THE GROWTH OF A CITY: BUSINESS,

POLITICS AND BOOSTERISM IN DALLAS, TEXAS, 187 2-1914 by BARNEY RANDOLPH MCDONALD, B.A. A THESIS IN HISTORY

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Approved

AcceptecJ

Dean of the GraduaBrew' s cho/^1

December, 1979 ^O'^yi

CL/!!)V ^ ""^ PREFACE

Dallas, Texas rose from a rough frontier town to become the dominant city of North Texas by the begin­ ning of the twentieth century. This was due, in large part, to the efforts of city boosters, people who came to Dallas hoping to make it grow along with their per­ sonal fortunes. Dallas boosters resembled those of other young American cities. Boosters in the North Texas city worked to obtain transportation facilities, advertised a fertile agricultural region and claimed a favorable climate as did boosters in other American cities such as Chicago, Denver, and Cincinnati. The young cities of the United States had none of the encumberances of old European cities. There were no walls to keep people out; towns in the United States sought to at­ tract people. No class or neighborhood animosities existed in fledgling American cities; time had not yet developed these. However the historical attrac­ tions of the older cities were absent from America's young towns. Booster businessmen sought to replace historical attractions by offering transportation

11 facilities, markets for agricultural products and muni­ cipalities free from Old World jealousies. Dallas, like many successful urban communities, ex­ perienced a spurt of growth from a transportation advance The first railroad in Texas, the Houston and Texas Central, arrived in Dallas in 1872 and the town immedia­ tely grew. As new business arrived with the railroad, population grew, and the demands of the city boosters increased in order to maintain the city's expansion. Dallas did not grow as spectacularly as Chicago, but its story needs to be told so that it may be judged in the context of America's urban history. It is the purpose of this paper to trace Dallas' economy, politics and booster activities between the arrival of its first railroad in 1872 and the acquisi­ tion of its Federal Reserve Bank in 1914. Many topics of importance in American history are mentioned but are mainly to be used as reference for the events discussed in this paper. During the course of this study I have become in­ debted to Dr. Harry A. Jebsen, Jr., and appreciative of his work in the field of American urban history. I wish to acknowledge my gratitude to him for his helpful criticism, advice, encouragement and patience which made possible the completion of this thesis. I wish also to

111 thank Dr. Joseph E. King for his corrections and comments which aided the completed work. I am also indebted to my wife, Denise, for her understanding and encouragement.

IV TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE ii

Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 1 II. THE GROWTH OF DALLAS DURING RECONSTRUCTION 7 III. BOOM AND BUST 19 IV. TURMOIL AND TRIUMPH 4 4 V. THE FIRST FAIR AND THE STATE FAIR 78 VI. CONCLUSION 94 BIBLIOGRAPHY 97 CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The growth of Dallas, Texas from a village on the North Texas prairie to a metropolitan center can be part­ ly explained by business booster efforts in the nineteen­ th and early twentieth centuries and the political forces surrounding them. Boosterism by business groups and their political activities stimulated the economic and political development of the city during the early years of its existence. Different civic, political, and economic problems stimulated the growth of booster ef­ forts. The people who participated in these endeavors established Dallas as the dominant city in North Texas by 1914. Dallas began inauspiciously in the 1840's. The area lacked mineral resources. The only real natural resource it had was fertile land. Dallas had no mighty river; it possessed no port or harbour. Navigation of the Trinity River from its mouth at Trinity Bay to Dallas was next to impossible. John Neely Bryan established his settlement of Dallas in 1841 and intended it as a trading post for the Indians of the area. However, in September of 1843, the Republic of Texas concluded a treaty with the Indians to move and remain west of a line drawn from the Red River to the junction of the West fork and Clear fork of the Trinity River, from thence to Comanche Peak in Parker County and thence to the San Saba River. This effec­ tively removed the Indians from the area and shattered Bryan's idea of an Indian trading post. Bryan, realizing that his plan for an Indian trading post had ended, turned to town promotion. He went to the many scattered settlements throughout the North Texas region, trying to convince people to move to his town. Since the climate and soil were equal in most of these settlements, Bryan offered settlers the one advantage his settlement could claim, the best crossing of the Trinity 2 River m the Region. He induced the inhabitants of Bird's Fort, present-day Euless, to move to his settle- 3 ment after they experienced trouble with local Indians. He succeeded in establishing a post office in Dallas, and in having Dallas named a temporary county seat in 18 46 4 and as the permanent county seat in 1850. However, Bryan often exaggerated the size and benefits of his settlement.

John William Rogers, The Lusty Texans of Dallas (Nashville: Parthenon Press, 1965), p. 35. 2 Ibid., p. 36.

"^Ibid. , p. 31.

^Ibid., pp. 41-42. John William Rogers stated in his book The Lusty Texans of Dallas that, "during the earliest years people seemed always to be arriving who had heard so much about its im­ portance that they were dismayed at what they found." But people did move to Dallas and it grew into a bustling town on the prairie by the 1870's.

By 1873 the Houston and Texas Central and the Texas Pacific railroads had arrived in Dallas. That year a depression hit the country and railroad construction in the North Texas area halted. Dallas, due to the depres­ sion, became the western terminus for the Texas Pacific when its construction was halted at Dallas due to lack of funding. Quite importantly this aided Dallas in becoming a major trading center. Thus, the depression which was damaging to other cities and regions may have proved g beneficial to Dallas. By the 18 80's Dallas became established as a trade and transportation center. The increased railway acces­ sibility of Dallas and the booming fortunes of agriculture during the decade caused the economy in Dallas to flour­ ish. However, as Dallas' economy blossomed a contrasting lack of leadership in city government began to develop

Ibid., pp. 45-46.

Justin F. Kimball, Our City Dallas: Yesterday and Tomorrow (Dallas: Dallas Independent School District, 1953), p. 47. and would plague the city the remainder of the nineteenth century. In the 1890's another depression occurred in the United States and Dallas did not fare as well economical­ ly as it had during the depression of the 1870's. Fiscal retrenchment became the policy of the city council. Many city services were cut. Inactivity and conservatism rul­ ed city officials. To fill the void left by an inactive city council, civic organizations formed to clean up Dallas and to boost the city so that its growth would not be stifled. These efforts proliferated in the first decade of the twentieth century since the city council's caution continued well after the depression was over. By 1907 the citizens of Dallas tired of this weak city coun­ cil and voted for a responsible commission form of city government. However, this reform did not remove the 7 need for private efforts to stimulate Dallas. The early years of the twentieth century saw an in­ creased interest in civic affairs by Dallas businessmen. Dallas had a municipal government comprised of and res­ ponsible to the business community. Business interests

The Dallas Morning News, May 6, 1893, p. 2; Philip Lindsley, A History of Greater Dallas and Vicinity (Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co., 1909), p. 198; Bradley Rice, Progressive Cities: The Commission Movement in America, 1901-1920 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1977), pp. 1-30. actively promoted Dallas as a convention center. The city's political leaders were active in the Presidential election of 1912. They were early and fervent supporters of Woodrow Wilson for the Democratic nomination for the Presidency. This support and the campaign by business leaders and The Dallas Morning News earned a Federal Re­ serve Bank for Dallas in 1914, and established the city 9 as the financial center for the Southwest. With tremen­ dous effort, Dallas' businessmen and boosters had brought the city out of the depression plagued 1890's to make it a convention center and a banking capital. Dallas popu­ lation had grown from 10,358 in 1880"^^ to 92,104 in 1910. •'"•^ An urban base as a trade, transportation, and financial center had been created. The booster efforts in Dallas from 1872-1914 ful­ filled a number of functions for the city. They brought

g The Dallas Morning News, April 22, 1902, p.3; April 23, 1902, p.2; May 20, 1912, pp.1-2. 9 The Dallas Morning News, April 11, 1914, p.l; Sam Acheson, 35, OOP Days in Texas (New York: MacMillan Co., 1938), p. 265.

U.S. Department of the Interior, Census Office, Statistics of the Population of the United States at the Tenth Census (June 1, 1880), vol. I (Washington: G.P.O., 1883) , p. 343.

U.S. Department of Commerce Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1910, vol. Ill, Population (Washington: G.P.O., 1913), pp. 771, 781. railroads and conventions to Dallas and promoted immi­ gration. They filled voids left by inactive or inept city councils. These efforts stimulated business and civic growth during depressions. The people involved in these activities distinguished themselves by becoming involved in the affairs of Dallas. They contributed their years, money, energy, and acumen to making Dallas a better city. This study attempts to trace the growth and influence of political and business booster activi­ ties between 187 2 and 1914 and will undertake to contri­ bute to the overall comprehensive history of the city of Dallas, Texas. CHAPTER II

THE GROWTH OF DALLAS DURING RECONSTRUCTION

During the Civil War there were no hostilities in or around Dallas. The only damage Dallas experienced during the war era occured prior to the outbreak of war. On July 8, 1860, the town was almost completely destroy­ ed by fire. And only the brick courthouse survived the blaze. On that day a 104 degree temperature, and a southwest wind fanned the flames through the wooden structures of the small town. Dallas quickly rebuilt, becoming a supply center for the Confederate army dur- ing the Civil War. 2 Dallas grew during the Reconstruction period when conditions were harsh in much of the South. Residents of other regions of the south moved west, several selecting Dallas as a place to begin new lives. John H. Cochran, Dallas pioneer, historian, and legislator con­ tended that most of the influx of ex-confederates came

John William Rogers. The Lusty Texans of Dallas (Nashville: Parthenon Press, 1965), p. 89.

