez has gained a portion of the power at the global level. It has in- is possible’. Of course, many worlds state and political power, but has by volved both the Venezuelan efforts to are possible. A neoliberal world was no means yet gained control of the state bolster OPEC and their diplomatic often – and still is – declared to be administration or dislodged the capi- missions to a scattering of countries impossible, although it is very much a talist class), there was overwhelming such as Iran, Russian, China, and In- reality. But, what kind of world with enthusiasm and energy, except from a dia (not all of which has been well- what kinds of social relations and few not yet willing to face the consoli- calibrated by the Venezuelans for the forms of government is possible today? dation of neoliberalism and that the Lefts struggling in these regions). It What organizational forms will pro- Left now needs to explore new organi- also includes efforts to re-spark Latin pel a socialist project forward? Why zational forms. The conference American solidarity networks across has the ‘politics of chaos’ put forward worked through two days of discus- Europe and North America after their by more than one sage of the anti-glo- sions at the tables, interspersed with virtual disintegration through the balization movement disappeared as visits to the social missions and new 1990s. More proximately the encoun- quickly as it appeared? How will po- co-operatives that the Venezuelan gov- ter was a public statement of a Cuban- litical and state power be struggled ernment has launched, cultural events Venezuelan political pole in Latin over as opposed to only being resisted? and rousing anti-imperialist speeches American politics against American These pressing questions have been put from Chavez (including a jaw-drop- imperialism and, with hardly a word to the side over the last decade as a ping 6 hour open question period with being said, a challenge to the Centre- politics of spontaneity has swept across all the delegates – in contrast to the 30 Left governments of the southern cone what remains of the Left (paralleled minute scripted press conferences that on the political accommodation to Relay January/February 2005 47 neoliberalism. This could be seen as Reflections on the Referendum in Venezuela an effort to reform a revolutionary ten- dency across Latin America, albeit with none of the markings of the sin- The Presidential recall referendum in August of 2004 in Venezuela and the chal- gular centre of the years of armed lenges posed by neoliberalism for the government of Hugo Chavez were the struggle, which would be the real mark topics of the evening in a well-attended public meeting at the Ottawa Public of the resurgence of the Latin Ameri- Library at the end of October. The evening began with a showing of Marta can Left. But this last point may be Harnecker’s most recent video on Venezuela. The video is a vivid dissection of reading far too much into what remains the political and social divisions in Venezuela, the events leading up the Presi- a very fluid set of forces in an unfor- dential referendum and some of the anti-poverty policies that the Chavez gov- giving political conjuncture. ernment has pursued. Nicolas Lopez of the Toronto Bolivarian Circles outlined The Encounter also placed on the political forces that have come together across Venezuela to push for radical the table more immediate challenges. social transformation, and some of the obstacles they have confronted. Greg This was clear in the centre-place de- Albo of York University recounted his experiences as one of the official Interna- bate in the final plenary reviewing the tional Observers for the referendum, and some of the challenges that he felt Declaration. Would the global social would confront further democratization processes from entrenched ruling classes justice movement and the social forum in Venezuela and US efforts to discredit the government. The meeting was process organizationally move beyond sponsored by the Ottawa Socialist Project. Many meetings have been organized holing annual social justice fairs and across the country by a wide number of groups helping build a new anti-imperi- build new organizations capable of alist Latin American solidarity network. n leading and linking struggles? This pitted – although not uniformly or dog- If you are interested in further information on the struggles in Venezuela, please matically – Cuban and Venezuelan contact us at [email protected]. delegates against Ignacio Ramonet and Bernard Cassen of Le Monde Diplo- matique and key figures behind the World Social Forum. But even the lat- ter two conceded that the processes such as the WSF were at an impasse and some deeper organizational devel- opments were necessary (especially with the relationship of the Workers Party in Brazil to these processes be- coming more unclear by the day). Chavez proposed to fund a per- manent structure to keep building such a ‘network of networks’ and to push Few scholars have contributed as much to the analysis of socialist politics for national organizations and agree- and resistance in Africa, and few Canadians have added as much to solidarity ments for action. Can the Bolivarian work in support of the liberation of Southern Africa (through the Toronto Com- revolution Chavez is leading move mittee for the Liberation of South Africa and the magazine Southern Africa from forming Bolivarian Circles of de- Report), than John Saul. The above-titled conference at York University in Oc- fence and support to building wider na- tober of 2004 was the occasion to celebrate these contributions and a career tional organizations of political strug- working in pursuit of socialism, democracy and scholar-activism. The two days gle against neoliberalism linked across of discussion brought together some of the most important names in contempo- the international state system? As rary socialist thought and the study of African politics – Pablo Idahosa, Giovanni Chavez closed his remarks to the En- Arright, Ato Sekyi-Out, Trevor Ngwane, Colin Leys, Leo Panitch, Himani counter, “Let’s put the ideas concluded Bannerji and many others. The discussions ranged widely over the present de- at this forum to work, let’s make it a velopment impasse in Africa, and the many new forms and movements of resist- reality.” This seems to meld precisely ance that have been springing up. The lines of debate pivoted around the ques- with the challenges the Left can no tion of how the next phase of Africa’s struggle for liberation might be inter- longer avoid in Canada. n preted and supported. John Saul would, of course, have it no other way: looking toward a future of new possibilities, alliances, political breakthroughs. The in- tersections in the conference represented much of what needs to be reconstructed on the Left – conceptual questions linked to current struggles, open debate about how to confront neoliberalism, and connecting the Canadian Left to anti-impe- rialist struggles. n WHOSE VIOLENCE? The State and The Left

A Socialist Project public forum with Leo Panitch and Govind Rao

Wednesday January 19, 7:00 pm Victory Café, 581 Markham Street