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Harold Macmillan's Resignation in 1963 Plunged the Conservative
FEATURE A conference rememberto he 83rd annual Conservative Harold Macmillan’s resignation in 1963 plunged Party Conference opened in Blackpool on Wednesday, 9th the Conservative conference into chaos, as rivals October 1963. Unionists from Scotland and Northern Ireland scrambled for supremacy and old alliances broke mingledT happily with Conservatives from England and Wales, their fellow party down. By the end of the week, one man was left members, in a gathering of some 3,000. A convivial informality prevailed: Cabinet standing. Lord Lexden looks back on a dramatic ministers who wanted to make confidential telephone calls had to use the scrambler few days of Tory party history phone placed in the television room at the main conference hotel. There were no pushy lobbyists, no public relations executives, no trade stands. 36 | THE HOUSE MAGAZINE | 11 OCTOBER 2013 WWW.POLITICSHOME.COM Alec Douglas-Home leaves Buckingham Palace after being invited to form a government folowing the resignation of Harold Macmillan They had not yet traditional stage arrive to be greeted as a conquering hero been invented. Hours of rumour and management of and bring the conference to a conclusion. Almost the only speculation were followed by the conference His mastery of platform oratory could be outsiders were the remarkable scenes of drama, proceedings relied on to send the party faithful back representatives was undertaken to their constituencies with words of of the media, when the hall fell silent to with particular inspiration ringing in their ears. who were always hear the Prime Minister’s care to prevent Rarely have carefully laid conference admitted in the resignation letter public expression plans been more spectacularly upset. -
Chapter Eight
The Economic Rape of America - Chapter Eight HISTORY AND THEORY OF TAX AND STATE You have sown much, and harvested little; you eat, but you never have enough; you drink, but you never have your fill; you clothe yourselves, but no one is warm; and you that earn wages earn wages to put them into a bag with holes. -- Haggai 1, verse 6 "... [W]hen it is no longer worth the producers' while to produce, when they are taxed so highly to keep the politicians and their friends on the public payroll that they themselves no longer have a reasonable chance of success in any economic enterprise, then of course production grinds to a halt... When this happens, when the producers can no longer sustain on their backs the increasing load of the parasites, then the activities of the parasites must stop also, but usually not before they have brought down the entire social structure which the producers' activities have created. When the organism dies, the parasite necessarily dies too, but not until the organism has paid for the presence of the parasite with its life. It is in just this way that the major civilizations of the world have collapsed." -- Professor John Hospers, 1975 The history of taxation is also the history of the rise and fall of civilization. It is the history of economic rape. From the history of taxation we can learn... TAX IN EGYPT, ROME, AND THE MIDDLE EAST Charles Adams wrote a superb book, Fight, Flight and Fraud: The Story of Taxation. It is a comprehensive analysis of the history of taxation in the context of the rise and fall of civilizations. -
M.Taylor-West India Interest and Colonial Slavery in Parliament
1 The West India Interest and Colonial Slavery in Parliament, 1823-33 Michael Taylor Parliament, Politics, and People, 3 November Abstract: This paper considers the parliamentary fortunes of the British pro-slavery lobby – the West India Interest – between the advent of the anti-slavery campaign in early 1823 and the passage of the Slavery Abolition Act in August 1833. First, it explains the parliamentary strength of the West India Interest under the Tory ministries of the 1820s. Second, it examines the uncertainty of the first few years after Catholic Emancipation and under Earl Grey’s Whigs. Finally, it narrates the rapid and terminal decline of the parliamentary Interest as the result of Reform and the ultimate passage of the Slavery Abolition Act. In 1823, there were no political parties in Great Britain, at least not in the modern sense. Robert Jenkinson, the Earl of Liverpool, might have been the prime minister in a ‘Tory’ government, but there was no Tory Party. Indeed, Liverpool demanded only ‘a generally favourable disposition’ from his affiliated MPs and had even declared that he would ‘never attempt to interfere with the individual member’s right to vote as he may think consistent with his duty upon any particular question’. On the opposite benches were the Whigs, led by Charles, the Earl Grey, but there was no Whig Party either. Rather, the ‘Tories’ and the ‘Whigs’ were loose coalitions of politicians who shared generally similar attitudes. Put crudely, the Tories were the conservative friends of the Crown and the Church of England who glorified the memory of Pitt the Younger; the Whigs were the friends of trade, finance, and nonconformist religion, cautious advocates of parliamentary reform, and the political descendants of Pitt’s great rival, Charles James Fox. -