^Ibid., p. 97. 8 from the border states. He also believed that they com­ prised a good group of immigrants who possessed the characteristics to make them desireable citizens. They came to Dallas not only to find a more benign place to 3 live but to regain their former financial status. William H. Gaston, one of the men who moved to Dallas shortly after the Civil War, became one of the town's most important citizens during the late nineteenth century. He did not come from another Confederate state, but rather came from Anderson County in Texas. His family emigrated to Texas in 1849 from Alabama and settled near Palestine in Anderson County. He saw most of his action in the Confederate forces east of the Mississippi River where he rose to the rank of Captain in Hood's Texas Brigade. After the war he returned to Anderson County. However, in 186 8, he and his wife decided to move to Dallas, where he began a banking business in partnership with C. A. Camp. Their establishment was located on Main Street on the north side of the courthouse square. By 1871, Gaston bought 400 acres of land east of the town of Dallas. He built his home on White Rock Road which later became

3 John Hughes Cochran, Dallas County: A Record of its Pioneers and Progress (Dallas: A.S. Mathis Service Publishing Co., 1928), p. 133. 9 Swiss Avenue. 4 Gaston's choice of the location for his home proved to be a good one. In 187 2, the first rail­ road to arrive in Dallas, the Houston and Texas Central, built its depot just east of the town, near Gaston's pro­ perty. Shortly thereafter, the town of East Dallas came into existence and Gaston's property increased in value.

The Houston and Texas Central, Texas' first railroad, had its southern terminus in Houston. Upon completion its northern terminus was to be Red River City near Denison and Preston's Trading Post on the river. Though work on the road began prior to the Civil War, construction was halted during the conflict. The northern terminus during the hostilities was Millican, ten miles north of Navasota. Construction of the road began again after the war. The city of Dallas lay on the probable path of the railroad. But to ensure the railroad's construction through Dallas, some of the town's citizens gave a $5,000 7 donation and 115 acres of land to the railroad.

4 Sam Acheson, Dallas Yesterday (Dallas: SMU Press, 1977), p. 36, Gaston's homesite is located on the north­ west corner of the present intersection of Swiss Avenue and St. Joseph Street.

Acheson, Dallas Yesterday, p. 265.

Justin F. Kimball, Our City-Dallas; Yesterday and Tomorrow (Dallas: Dallas Independent School District, 1953) , p. 42.

"^Ibid. , p. 42. 10 The Houston and Texas Central built its railroad to Dallas, but not through it as was hoped. The depot was located east of town. This angered many in Dallas who believed that the railroad was going to establish a town g and compete with Dallas, using Dallas' own money to do so. In a searing editorial on the subject, the Dallas Herald stated: Verily railroads seem to be actuated with the same spirit everywhere. They seek their own advantage with an utter disre­ gard of the rights of others. They are vampires, holding on and sucking out the last drop of blood, if possible. To ac­ complish this, all means seem to be justifiable and the State, the Church, and the Bar are indiscriminately used, whenever they can be made available to carry out their purposes of aggrandize­ ment and power. It is time the people were aroused to the great danger menacing them.9 The Houston and Texas Central acceded to the wishes of Dallas, somewhat. The town and the railroad agreed that Main and Commerce streets would be lengthened to extend east, to the railroad from Dallas making for better acces­ sibility for the town.

^Dallas Herald, April 16, 1972, p. 2 9 Ibid., p. 1.

"'•^Ibid., April 20, 1872, p. 2. 11 On July 16, 1872, a Houston and Texas Central loco­ motive arrived at the new depot east of Dallas. A celebration ensued grander than any in the small town's history. The Dallas Herald estimated that 7,000 people attended the event. People came from the surrounding 12 countryside on horseback, in wagons, and in carriages. Since the population of Dallas in 187 2 was slightly over 13 3,000 , the visitors outnumbered the town's residents on that particular day. The festivities of the day in­ cluded speeches by railroad and town officials, entertain- ment by bands, and a barbeque of buffalo meat.1 4 The railroad and the town of Dallas appeared to be reconciled. The arrival of the railroad changed the lives of the citizens of Dallas. An article which appeared in the Galveston Daily News, addressed to the people of Dallas, was reprinted in the Dallas Herald, June 10, 1971. Its purpose was to prepare Dallas for the changes that would occur with the coming of the railroad. The article stated that peoples' lives would change due to the

George Santerre, Dallas First Hundred Years (Dallas Book Craft Inc., 1956), p. 10.

-'•^Dallas Herald, July 20, 1872, p. 3.

U.S. Department of the Interior, Ninth Census of the United States, 1870, Population (Washington: G.P.O., T8T2), 1:271.

•^^Dallas Herald, July 20, 1872, p. 3. 12 increased amount of trade and higher property values. 15 Dallas became the new home of a breed of businessmen called "terminal merchants". They traveled to each suc­ cessive terminal town along the line of the Houston and Texas Central and established their businesses. The arrival of new businessmen infused new life into Dallas and gave its people a new enterprising spirit. The Sanger brothers were terminal merchants. The first Sanger Brother's store was at Millican, the northern terminus of the Houston and Texas Central during the Civil War. From Millican they established stores at Bryan, Calvert, Bremond and Corsicana as the railroad 18 progressed to each town. On May 1, 1872, Alex Sanger opened a Sanger Brothers store in Dallas in anticipation of the arrival of the railroad the following July. 19 In 187 3, the arrival of Dallas' second railroad, the Texas Pacific, caused more merchants to move to the city and was even more instrumental in the growth of Dallas.

Galveston Daily News quoted in Dallas Weekly Herald. June 10, 1871, p. 1. 16 Kimball, Our City-Dallas, p. 41. •^"^Dallas Herald, June 8, 197 2, p. 3; and August 10, 1872, p. 2. 18 Kimball, Our City-Dallas, p. 41. ^^Dallas Herald, April 20, 1872, p. 2. 13 On March 3, 1871, Congress incorporated the Texas 20 Pacific Railroad. The Texas Pacific was completed at that time from Shreveport to Marshall in East Texas. The congressional charter stated that the road was to begin at Marshall and be constructed to El Paso "by the most direct and eligible route, to be determined by said com­ pany, near the thirty-second parallel of north latitude. The road from El Paso was supposed to eventually reach San Diego for a southern transcontinental route. The twelfth legislature of the State of Texas was eager to assist the Texas Pacific in its monumental pro­ ject through the state. On March 24, 1871, a bill was introduced into the Texas House of Representatives which 22 provided that assistance. The bill passed the legisla­ ture and became law. It gave the Texas Pacific and its subsidiaries $6,000,000. It also provided for a $10,000 additional subsidy for every mile completed. The bill

20 United States Congress, The Congressional Globe: Third Session Forty-First Congress, Part III, Appendix (Washington: Office of the Congressional Globe, 1871), pp. 391-393. ^•'•Ibid. , p. 392. 22 Texas Legislature, Journal of the House of Repre­ sentatives of the Twelfth Legislature, Part I (Austin: J. G. Tracy, State Printer, 1871), p. 753. 14 stated that land, as much as twenty-four sections per mile, might be substituted for the cash subsidy. Dallas had one disadvantage in acquiring the passage of the Texas Pacific. The thirty-second parallel lies fifty miles south of Dallas. Therefore, Dallas civic leaders, through Dallas' representative to the twelfth legislature, J. W. Lane, added a small provision to the subsidy bill. It stated that the Texas Pacific must cross the Houston and Texas Central Railroad within one mile of Browder's Springs.2 4 Browder's Springs was one mile south of Dallas. This provision did not circumvent the congressional charter which stated that the Texas Pacific should run "near the thirty-second parallel." Thus by one phrase in a lengthy bill, Dallas managed to acquire the Texas Pacific Railroad. In June of 1872, officials of the Texas Pacific visited Dallas. The group was led by the president of the railroad Colonel Thomas A. Scott of Philadelphia. Other officials included Colonel John W. Forney, publish­ er of the Philadelphia Press, General Granville Dodge of Iowa, the surveyor of the Union Pacific and ex-Texas 25 Governor J. W. Throckmorton, a director of the railroad.

^-^Dallas Herald, June 22, 1872, p. 1.

Ibid., p. 1, and Rogers, Lusty Texans, p. 124

^^Dallas Herald, June 29, 1872, p. 2. 15 They were greeted by Mayor Henry S. Ervay, District Judge Nat M. Burford and the young banker William H. Gaston. 26 The city of Dallas scheduled a $100,000 bond election for 27 July 8 and 9, 1872. The purpose of the bonds was to further subsidize the railroad. Dallas was willing to pay to insure the passage of the railroad through its limits. The visit by the railroad executives came three weeks before the bond election. Their complimentary speeches about the people and geography of the area were calculated to have a beneficial impact on election day. 28 The bond election passed. $100,000 was voted for the railroad, with land for a depot and right of way through the city. 29 The depot was built at the intersection of Lamar Street and Pacific Avenue. 30 The right of way along Pacific Avenue would cross some of William Gaston's pro- 31 perty; this was gladly granted.

2 6

Acheson, Dallas Yesterday, p. 270

^^Dallas Herald, June 8, 1872,. p. 3

^^Ibid., June 29, 1872, p. 2. ^^Ibid., August 3, 1872, p. 2. 30 Acheson, Dallas Yesterday, p. 270 '^•'•Ibid. , p. 270. 16 Dallas experienced a new vitality in the summer of 1872. The coming of the Houston and Texas Central and the anticipation of the arrival of the Texas Pacific quickened the pace of the small city. The Galveston

f Daily News remarked that the public spirit shown in Dallas coupled with the coming intersection of the Houston and Texas Central by the Texas Pacific would make the city one of the largest in Texas. 32 The Dallas Weekly Herald estimated in March 1873 that the city's population had grown to 7,000. If the estimate was correct the popula- •33 tion had more than doubled since the 1870 census. In 1873, work began all along the Texas Pacific road from Longview to Dallas. By June 24th the road was com­ plete but for a forty-five mile gap between Terrell and Longview. General Dodge told the Dallas Weekly Herald that twenty-seven consecutive days of rain had delayed the road's progress, but that the road should be complete in about one month. 34 By August of 1873 the road was complete between Shreveport and Dallas 35 and construction had pushed on towards Fort Worth.

^^Dallas Herald, August 10, 1872, p. 1.

^"^Ibid., March 15, 1873, p. 2.

^^Ibid., June 28, 1873, p. 2. 35 Galveston Daily News, August 1, 1873, p. 1 17 On September 18, 1873, the financial institution. Jay Cooke and Company of New York suspended operations. The Philadelphia branch of Jay Cooke and Company was the financial agent of the Northern Pacific Railroad and had been weakened by a large amount of cash advanced to the 37 railroad. For two weeks prior to their suspension both houses of Jay Cooke and Company had suffered large drains on their deposits due to the public's uneasy feeling about those institutions associated with railroad enter- 38 prises. On Friday, September 19th, financial institu­ tions all over New York City suspended operations. Wall

Street "was in its 'shirt sleeves' and 'bare headed'; 39 stocks fell ten percent and were still sinking." The Panic of 1873 began. Colonel Thomas A. Scott, president of the Texas Pacific Railroad went to Paris to negotiate the bonds of the Texas Pacific in order to raise the necessary capital to complete the road from Dallas to Fort Worth and beyond. Due to the panic he failed. The bonds were not sold and construction of the Texas Pacific halted eight miles west

^^Ibid., September 19, 1873, p. 2

37^Ibid, -^ .

38^Ibid, . .-,

"^^Ibid., September 20, 1873, p. 2 18 of Dallas. Due to the halt in the progress of the rail­ road, the Texas Pacific did not fulfill its obligation under its congressional charter. However in a report by the House Committee on the Pacific Railroad of the Forty- fourth Congress it was stated that the failure of the Texas Pacific was not due to any mismanagement by the com­ pany, but rather due to the drop in value of all railroad securities during the financial panic of 1873."^"^ Dallas became the shipping and receiving point for west and northwest Texas due to its status as the western terminal of the Texas Pacific. During the mid-1870's tons of buffalo hides were shipped north and east from 42 Dallas. Wheat was shipped out of Dallas. The city had established itself as the major tradinq center of North Texas. Finally in 1876, when railroad construction re­ vived, Dallas lost its terminal status to Fort Worth.^"^ However its position as a trading and transportation cen­ ter was firmly established and its urban base had been safely created.

40 Claude Elliott, Leathercoat: The Life of James W. Throckmorton (San Antonio: Standard Printing Co., 1938), p. 227. 41 United States Congress, Reports of Committees of the House of Representatives for the Second Session of the Forty-Fourth Congress 1876-1877, vol. I., Report Number 139, Part I (Washington: G.P.O. 1877), p. 1. 42 Kimball, Our City-Dallas, p. 47. 43 House Committee Reports, Number 139, Part I, p. 4. CHAPTER III

BOOM AND BUST

Dallas' position as a rail and trading center in the 1870's provided the basis for commercial growth in the 1880's. Dallas' growing agricultural and railroad status and the resultant rise of financial institutions played major roles in the expansion of the decade. However, by the early 1890's the rise in business interest contrasted a lack of interest in the city's government. By 1880 Texas had a total of 2,697 miles of railroad track. This led all states of the old Confederacy. Dur­ ing the decade of the 1880's Texas led the nation in miles of railroad construction. Dallas, as a railway crossroads, profited from this expansion. By 1876 the Texas Pacific had been completed no further than Fort Worth. Dallas and the South had yet to realize the bene­ fits of a southern transcontinental railway. On March 1, 1877, the congressman from North Texas, ex-Governor J. W.

Howard N. Rabinowitz, "Continuity and Change: South­ ern Urban Development, 1860-1900," in The City in Southern History: The Growth of Urban Civilization in the South, eds. Blaine A. Brownell and David R. Goldfield (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1977), p. 105.

19 20 Throckmorton, spoke in the House of Representatives on behalf of the Texas Pacific Railroad. This final effort failed to persuade Congress to fund the Texas Pacific for 2 Its construction westward. When it became clear that Congress would give no aid. Jay Gould was admitted to active participation in the ownership of the railroad 3 and soon controlled it. Jay Gould, a clever and ruthless financier from New York, had been part of the infamous management of the Erie Railroad headed by Daniel Drew. In 186 8 Drew re­ tired after a two year ownership struggle with Cornelius Vanderbilt. Drew left much of his stock in the Erie to Gould, who sold it on the eve of the Panic of 1873. Shortly after the panic, Gould began buying the depressed stock of the Union Pacific Railroad and controlled it by 1878, by which time the economy had recovered and the 5 stock increased in value. He was also interested in the

2 U.S. Congress, Congressional Record containing the Proceedings and Debates of the Forty-Fifth Congress, Third Session, Vol. VIII, Part III (Washington: G.P.O., 1879), pp. 179-185 3 Claude Elliott, Leathercoat: The Life of James W. Throckman (San Antonio: Standard Printing Co., 1938), p.249, 4 Richard Hofstadter, William Miller, Daniel Aaron, The United States, The History of a Republic (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1967), pp. 516-519.

^Ibid., pp. 519-520. 21 southern transcontinental race and the potential rail empire of the American Southwest. Congress' refusal to further aid the Texas Pacific provided Gould with the op­ portunity to enter the railroad business of the area. By the early 1880's Gould not only controlled the Texas Pacific but the Missouri, Kansas and Texas (KATY), the Missouri Pacific and the St. Louis and Southwestern (Cotton Belt).^ On December 1, 1881, the Texas Pacific, building west, and the Southern Pacific, building east, met at 7 Sierra Blanca near El Paso. The southern transconti­ nental route was now complete. Collis P. Huntington of the Southern Pacific and Jay Gould entered into a rate- fixing and traffic sharing agreement among their rail- g roads, leaving Gould the railroad king of the Southwest. The Dallas Weekly Herald on July 23, 1885 proclaimed: "Dallas is now recognized in all quarters as the coming metropolis of the State, and every live section is more than anxious for direct railway communication with us."•I 9

^Ibid., p. 520; Sam Acheson, 35,000 Days in Texas (New York: MacMillan Co., 1938), p. 93.

"^Philip Lindsley, A History of Greater Dallas and Vicinity (Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co., 1909), 1:113.

^Hofstadter, The United States, p. 520.

^Dallas Weekly Herald, July 23, 1885, p. 4. 22 Major R. V. Tompkins was a prominent Dallas business­ man in 1885. He became president of the Dallas Compress Company in 1875 and by 1885 was owner of the R. V. Tomp­ kins Machinery Company, which dealt in industrial equip­ ment. Tompkins addressed the city council on August 6, 188 5 and proposed that the city sell him a city lot close to the Dallas Merchant Exchange. He proposed to erect a three story brick building on the lot. At the time the Gould railway systems needed new headquarters somewhere along the Texas Pacific route. To insure the site would be Dallas, Tompkins intended to have a building which he could lease them for their offices. The city sold Tomp­ kins the lot. He then met with W. H. Abrams, the land commissioner of the Texas Pacific, and William H. Newman, freight manager of the railroad. They agreed to the terms 12 of the lease and the building was erected. The Dallas Weekly Herald said that acquiring the Gould headquarters was "quite a card for Dallas" 13 and that "Our people should feel very grateful to the king of railroads for preference shown this, the metropolis of North Texas." 14

Acheson, 35,000 Days, p. 102; Dallas Weekly Herald, October 14, 1876, p. 1. -^-'•Dallas Weekly Herald, August 13, 1885, p. 2.

^^Ibid., August 20, 1885, p. 6.