Appendix – Prime Ministers of the Nineteenth Century
Appendix – Prime Ministers of the Nineteenth Century Total Age at first Dates of time as Name Party appointment Ministries Premier 1. William Pitt, born Tory 24 years, 19 Dec. 1783–14 18 years, 28 May 1759, died 205 days March 1801, 343 days 23 Jan. 1806, 10 May 1804–23 unmarried. Jan. 1806 2. Henry Addington, Tory 43 years, 17 March 3 years, 1st Viscount Sidmouth, 291 days 1801–10 54 days born 30 May 1757, May 1804 died 15 Feb. 1844, married (1) Ursula Hammond, 17 Sep. 1781 (2) Mary Anne Townsend, 1823, 4 sons, 4 daughters 3. William Grenville, 1st Whig 46 years, 11 Feb. 1806–25 1 year, Baron Grenville, born 110 days March 1807 42 days 24 Oct. 1759, died 12 Jan. 1834, married Anne Pitt, 18 Jun. 1792, no children 4. William Cavendish- Whig, 44 years, 2 April 1783–18 3 years, Bentinck, 3rd Duke of then Tory 353 days Dec. 1783, 82 days Portland, born 14 April 31 March 1807–4 1738, died 30 Oct; 1809, Oct. 1809 married Lady Dorothy Cavendish, 8 Nov. 1766, 4 sons, 2 daughters 5. Spencer Perceval, born Tory 46 years, 4 Oct. 1809–11 2 years, 1 Nov. 1762, died 11 May 338 days May 1812 221 days 1812, married Jane Spencer-Wilson, 10 Aug. 1790, 6 sons, 6 daughters Continued 339 340 Appendix Appendix: Continued Total Age at first Dates of time as Name Party appointment Ministries Premier 6. Robert Banks Tory 42 years, 8 Jun. 1812–9 14 years, Jenkinson, 2nd Earl 1 day April 1827 305 days of Liverpool, born 7 Jun. -
Autonomy and the Thirteen Colonies: Was the American Revolution Really Necessary
Duquesne Law Review Volume 18 Number 3 Article 5 1980 Autonomy and the Thirteen Colonies: Was the American Revolution Really Necessary Robert A. Friedlander Follow this and additional works at: https://dsc.duq.edu/dlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Robert A. Friedlander, Autonomy and the Thirteen Colonies: Was the American Revolution Really Necessary, 18 Duq. L. Rev. 507 (1980). Available at: https://dsc.duq.edu/dlr/vol18/iss3/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Duquesne Scholarship Collection. It has been accepted for inclusion in Duquesne Law Review by an authorized editor of Duquesne Scholarship Collection. Autonomy and the Thirteen Colonies: Was the American Revolution Really Necessary?* Robert A. Friedlander** Nothing better illustrates the almost insurmountable difficulties faced by modern pluralistic societies in dealing with recalcitrant minorities on the transnational level than the futile attempts to grant autonomy to dissident populations.1 It has been particularly frustrating for democratic regimes when minority rejectionists have turned to terror-violence as their ultimate political weapon, with Ireland, Spain, and Israel the preeminent contemporary examples. The Northern Irish Parliament is indefinitely suspended,2 home rule has failed to end Basque extremism,'. and the Camp David accords face an uncertain future.' In each case, autonomy has been the chosen method of conflict- resolution and despite offers of-or attempts at-self-government, con- flict continues. Throughout modern history in both theory and practice, autonomy has been at best inherently suspect. In those few historical instances when it was actually attempted, autonomy either worked very badly or not at all. -
Thatcher's Legacy from 1979 Into the 21St Century: Work Sheet
Thatcher’s Legacy from 1979 into the 21st Century: Work Sheet 1. Introduction This worksheet supports discussion of the film ‘Society Politics and Change: Exploring the Legacy of Thatcherism’. Reading is not essential, but it may aid understanding of the issues raised. Who was Margaret Thatcher? Margaret Thatcher came into power in 1979 as the first female Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. By the 1980s an ‘ism’ became attached to her name - ‘Thatcherism’. This represented a new branch of Conservative ideology which encompassed the role of competition and a free market, limited government involvement in industry, low taxes and individual responsibility. This framework of economic and social arrangements continued after Thatcher left office in 1991 and was pursued by following Prime Ministers, such as John Major (Conservative) and also Tony Blair (New Labour). Who made this film? A group of academics and a film-maker made this film together. It is based on a long-term study of Thatcherism – and the detailed findings of this research are available to read in online. The academics are Professor Stephen Farrall and Dr. Emily Gray. 2. The economy The graph below depicts unemployment from 1970 to 2010. It had been rising throughout the 1970s as companies began modernising their working practices, but it rose dramatically after the Conservatives took power in 1979, rising to over three million out of work in 1983. Unemployment hit Northern Ireland, along with the industrial areas of northern and central England as well as parts of Scotland. It impacted the working classes first, before a further rise in unemployment in the 1990s, which affected the middle classes and the housing market. -