•'•^Ibid. •'•'^Dallas Weekly Herald, July 23, 1885, p. 6. 23 The arrangement between Gould and Dallas was satisfactory to both. Gould called Dallas the "first city of the South- 15 west." He predicted it would have a population of 250,000 within a generation."'•^ Gould's predictions proved excessive, yet Dallas did grow rapidly in the 1880's. Its' population in 1880 had 17 been 10,348. By 1890 it stood at 38,067, almost quad­ ruple the 1880 figure.-"-^ Dallas' urban base as a trans­ portation and trading center attracted new business. Beginning in 1879 and continuing through the mid-1880's, the nation's agriculture prospered, partly due to increas- _ ^ . 19 ed foreign demand which brought higher prices. Dallas County's agriculture prospered, too, in this period. The county's farm land increased from 236,984 acres in 1880, to 287,150 acres in 1890. The assessed value of Dallas County farms rose from $4,552,709 in 1880 to $10,788,530

Lindsley, A History of Greater Dallas, 1:157. 16 Acheson, 35,000 Days, p. 114. 17 U.S. Department of the Interior, Census Office, Statistics of the Population of the United States at the Tenth Census (June 1, 1880) (Washington: G.P.O., 1882), 1:331. 18 U.S. Department of the Interior, Report on Popula­ tion of the United States at the Eleventh Census: 1890 (Washington: G.P.O., 1895), 1:331. 1 q John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt (Lincoln, Neb­ raska: University of Nebraska Press, 1931), pp. 100-101. 24 in 1890, making it the third most valuable county, in terms of farm values, in the state. The estimated value of Dallas County farm products was close to $2,000,000 in 1889. The county had produced 186,460 bushels of wheat in 1880 and by 1890 was producing 243,873 bushels a year. This figure placed Dallas as the fifth leading wheat pro­ ducer in Texas in 1890 behind Denton, Collin, Cooke, and Tarrant counties, all in the North Texas region. The three North Texas counties of Dallas, Ellis and Collin far surpassed the rest of Texas in cotton production. In 1880 the three county area produced 62,570 bales. By 1890 that figure rose to 100,610 bales of cotton.^°

Dallas' position as a chief supplier for the growing wheat and cotton industries of Texas was enhanced by this agriculture boom. Dallas' manufacturers and distributors supplied Texas farmers with plows, wagons, saddles, and harnesses and provided the services of numerous mills, gram elevators and cotton compresses. 21 Justin F. Kimball, in his book Our City Dallas: Yesterday and Tomorrow remarked:

20 U.S. Department of the Interior, Census Office, Re­ port on the Production of Agriculture as returned at the Tenth Census, 1880 (Washington: G.P.O., 1883), 3:134,206, 242; U.S. Department of the Interior, Census Office, Re­ port on the Statistics of Agriculture in the United States at the Eleventh Census: 1890 (Washington: G.P.O., 1895), pp. 229, 385, 396. 21 Dallas Weekly Herald, October 14, 1876, p. 1. 25 The manufacturers of plows and agricultural implements and articles for use on farms and ranches began to establish state agen­ cies in the Southwest, and Dallas became the great distributing point for wagons, plows, harnesses, and other things manu­ factured in the North and East, but used on Texas farms and ranches. This brought to Dallas men with wide vision beyond the local business of the city and the county, men who thought in terms of the whole state cpr the whole Southwest. These men all had important business connections in the older and richer states, and they told the story of Dallas and of Texas to their friends and business associates back in the old homes states.22

With Dallas becoming an agricultural center the State Farmers Alliance established its headquarters in the late 23 1880's. The Farmers Alliance was loosely connected with a national group which espoused populist ideals. More importantly for Dallas the Alliance brought to the city its business enterprise, the Farmers Alliance Exchange. Banking and financial institutions in Dallas kept pace with the growth of industry and agriculture in the '80's. The Dallas financial world produced some of the most noteworthy civic and political leaders of the city in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Justin F. Kimball, Our City Dallas: Yesterday and Tomorrow (Dallas: Dallas Independent School Dis­ trict, 1963), pp. 51-52. 23 Sam Acheson, Dallas Yesterday (Dallas: S.M.U. Press, 1977), pp. 141-142. Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pp. 104-108. 26 On June 2, 1873, the City Bank of Dallas, founded by C.C. Slaughter and W. E. Hughes among others opened its doors. Slaughter owned a huge cattle empire in Palo Pinto and Young counties in the late 1800's. At one time he became the largest individual taxpayer in Texas. During the Civil War, Slaughter commanded a troop of Texas Rangers on the Texas frontier. After 1870 he maintained a home in Dallas and became interested in the banking business there. In the 1870's Slaughter and W. E. Hughes were also partners in the cattle busi­ ness. However, by 1879 Hughes wanted to begin a cattle business independent of Slaughter. When the partnership dissolved Slaughter removed himself from participation in the City Bank of Dallas. He sold Hughes his interest in the bank in return for Hughes' interest in their cattle business. On January 27, 1880 the City Bank of Dallas became the City National Bank. Its new president was J. C. 0'Conner. O'Conner, born in Fort Wayne, Indiana in 184 7, had worked as a telegrapher as a young man and been a friend of another young telegrapher, Thomas

David Murrah, "C. C. Slaughter: The Cattle King of Texas," (Ph.D. dissertation, Texas Tech University, 1979), p. 113: Dallas Weekly Herald, June 4, 1873, p.3: Walter Prescott Webb, H. Bailey Carroll, et al. eds.. The Handbook of Texas (Austin: The Texas State Historical Association, 1952), 1:618; Frank W. Johnson, ed., A History of Texas and Texans (Chicago: The Ameri­ can Historical Society, 1914), 2:1063. 27 Edison. O'Connor moved west and worked as a stagecoach driver, a railway station agent and a gold prospector. In the Indian territory of Idaho and Montana he was only one of two survivors of an Indian attack. He came to Dallas after the Civil War with $10,000 and contracted to build the Houston and Texas Central railroad through Dallas to the Red River. He cleared $75,000 from this enterprise. O'Connor then settled in Dallas and entered 26 the world of finance. in addition to presiding over the City National Bank, O'Connor was secretary-treasurer of the Dallas Gaslight Company, which fueled Dallas street lights. He was also a director of the Southern Mortgage and Trust Company. 27 In 1903 O'Connor retired and moved to Paris, France where he died January 23, 1913. E. 0. Tenison, who succeeded O'Connor as presi- of the City National Bank, remarked: "'Mr. O'Connor was a self made man. He earned the foundation of his for­ tune in hard and perilous labor under circumstances where personal courage and individual ability alone 28 counted as advantages.'"

Acheson, Dallas Yesterday, pp. 369-371; A Memorial and Biographical History of Dallas County (Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co., 1892), p. 298; Dallas Weekly Herald, June 14, 1873, p. 3.

^"^Acheson, Dallas Yesterday, p. 142.

^^Ibid., p. 372. 28 By March of 1884, C. C. Slaughter entered the banking business in Dallas again. In that year he helped obtain a charter for Dallas' sixth bank, the American National Bank. In June of 1905, it merged with the National Ex­ change Bank to form the American Exchange National Bank. By 1910 that bank was Texas' largest with a capital and surplus totaling $2,500,000. In 1929 the American Ex­ change National Bank merged with the City National Bank to become the First National Bank of Dallas. The lineage of both banks began with C. C. Slaughter. 29 The National Exchange Bank began as the Exchange State Bank in the 1870's. One of its founders was Dallas pioneer banker William H. Gaston. By 1884 Royal Andrew Ferris had moved to Dallas and become associated with the bank. Royal was the son of banker and judge, Justus W. Ferris. Royal joined his father's banking house, Ferris and Getzendander, in Waxahachie in 1870 after attending Kentucky Military Institute. Ferris, a force behind the merger of the American National Bank and the National Exchange Bank in 1905, became its presi- dent and later its board chairman. 30

Murrah, "C.C. Slaughter," pp. 134, 281-282; C. C. Slaughter to George M. Slaughter, June 22, 1905, George M. Slaughter Papers, Southwest Collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas. 30 Webb, et al., eds., The Handbook of Texas, 1:593; Acheson, Dallas Yesterday, p. 128; The Dallas Morning News, March 4, 192 9, p. 12. 29 The number of mortgage and loan companies expanded in the 1880's. The Security Mortgage and Trust Company was one of these firms, presided over by Colonel J. T. Trezevant. One of the vice-presidents was J. C. 31 O'Connor. Colonel Trezevant, a native of Tennessee, had fought in the Civil War. After the war he moved first to Little Rock, Arkansas and then to North Texas, 32 eventually settling in Dallas. By the mid-1880's Trezevant was one of Dallas' leading businessmen. In 18 88 his Security Mortgage and Trust Company completed a six story building for its offices, one of Dallas' largest buildings. 33 As Dallas became a money and trading center, finan­ cial firms from other parts of the country and from foreign countries established offices in the city. The Dallas Morning News of July 25, 1889 advertised both local and out of town loan companies eager to lend money to the people of Dallas and North Texas. American loan companies from Galveston and Kansas City vied with English and Scottish loan companies for a share of Dallas

31Th e Dallas Morning News, July 24, 1889, p. 8

^^John William Rogers, The Lusty Texans of Dallas (Nashville, Tenn.: Parthenon Press, 1965), p. 161.

"^^Acheson, Dallas Yesterday, pp. 141-142. 30 34 money and land. The editor of The Dallas Morning News commented that "'These are, in truth,... rapid, pushing times.'"^^

In the 1880's Dallas competed with Houston and Galveston for business and population. Boosterism play­ ed a large role in the success that Dallas achieved and newspapers were among the biggest boosters. The Dallas Weekly Herald constantly berated Dallas' sister cities for their weaknesses. The Herald of August 20, 1885, noted that Galveston was loosing some of its cotton business because cotton compresses had been erected at Dallas and other interior towns. In the Herald of July 30, 1885, it stated: The Houston Post says that city is square­ ly in the field for the business of the State this fall. We don't begrudge Hous­ ton a fair division of the fall's trade, but we anticipate just a little bigger business in Dallas this autumn than any two Southern Texas cities will get.3/ The Herald boosted efforts to bring cheap capital to Dallas from the eastern money markets, to reduce rents, and to build more railroads. In an editorial on August

-^^The Dallas Morning News, July 25, 1889, pp. 7-8; Lindsley, A History of Greater Dallas, 1:140-141.

^^Acheson, 35,000 Days, p. 111.

^^Dallas Weekly Herald, August 20, 1885, p. 4.

^^Ibid., July 30, 1885, p. 4. 31 6, 1885, the Herald called for the banks and financial institutions of the city to support the merchant and farmer as much or more than the livestock business. The paper said that as farmers and merchants were more stable than cattlemen they would help the community grow. The Herald ended the editorial with an appeal to all Dallas 38 citizens to promote their city. Whenever a new busi­ ness was established in Dallas, the Herald would often proclaim: "Hip, hip, hurrah! This is another plume in the cap of the Queen City of the greatest of all states." The Mexia Ledger in September of 1885 said the Herald's efforts to boost the area would benefit Dallas and all of North Texas.4 0 Philip Lindsley in his book History of Greater Dallas and Vicinity commented on the state of Dallas and North Texas in the spring of 1886: City and county both prospered. The plant­ ing of corn and cotton and steel rails went on together with the spring days. The harvests were plentiful. The laborers were on hand. The times were in joint again. The moneylender was on hand, with full pockets... satisfied with North Texas securities...Times were prosperous in this great grain and cotton region.^1

•^^Ibid., August 6, 1885, p. 4.

^^Ibid., September 9, 1885, p. 2.

"^^Mexia Ledger quoted in Dallas Weekly Herald, September 10, 1885, p. 6.

41Lindsley , A History of Greater Dallas, 1:143-144 32 At the same time as the Dallas Weekly Herald promoted Dallas in the summer of 1885, plans were made in Galveston that would eventually doom the newspaper, but enhance the growth of Dallas. Colonel R. G. Lowe, vice-president of Galveston Daily News, made a trip to Dallas in the early 1880's. He met an old friend, William H. Newman, traffic manager of the Texas Pacific Railroad. Newman suggested to Lowe that the Galveston Daily News be duplicated in 42 North Texas. In the early 1880's St. Louis newspapers were more widely read in North Texas than any area paper 43 including the Dallas Herald. Newman told Lowe that one of the towns of North Texas would grow to challenge the commercial supremacy of Galveston. Newman believed It would be Dallas. 44 The management of the Galveston Daily News discussed such a move. A rumor of the anti­ cipated expansion to North Texas inspired a group of fifty Dallas businessmen, led by Colonel J. T. Trezevant, to purchase $25,000 worth of stock in the Galveston newspaper, 45 in hopes of encouraging the paper to expand to Dallas rather than another North Texas city. They

"^^Acheson, 35,000 Days, p. 98

"^-^Ibid. , p. 110. 44 Ibid., p. 98. ^^Ibid., p. 100. 33 particularly feared that the paper might go to Fort Worth, an action which would have been deplorable to Dallas 46 leaders. The Galveston Daily News expanded its opera­ tion to Dallas in October of 1885, moving its operation into a three story brick building on Commerce Street. 47 On October 1, 1885, the first issue of The Dallas Morning News was printed under the direction of George B. Dealey. 48 Dealey was only twenty-six years old when he became office manager for the paper. He had begun work­ ing for the Galveston Daily News in 1874, when he was fifteen years old. He advanced to a reporter's job then was assigned as a staff representative in Waco, Dallas and Houston. 49 Dealey was selected as an office manager of the new Dallas paper partly because he also had recom­ mended that Dallas be the site of the new paper. By December 1885, the Herald suffered from competition with the new paper. The News purchased the Herald by the end of the year and with little competition became Dallas'

^^Dallas Weekly Herald, July 23, 1885, p. 2.

'^'^Ibid., October 8, 1885; Acheson, 35,000 Days, p. 101

^^Acheson, 35,000 Days, p. 110.

"^^Ibid. , p. 95.

^^Ernest Sharpe, G_^ B^ Dealey of the Dallas News (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1955), pp. 30-34. 34 51 leading newspaper. Philip Lindsley claimed that the establishment of The Dallas Morning News by the Galveston corporation evidenced Dallas' commercial primacy in North Texas m the 1880's. 52 This period had been marked by the emergency of a number of able men who promoted Dallas to metropolitan proportions: W. H. Gaston, J. T. Trezevant, J. C. O'Connor, George B. Dealey, C. C. Slaughter, Royal A. Ferris and others. Dallas resembled the rest of the United States in this respect. Arthur M. Schlesinger Sr. in The Rise of the City, 1878-1898, said that men of vision and great ability in the 1880's were mainly to be found in the business world, especially the railroads. In Europe, men of these same talents may have entered politics. Thus, American business received the brains and skill of the country at the expense of the govern- 53 ment. Because of this, Schlesinger said that the 1880's was the most ordinary period in American politics 54 since the beginning of the country. Lincoln Steffens in The Shame of the Cities, said of the businessman, "He is too busy, he is one that has no use and therefore no

^•'•Ibid. , p. 50.

52Lindsley , A History of Greater Dallas, 1:142

^\rthur M. Schlesinger, Sr. , Th^ Rise of the City, 1878-1898, (New York: The MacMillan Co., 1933), p. 387.

^"^Ibid. 35 time for politics his neglect has permitted bad govern­ ment...." But Steffens said that when businessmen entered politics, they ruined government by extending to it their commercial motives. He lamented the fact that there were no professionals in government and that it consequently suffered. Most of the ills of urban governments during the period were due to ineptitude of city councils as well as corruption, which took the form of bribes, graft 56 and inflated prices for government purchases.

Philip Lindsley concurred with Steffens assessment of the ills of government. Lindsley said the commercial 57 world of Dallas had no time for politics in 1890. He reiterated Steffens view, lamenting the fact that Dallas city officers had no training in municipal statesmanship, and were shuffled in and out of office every couple of 58 years. Lindsley noted there were some men in Dallas' city government who had been unsuccessful in their own 59 businesses.

Lincoln Steffens, The Shame of the Cities (New York: Sagamore Press, 1957), pp. 3-4.

^^Ibid., pp. 1-18.

57..Lindsley. , A History of Greater Dallas, 1:189

^^Ibid., p. 183.

^^Ibid., p. 213. 36 The mayor of Dallas in the late 1880's and early 1890's was W. C. Connor. Connor fitted Lincoln Steffen's mold of a businessman turned politician. He was born in Memphis, Tennessee in 1849. As many other Tennesseans did, he moved to Dallas in the 1870's. In 1876 he formed the Dallas Waterworks Company with Browder's Springs as his supply source and developed a system of underground water mains. In 1881 he sold the company to the city following the national trend toward "gas and water social- 6 n ism." Connor also started the first electric light company in Dallas, helped organize the Dallas Volunteer Fire Department, and was vice-president of Dallas' Conso­ lidated Street Railway Company. While serving as mayor he was president of the Dallas Merchant Exchange and was on the board of directors of the Fourth National Bank of 61 Dallas. He became mayor in 18 87 and won re-election 62 three consecutive times. He came into office just before the nation's economy turned downward. In his final term of office, the country fell into the grip of a vici­ ous depression.

Acheson, Dallas Yesterday, p. 16 0. 61 Ibid., p. 161; The Dallas Morning News, August 3, 1889, p. 1. c 2 John Hughes Cochran, Dallas County: A Record of its Pioneers and Progress (Dallas: A. S. Mathis Service Publishing Co., 1928), pp. 226-227. 37 The depression of 1893 had many causes and several effects on Dallas. Real estate values fell throughout the country. Crops failed. In the early 1890's a general drought hit along the frontier. John D. Hicks, in his book. The Populist Revolt said that because of inept civic expenditures during the boom years, higher taxes became necessary, causing many to live under fear of mortgage 6 3 foreclosure. Dallas was not exempt from any of these maladies especially inept civic expenditures. Mayor Connor was accused by a political rival of misusing $400,000 in street improvement funds. It was alleged that most of the money went to pave streets in front of the houses of city councilmen and their friends.6 4 Connor was further blamed for allowing the city to pay for $100,000 in street paving that should have been paid for 6 5 by the owners of the abutting property. Philip Lindsley said that one of the Dallas' major streets, McKinney 6 6 Street, was a "total wreck" in 18 90.

The incompetency of the city fathers was seen in other areas. The condition of the Dallas City Hospital

^^Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pp. 153-154.

^"^The Dallas Morning News, April 1, 1893, p. 6.

^^Ibid.

^^Lindsley, A History of Greater Dallas, 1:182-183 38 was exposed in an article of The Dallas Morning News on August 11, 1889. It stated in part, "The people ought to understand just what a poor hospital this city affords; they should know the miserable equipments [sic] of this 6 7 institution." The state of the city's finances was dismal by the spring of 1891. Dallas already had over­ drawn its accounts by $84,000 with a note for $50,000 maturing in May; thus leaving a floating indebtedness of 6 8 $134,000. Besides misappropriating funds the city council had a faulty tax collection system. In 1889 over $87,000 in back taxes were owed the city. At one time even Mayor Connor owed the city for seven years in back taxes. 70 Mayor Connor, after being re-elected in 1891, persuaded Dallas voters to approve $200,000 in bonds to fund the outstanding indebtedness of his past two admini­ strations. A reaction to this by the financial firm H. M. Noel and Company of St. Louis which sold City of Dallas bonds, reflected the growing hard times of the country and expressed apprehension at the city's

^"^The Dallas Morning News, August 11, 1889, p. 3

^^Ibid., April 18, 1891, p. 8.