Gladstone and the Bank of England: a Study in Mid-Victorian Finance, 1833-1866
GLADSTONE AND THE BANK OF ENGLAND: A STUDY IN MID-VICTORIAN FINANCE, 1833-1866 Patricia Caernarv en-Smith, B.A. Thesis Prepared for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS May 2007 APPROVED: Denis Paz, Major Professor Adrian Lewis, Committee Member and Chair of the Department of History Laura Stern, Committee Member Sandra L. Terrell, Dean of the Robert B. Toulouse School of Graduate Studies Caernarven-Smith, Patricia. Gladstone and the Bank of England: A Study in Mid- Victorian Finance, 1833-1866. Master of Arts (History), May 2007, 378 pp., 11 tables, bibliography, 275 titles. The topic of this thesis is the confrontations between William Gladstone and the Bank of England. These confrontations have remained a mystery to authors who noted them, but have generally been ignored by others. This thesis demonstrates that Gladstone’s measures taken against the Bank were reasonable, intelligent, and important for the development of nineteenth-century British government finance. To accomplish this task, this thesis refutes the opinions of three twentieth-century authors who have claimed that many of Gladstone’s measures, as well as his reading, were irrational, ridiculous, and impolitic. My primary sources include the Gladstone Diaries, with special attention to a little-used source, Volume 14, the indexes to the Diaries. The day-to-day Diaries and the indexes show how much Gladstone read about financial matters, and suggest that his actions were based to a large extent upon his reading. In addition, I have used Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates and nineteenth-century periodicals and books on banking and finance to understand the political and economic debates of the time. -
The Life of William Ewart Gladstone (Vol 2 of 3) by John Morley
The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life of William Ewart Gladstone (Vol 2 of 3) by John Morley This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license Title: The Life of William Ewart Gladstone (Vol 2 of 3) Author: John Morley Release Date: May 24, 2010, 2009 [Ebook 32510] Language: English ***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE (VOL 2 OF 3)*** The Life Of William Ewart Gladstone By John Morley In Three Volumes—Vol. II. (1859-1880) Toronto George N. Morang & Company, Limited Copyright, 1903 By The Macmillan Company Contents Book V. 1859-1868 . .2 Chapter I. The Italian Revolution. (1859-1860) . .2 Chapter II. The Great Budget. (1860-1861) . 21 Chapter III. Battle For Economy. (1860-1862) . 49 Chapter IV. The Spirit Of Gladstonian Finance. (1859- 1866) . 62 Chapter V. American Civil War. (1861-1863) . 79 Chapter VI. Death Of Friends—Days At Balmoral. (1861-1884) . 99 Chapter VII. Garibaldi—Denmark. (1864) . 121 Chapter VIII. Advance In Public Position And Other- wise. (1864) . 137 Chapter IX. Defeat At Oxford—Death Of Lord Palmer- ston—Parliamentary Leadership. (1865) . 156 Chapter X. Matters Ecclesiastical. (1864-1868) . 179 Chapter XI. Popular Estimates. (1868) . 192 Chapter XII. Letters. (1859-1868) . 203 Chapter XIII. Reform. (1866) . 223 Chapter XIV. The Struggle For Household Suffrage. (1867) . 250 Chapter XV. -
Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript
Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript Date: Thursday, 24 May 2007 - 12:00AM PRIME MINISTERS IN THE POST-WAR WORLD: ALEC DOUGLAS-HOME D.R. Thorpe After Andrew Bonar Law's funeral in Westminster Abbey in November 1923, Herbert Asquith observed, 'It is fitting that we should have buried the Unknown Prime Minister by the side of the Unknown Soldier'. Asquith owed Bonar Law no posthumous favours, and intended no ironic compliment, but the remark was a serious under-estimate. In post-war politics Alec Douglas-Home is often seen as the Bonar Law of his times, bracketed with his fellow Scot as an interim figure in the history of Downing Street between longer serving Premiers; in Bonar Law's case, Lloyd George and Stanley Baldwin, in Home's, Harold Macmillan and Harold Wilson. Both Law and Home were certainly 'unexpected' Prime Ministers, but both were also 'under-estimated' and they made lasting beneficial changes to the political system, both on a national and a party level. The unexpectedness of their accessions to the top of the greasy pole, and the brevity of their Premierships (they were the two shortest of the 20th century, Bonar Law's one day short of seven months, Alec Douglas-Home's two days short of a year), are not an accurate indication of their respective significance, even if the precise details of their careers were not always accurately recalled, even by their admirers. The Westminster village is often another world to the general public. Stanley Baldwin was once accosted on a train from Chequers to London, at the height of his fame, by a former school friend. -