^^Ibid., August 4, 1889, p. 4.

"^^Ibid. , July 11, 1887, p. 5.

"^•^Ibid. , April 1, 1893, p. 6. 39 unsound business practices. In a telegram to Mayor Connor, Noel said, "'Hold things level and go slow on 72 issuing more bonds.'" The fact that a St. Louis firm, and not one from Dallas, sold City of Dallas bonds re­ flected the lack of civic leadership among Dallas businessmen in this period and contributed to the virtual collapse of city finances in the 1890's. Prior to the election of 1891, most aldermen favor­ ed a tax-cut. Times were hard and with an election approaching this would be a popular measure. Samuel Klein, the chairman of the city council Committee on Finance and Revenue urged his fellow aldermen to cut some city services in order to cut taxes. Few concurred with this thinking. They preferred, instead, to fund municipal projects from a practically bankrupt treasury 73 which faced the prospect of even less income. Klein declined to run for office again; apparently wanting no part of the impending crisis. The prospect of a tax cut pleased many as the times grew harder. The specter of mortgage foreclosure was real for many. A growing number of mortgages, by 1891, were held by foreign loan companies such as the Texas

"^^Ibid. , April 18, 1891, p. 8

^^Ibid., September 21, 1890, p. 16

^^Ibid., April 1, 1893. 40 Land and Mortgage Company, a British firm with offices 75 in Dallas. A popular political belief in Texas and other midwestern and southern states was that foreigners were trying to buy huge quantities of American land.^^ Texas Governor James Hogg favored prohibiting foreign ownership of land in the state. In 1891, the legisla­ ture responded to Hogg's plea and passed the Alien Land law. The law had a negative impact on Dallas, as a 78 growing financial center. Money had previously flowed to North Texas via Dallas from foreign countries, mainly Great Britain. 79 Lindsley claimed that the law cost Texas $50,000,000 and that there was never any danger of foreigners devouring Texas land. 80 By 1893 the evident weakness of the national economy, legislation which hurt Dallas' position as a financial center, a worsening agricultural situation and a bumbling city council slowed the pace of the previously booming city.

75 Lindsley, A History of Greater Dallas, 1:199. ^^Ibid. 77 Rupert Nerval Richardson, Ernest Wallace, and Adrian N. Anderson, Texas: The Lone Star State, 3rd Edi­ tion (Englewood Cliffs, N. J. : Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1970), p. 296. "^^The law was found unconstitutional that year, but a new law was passed and became effective in 189 3.

"^^Lindsley, A History of Greater Dallas, 1:195.

®°Ibid., pp. 195-199. 41 Lindsley described Dallas on the eve of the Panic of 1893 and the resultant depression: "property depreciated in value, interest was exhorbitant, rents went down next to nothing, and tenants forsook buildings in which business no longer prospered." 81 In 1890 Congress passed the Sherman Silver Purchase Act. It authorized the Treasury Department to purchase $54 million worth of silver yearly for coinage into silver dollars. The bill allowed the gold standard to be preserved by redeeming silver certificates in gold. 82 Between 18 90 and 1893 the financial world worried about the United States shifting from a gold to a silver basis of payment. On February 20, 1893, the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad failed and brought increased uneasiness to depositors and investors.8 3 On April 22nd, the nation's gold reserve dipped below the $100 million mark, which, prior to 1890 had been above $200 million.

^•^Ibid. , p. 198. 82 Ray Allen Billington, Westward Expansion, A History of the American Frontier, 4th edition (New York: MacMillan Publishing Co., 1974), p. 645. p 3 Otto C. Lightner, The History of Business Depres­ sions (New York: Burt Franklin, 1970), p. 186. ^^W. Jett Lauch, The Causes of the Panic of 1893 (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1907), p. 121.

Billington, Westward Expansion, 4th edition, p. 645 42 Business became depressed because of doubts as to the power of the government to redeem all the paper money in circulation. Unemployment became widespread complicating the problems of drought and bumbling public officials.^^ A silver dollar by April of 1893 was only worth fifty 87 cents in gold. When the gold reserve dipped below the $10 0 million mark, anxiety swept the nation. Purchases and pay rolls were cut by businessmen, brokers dumped stocks and banks closed to avoid runs. For the agrarian community it meant that already low prices would go lower. Only the debts did not decline.^^ On April 23, 1893, The Dallas Morning News reported the fear that currency would go to a silver standard and lose value; subsequent talk of an impending financial 8 9 panic surfaced. Wall Street struggled from April 22nd until the first week in May. Then panic struct. Brad- street' s weekly Wall Street revue of May 5, 1893, stated: The stock market after having offered a long and stout resistance to the influence of the unsettled currency questions has at length succumbed to the inevitable and endured this weeks liquidations approaching almost to the dignity of panic. Failures have occurred, prices in some directions

86 Lightner, The History of Business Depressions, p. 192 g 7 Lauck, The Causes of the Panic of 1893, p. 121. 8 8 Billington, Westward Expansion, p. 645. ^^The Dallas Morning News, April 23, 1893, p. 15. 43 broken down with violence, the demorali­ zation of the market and street being for the time extreme in their character.^^ Dallas' quick pace of the 1880's slowed during the 1890's as economic growth and population expansion slowed The official policy of the city council became retrench­ ment as it entered the depression.

90 Ibid.f May 6, 1893, p. 2. CHAPTER IV

TURMOIL AND TRIUI4PH

The depression riddled 1890's were not kind to Dallas. But during that decade the groundwork was laid for expansion in the first decade of the twentieth cen­ tury that would have seemed impossible immediately following the Panic if 1893. In the decade of the 18 80's Dallas' population increased 26 7 percent from 10,358 in 1880 to 38,067 in 1890. The population of the city only increased by twelve percent in the 1890's, to 42,638. Dallas' business in 1893 was off almost twenty-five percent from its 1892 pace. The Dallas City Council was forced by the economy to reduce city personnel as well as that of the police force. A re­ solution passed in the city council meeting of May 2, 1893, stated: "Be it resolved that each committee of

U.S. Department of Commerce Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1910, Population (Washington: G.P.O., 1913), 3:771. 2 The Dallas Morning News, January 6, 18 94, p. 6. ^Ibid., May 3, 1893, p. 6.

44 45 the city council, with the assistance of the honorable mayor and the heads of each department, report on retrench- inent wherever possible.'"^

The city council's fiscal conservatism in the 1890's mirrored its attitude in all decisions. The council's official policy of the period could be termed inactivity. The city fathers started few programs, settled few issues and generally failed to solve most of the city's problems; controversy was the council's constant companion. The Dallas Morning News in describing one particular council meeting could have described the entire decade of the 1890's at city hall: "A great many motions, and the usual amount of discussion but very little business trans­ acted."^ An example of the turmoil that plagued Dallas city government in the 1890's was the mayorality election of 1893. In that year W. C. Connor was re-elected to his fourth consecutive term as mayor. His victory margin was two votes, 1,869 to 1,867 for his opponent, Bryan T. Barry. The campaign was one of the most heated in Dallas history. Barry accused Connor of misuse of city funds and providing free city services for his friends and other councilmen. Connor stated he would not get into

4 ^Ibid.

^Ibid., November 2, 1892, p. 2 46 a discussion of personalities and promptly called Barry a mudslinger. Samuel Klein, former head of the city council's Finance Committee who had previously expressed discontent with affairs at city hall, helped manage Barry's campaign. The initial results of the April 4th election showed a tie between Connor and Barry - 1,869 votes each. But the next day Barry was informed that his vote talley in Dallas' fifth ward was twenty-nine votes as opposed to the thirty-one that had originally been recorded. Two votes had mysteriously disappeared and Connor won by two votes. Barry decided to contest the election in the courts. Bryan T. Barry, an attorney, was no political novice. He had been elected to the state legislature from Navarro County in 1881 at the age of thirty. In 1884 he became chairman of the state Democratic Executive Committee. In 1888 he moved to Dallas and became general manager of J. T. Trezevant's Security Mortgage and Trust Company. W. C. Connor had a skillful politician and businessman as his adversary. Barry first appealed the election results to Dis­ trict Judge R. E. Burke of Dallas. Barry claimed that over 1,0 00 ballots had not been numbered at the polling places and were therefore illegal. Judge Burke ruled against Barry, who went next to the Civil Appeals Court which ruled on January 17, 1894, that 1,74 7 unnumbered ballots could not be properly counted and that Barry 47 was legally entitled to the mayor's position. At the next city council meeting on January 23, 18 94, Connor, who had been acting as mayor in the interim period resigned, ending a seven year career as Dallas' mayor. He hinted that if Barry was to drop his fight in the courts that the two should engage each other in a special election. if Barry refused, however, Connor would have no part of a special election with a different candidate. A special election to fill the vacated post of mayor was called by Mayor Pro-tem, Dr. A. M. Cochran, to be held on February 3, 1894, and he declared himself a candidate. Barry refused to take part in the special election and again turned to the courts. The appeals court ruled on February 1, 1894, that the special elec­ tion to be held February 3rd to select a mayor for Dallas was illegal. Barry had already been declared winner of the mayor's race by the court. Barry's lawyers returned to Dallas from Austin the morning of February 2nd. They obtained a writ from the district court ordering the sheriff of Dallas County to halt any special election to be held for the purpose of electing a mayor for the city of Dallas. Dr. Cochran was the only candidate for the election. Barry hoped that the city council would rescind its orders for a special election and the writ would not have to be executed. At 11:30 A.M. on February 2nd, Barry was sworn in as mayor by a notary public. After being sworn in he went to the Oriental Hotel to 48 await with the rest of the anxious city the council's action. People in the hotel and on the street asked him when he was going to issue the writ and have the sheriff arrest the injudicious aldermen. At 2:00 P.M., Mayor Pro-tem Cochran called the city council to order. The lobby of the city hall overflowed with people. The aldermen debated whether to hold the special election or not. Some wanted to test Barry's claim to the office. Others wanted to seat him as mayor and proceed with the business of running the city. One motion, in typical council style, moved to defer action until a later date. Cochran, realizing Barry had the power of the courts on his side, suggested the motion to defer action be with­ drawn and the city council vote to rescind the order to hold a special election. With this done the council voted to seat Barry as the new mayor. The Dallas Morning News stated: "This was the last act in the drama."

Bryan T. Barry inherited a languid city government plagued by feuding aldermen and a practically bankrupt treasury in the midst of a depression. During the furor of the mayorality election the business of running the

Ibid., July 24, 1889, p. 8; April 4, 1893, p. 8; April 5, 1893, p. 8; April 6, 1893, p. 8; January 18, 1894, p. 8; January 24, 1894, p. 3; January 26, 1894, p. 8; February 3, 1894, p. 10; Sam Acheson, Dallas Yesterday (Dallas: S.M.U. Press, 1977), pp. 162-163; Philip Lindsley, A History of Greater Dallas and Vicinity (Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co., 1909), p. 216. 49 city had proceeded at its normal slow pace. As early as 18 89 The Dallas Morning News claimed that Dallas City Hospital was in a pathetic condition. (See Chapter III) And by 1893 nothing had been done to alleviate the con­ ditions. On April 8, 1893, The Dallas Morning News published a letter from Dr. R. J. Boatman of Fremont, Iowa. Dr. Boatman visited his brother who was a patient in the hospital. Dr. Boatman was appaled at the condi­ tions which he saw and wrote to the News to warn the people of Dallas about their hospital. He stated in his letter that he noticed, "'Two privies of the accumulative sort, with their respective soakings and exultations in the ground, whereby the air, soil and water are polluted, which are the means of spreading some of the most fatal disease to the whole city as well as to the invalids of the hospital.'" He also found the building to be in an 7 unacceptable state of repair. One month before Barry took office as mayor the city council feud grew over the affairs of governing the city. Alderman C. E. Bird reported that roads had been paved in all areas of Dallas except for East Dallas. Bird claimed that Alderman J. C. Woodside told him "I would g never vote a damned dollar for East Dallas.'" When it

The Dallas Morning News, April 8, 1893, p. 8

^Ibid., January 3, 1894, p. 5. 50 was reported to the council that pipes were leaking gas in the city hall basement. Alderman Charles Kahn said that it would cost $500.00 to fix the pipes, a sum the City could not afford. Mayor Pro-tem Cochran replied, "'I don't care if it does. All our lives are in danger.'" To which Alderman Bird stated "'And some of us might die.'" Alderman Pat O'Keefe's response was, "'It would be a good thing for the city if about half of us were to kick the bucket.'" The money was appropriated to fix the pipes. At the next council meeting Dr. Cochran reported that the drinking water for Dallas contained sewage. He claimed that Fort Worth and Weatherford dumped their sewage into the West and Clear Forks of the Trinity and their waste flowed to Dallas which used it for drinking water. Alderman Bird said, "'I am astonished at the speech made by Dr. Cochran. He ought not to have made it.'" Cochran replied, "'Ain't it true Brother Bird?'" Bird's response was, "'Yes; but you ought not to tell the truth.'" The matter was referred to a committee to study it further. By September 1894, the affairs of Dallas' city government had deteriorated even further. Philip

^Ibid.

"^^Ibid. , January 7, 1894, p. 2. 51 Lindsley, in his book A History of Dallas County and Vicinity, stated:

The financial condition of the city govern­ ment at this time...was at a low ebb. The city was borrowing money to pay its running expenses. The school board had no money to pay its running expenses. The city claimed the school board had overdrawn what was due it. The school board claimed the city was indebted to it from $10,000 to $15,000. This difference arose in regard to some old contracts, which each claimed the other was liable for and should pay.H Bryan T. Barry did not win re-election in 1895, los­ ing to magazine publisher Frank P. Holland. Holland published the Texas Farm and Ranch Journal. He originated the journal in Austin in 1883 in a two room office. He made no money during its first two years of publication. In 1885 in an effort to better reach the farm population he moved his journal to Dallas, in the heart of the Texas agricultural section. Ten years after his move to Dallas he ran for mayor and won on a campaign against suburban saloons. He said that he wanted Dallas to be known as a city of homes, not saloons.1 2 In 1896, after a year in office, Holland offered an accurate insight into the city's finances: A municipality is a corporation having for its stockholders the residents therein who elect as trustees or directors the mayor and city council, upon whom devolves the

•^Lindsley, History of Greater Dallas, 224-225.

•^^The Dallas Morning News, January 19, 1928, p. 1 52 management of the trust... That the diffi­ culties which this administration has had to contend with during the past year may be better understood, it is necessary to briefly refer to past administrations and conditions that confronted us on April 15, 1895, when my administration began. For many years the city has lived beyond its means, but the fact was not apparent to the casual observer, because each year's deficit was covered with a bond issue which seemingly imported a roseate hue to municipal affairs, this pleasing delusion not to be dispelled until the inevitable day of reckoning...13

As the twentieth century dawned not only did the economic ineptitude and feuding of the 1890's persist but apathy began to plague city hall chambers. In its May 1, 1902, edition. The Dallas Morning News reported on a very important council meeting that never occured. The council, on April 30th, was to meet and pass an ordinance granting the Cotton Belt Railroad right of way through property owned by the city. There were not enough alder­ men present for a quorum. The News inquired as to why the absent ones were not present. Alderman David H. Lindsey, "was in bed". Alderman T. L. Lawhon was at the horse show, and Alderman D. R. Long, had sent word to 14 City Hall that "'He just couldn't be there.'" The one issue upon which the council agreed during this period was prostitution control. Many councilmen

•^^Ibid., June 24, 1896, p. 8; Lindsley, A History of Greater Dallas, 1:235-236.

"^^The Dallas Morning News, May 1, 1902, p. 5. 53 lamented the fact that prostitutes were plying their trade all over the city. Most aldermen agreed that it should not be abolished but merely controlled. Alderman Cochran said that prostitution was not found in pagan or Moslem countries, but in Christian cities. He said, "'We should protect virtue by regulating vice.'" He even used Queen Victoria as a reference, saying that she had once remarked, "They were a necessary evil." The council pass­ ed an ordinance which stated that prostitutes were to con­ fine their activities to the first ward. Pat O'Keefe, a saloon owner in the first ward and that area's alderman applauded this resolution, saying that all prostitutes would be welcome in his ward. While the city council feuded, procrastinated and passed permissive laws on prostitution, other men in Dallas worked to improve the city's conditions. The most important group of men so devised was the Dallas Commer­ cial Club. In 1873 a correspondent from the St. Louis Times mentioned the kind of reception he was given by 16 the Dallas Commercial Club. However, no mention is made in the Dallas press of this organization for twenty years. Then on September 20, 1892, a meeting was called at which twenty-six Dallas merchants attended. The

•^^Ibid. , September 13, 1893, p. 8.

•^^Dallas Weekly Herald, April 19, 1873, p. 1 54 meeting was called by the most prominent retailer in Dallas, Philip Sanger. Sanger and his brothers owned the largest dry goods company in Texas, Sanger Brothers. At this meeting businessmen discussed ways to induce North Texas farmers to bring their cotton directly to Dallas and sell it there rather than selling it at any number of area towns. Farmers coming to Dallas periodi­ cally would increase the retail business of Dallas mer­ chants. The wholesale and manufacturing interest already had the farmer's business with machinery, implements, saddles and other Dallas products distributed to the North Texas area. But Dallas retailers needed the farmer to come to the city more often. 17 Another meeting was held on September 26, 1892, with 200 merchants ready to join the new organization and induce the farmer, through the best prices possible for his cotton, to do business in Dallas. The Merchants Cotton and Produce Association was formed with Philip Sanger as its presi­ dent, J. S. Armstrong, prominent grocer, meat packer, and later developer of Highland Park, treasurer, and Leo Wolfson as secretary. 18 Wolfson was active in the Trinity River Navigation Company and served two terms

^"^The Dallas Morning News, September 21, 1892, p. 8

^^Ibid., September 27, 1892, p. 8 55 on the city council. As an alderman, Wolfson was often stymied by the actions of his fellow aldermen and did not return to office when his term was through in 1900.^^ The new association attempted to form a commercial alli­ ance with area farmers, and hoped it would benefit both.