George Canning and the Representation of Liverpool, 1812-1823 1
'The Pride of my Publick Life': George Canning and the Representation of Liverpool, 1812-1823 1 Stephen M. Lee I George Canning (1770-1827) was one of the most significant figures on the Pittite side of British politics in the first three decades of the nineteenth century, and his successful campaign for a seat at Liverpool in 1812 both illustrated and contributed to the profound changes that his political career underwent during this period. Sandwiched between his failure to return to office in May-July 1812 following the assassination of Spencer Perceval and his decision to disband his personal following (his 'little Senate') in July i8i3,2 this campaign marked for Canning a turn away from the aristocratic political arena of Westminster, which he had come to find so frustrating, towards a political culture which, if at first alien, was replete with new possibilities. Moreover, Canning's experience as representative for Liverpool was indicative of wider changes in the political landscape of early nineteenth-century Britain. Before considering in detail some of the key aspects of Canning's outward turn, however, it will be useful to offer a brief description of the constituency of Liverpool and a short account of the elections that Canning fought there.3 1 This article is a revised version of chapter 3 of Stephen M. Lee, 'George Canning and the Tories, 1801-1827' (unpuh. Ph.D. thesis, Manchester Univ., 1999), PP- 93-128. 2 For a consideration of these two important episodes see Lee, 'Canning and the Tories', pp. 81-91. 1 Unless otherwise stated the following summary of the politics of Liverpool is 74 Stephen M. -
Introduction to the Abercorn Papers Adobe
INTRODUCTION ABERCORN PAPERS November 2007 Abercorn Papers (D623) Table of Contents Summary ......................................................................................................................2 Family history................................................................................................................3 Title deeds and leases..................................................................................................5 Irish estate papers ........................................................................................................8 Irish estate and related correspondence.....................................................................11 Scottish papers (other than title deeds) ......................................................................14 English estate papers (other than title deeds).............................................................17 Miscellaneous, mainly seventeenth-century, family papers ........................................19 Correspondence and papers of the 6th Earl of Abercorn............................................20 Correspondence and papers of the Hon. Charles Hamilton........................................21 Papers and correspondence of Capt. the Hon. John Hamilton, R.N., his widow and their son, John James, the future 1st Marquess of Abercorn....................22 Political correspondence of the 1st Marquess of Abercorn.........................................23 Political and personal correspondence of the 1st Duke of Abercorn...........................26 -
Britain and Europe
Britain and Europe ROBERT COOPER Forty years after Britain joined Europe both have changed, mostly for the better. This story does not, however, begin in 1972 when the negotiations finished and were ratified by parliament, nor in 1973 when the UK took its place at the Council table as a full member, but ten years before with the first British application and the veto by General de Gaulle. Sometimes, going further back still, it is suggested that if Ernest Bevin’s ideas for West European cooperation had been pursued,1 or if Britain had decided to join talks on the Schuman Plan,2 or to take the Spaak Committee seriously,3 things might have been different. But the truth is there was no Robert Schuman or Jean Monnet in Britain, and no readiness to think in radically new terms. Had the UK been present at the negotiations that led to the European Coal and Steel Community, the outcome for Britain would probably still have been the same, precisely because the vision was lacking. The decision on the Schuman Plan was a close-run thing—the idea of planning for heavy industry being in accordance with the ideas of the Labour government. But British ideas were very different from those of the French or the Americans, who were thinking in terms of supranational bodies—indeed, for Monnet this was a cardinal point. His approach was supported by the Benelux countries, which were already setting up their own customs union. Bevin had an ambition to lead Europe, but it is not clear where he wanted to take it.