The initial reaction of the Merchants Cotton and Produce Association from the agriculture community came less than two weeks after the association was formed. W. F. Shook of the Farmers Alliance of Dallas County said: "'The Farmer Alliance Resolution is inspired with a spirit of friendship...Dallas can afford to offer a more satis­ factory market to the farmer than can its rural compe­ titors, and it should do so. The basis of a city is its back country and the city should see that its back country receives the highest market price possible for its pro- pi ducts.'" By the spring of 189 3 the association had become more than just a group interested in doing more business with area cotton farmers. It applied to the Texas Legislature for a charter as the Dallas Commercial Club. On May 9, 1893, the Commercial Club received its charter. Philip Sanger retained his position as president

•^^Ibid., July 4, 1893, p. 8; John H. Cochran, Dallas County: A Record of its Pioneers and Progress (Dallas: A. S. Mathis Service Publishing Co., 1928), pp. 231-232.

^^The Dallas Morning News, July 26, 1899, p. 5.

^•^Ibid., October 8, 1892, p. 8. 56 The club sought to promote literary undertakings, encour­ age immigration and boost manufacturing and business interests in Dallas.^^

On January 1, 1894, Philip Sanger issued a circular about the new Commercial Club. In it he said: Every businessman in the city who is interested in the progress of Dallas, and whose motto is 'Dallas first, last and always,' should attend those meet­ ings. The new year, with all its un­ tried possibilities is with us. The Commercial Club is in the front rank, and is determined to do all that united, persistent and intelligent efforts can do in order that Dallas may forge to the front as the great commercial center of our state. We need recruits and veterans to advise, to energize and to co-operate with us in this undertaking.2 3

In an editorial on January 7, 1894, The Dallas Morning News urged everyone interested in the future of Dallas to join the Commercial Club. The News said that with a united effort, such things as acquiring new railroads and improving county roads and city streets could be accomp- lishedT • u ^ . 24 The Dallas Commercial Club was comprised chiefly of merchants, but financial and manufacturing interests also

^^Ibid., May 9, 1893, p. 8; May 10, 1893, p. 8

^^Ibid., January 2, 1894, p. 8.

^^Ibid., January 7, 1894, p. 8. 57 were well represented. Other merchants who belonged to the club included J. F. Zang, owner of the J. F. Zang Company, "The largest general house furnisher in the 25 South." Another was C. A. Keating, owner of C. A. Keating Implement Company, a distributor of buggies, ladies Phaetons, surreys and park wagons. Keating also presided over the Trinity River Navigation Company which sought to make the Trinity navigable from Dallas to Gal­ veston. Keating represented banking interests, too, as 26 he was a director of The City National Bank of Dallas. E. M. Reardon, treasurer of the Commerical Club in 1895 27 was cashier of The City National Bank of Dallas. One of the hardest working members was a Dallas attorney, Robert E. Lee Saner. He brought to Dallas much of the business of Texas farmers in 189 8. He traveled from town to towm promoting Dallas business, urging farmers to take their business there. He obviously had the gift of oratory. As a freshman at Vanderbilt University he entered a debate reserved for upperclassmen and, much to their chagrin, won. He won other debate and oratory

25 Ibid., April 20, 1902, p. 12.

2^Ibid., April 11, 1893, p. 8; April 23, 1893, p. 7; April 23, 1902, p. 8.

2^Ibid., January 1, 1893, p. ^2; Henry Camp Harris, Dallas, Acorn Planters of Yesteryear 1862-1924 (Dallas: n.p., n.d.), p. 8. 58 awards at Vanderbilt. He graduated from the University of Texas Law School in 1895 and moved to Dallas to estab­ lish his law practice. He was elected president of the Texas Bar Association in 1912. ^^ These men of the Commercial Club and others boosted Dallas and kept it from stagnation during the depression years of the 1890's. On May 8, 1899, the Cleaner Dallas League formed to further improve the conditions of the city. Alex Sanger, Philip's brother, served as president. George B. Dealey 29 of The Dallas Morning News was chosen as vice-president. Sam P. Cochran was a director in the new organization. Sanger represented commerce, while Cochran came from the financial sector. He was a partner with J. T. Trezevant in a fire insurance company and a director of Trezevant's Security Mortgage and Trust Company. Cochran held a directorship on the National Exchange Bank of Dallas. But George B. Dealey, the newspaper manager, originated and guided the League. By 1895 he had been promoted from

2^The Dallas Morning News, August 10, 1898, p. 8; Frank W. Johnson, ed., A History of Texas and Texans (Chicago: The American Historical Society, 1914), 5:2169- 2170. 2^Ernest Sharpe, G. B. Dealey of The Dallas News (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1955), p. 84. ^^Lindsley, History of Greater Dallas, 253. -^•^The Dallas Morning News, July 24, 1889, p. 8; Johnson, A History of Texas and Texans, 5:2476-2477. 59 business manager to manager of The Dallas Morning News. In 1906 he was named vice-president and general manager of all properties of both the Dallas News and the Galveston Daily News."^^

By 1899 Dallas sanitary and filth conditions had become unacceptable to many. City ordinances on sanita­ tion were never enforced by the city council. Dealey began a campaign against a filthy city in The Dallas Morning News in March of 1899. The paper reprinted all city ordinances on sanitation to awaken the public to the council's ineffectiveness. The article had its de­ sired effect. At its next meeting the city council re­ solved to enforce sanitation ordinances and to aid in cleaning up Dallas. The News kept the campaign alive by printing articles on health and sanitation and warning of the health hazards of dumping sewage into the Trinity River, Dallas' main source of water. Then on May 8, 1899, the News agitation stirred many citizens to form the Cleaner Dallas League. For three months the League's executive committee met almost every day. It procured from the city council better crematory facilities for trash burning, sidewalk cuspidors for tobacco chewers, a new garbage collection department, and new sanitation

^^Sam Acheson, "George Bannerman Dealey," The South- ern Historical Quarterly L (January 1947):329-334. 60 inspectors. The council also pledged to improve the condition of Dallas streets. "All over the town the alleys were emptied, yards were cleaned, ponds were drain­ ed, weeds were cut, and garbage went into regulation ..33 cans. Not only did the residents of Dallas want a cleaner, healthier city in which to live, but in order to attract new business and immigrants the city had to present a better appearance. This method of civic improvement, individual action by certain community associations filling the leadership vacuum of a bumbling city council, seemed to work to everyone's satisfaction until the great hurricane of 19 00 struck Galveston Island. In the hurricane's wake not only was Galveston devastated but municipal reform was awakened throughout the country. After the 1900 hurricane, Galveston's graft ridden and practically bankrupt city government was ill equip­ ped to deal with the problems of rebuilding a city. Civic groups, mainly the Deep Water Committee, clamored for municipal reform. Their idea was to make govern­ ment more businesslike and attract businessmen to government. Their proposal was to have a government of commissioners with each commissioner having responsi­ bility for certain areas of municipal affairs with

33Sharpe , G. B. Dealey, p. 85. 61 legislative and administrative duties combined into one position. "The Galveston Plan" won approval of the voters and the Texas Legislature and was instituted in 1901.^^ The new form of government proved so successful for Galveston that Houston changed its city charter in 1905 and instituted the commission form of government.^^

The commission movement came about due to the poor service that American urban dwellers received from their inefficient city governments. There were many new city services that had arisen at the turn of the century. New utilities had to be made available. Roads had to be paved to accomodate new kinds of vehicles. Police and fire departments needed expansion. Parks and recreation programs had great demand. The old inefficient govern­ ment structure could not keep pace with demands. Reform became inevitable. 36 In Dallas, businessmen had worked successfully in the Commercial Club and the Cleaner Dallas League to gain improvements for Dallas in economic and service

Bradley R. Rice, Progressive Cities: The Commission Government Movement in America, 1901-1920 (Austin: Univer­ sity of Texas Press, 1977), pp. 1-18.

^^Ibid., p. 30.

^^James Weinstein, "Organized Business and the City Commission and Manager Movements," Journal of Southern History 28 (May 1962):166-167. 62 related areas. The idea of a more businesslike government would have natural appeal for them. Much attention was paid the Galveston and Houston experiments, and by 1906 The Dallas Morning News called for a complete reorganiza­ tion of the Dallas city government based upon the Gal­ veston model. "^^

Two groups formed and drafted new city charters for a commission form of goverment. They submitted these charters to the legislature. The Committee of the Whole was comprised of city councilmen, ex-aldermen, ex-mayor and ex-sheriff of Dallas county, Ben Cabell, the mayor Curtis P. Smith, a Commercial Club member, former Commercial Club president C. L. Wakefield and others. Their rival committee was the City Charter Convention. It included among- its leaders banker William H. Gaston, former councilman G. H. Irish, and an aldennan at the 3 8 time C. H. Read. Both groups formulated charter re­ visions for a change to the commission form of government. The one main difference between their charters was that the Committee of the Whole wanted to issue new water and street improvement bonds and raise the tax rate without a vote of the people. The convention committee wanted to restrict the areas where saloons could be operated.

Rice, Progressive Cities, p. 25.

^^The Dallas Morning News, March 1, 1970, p. 14 63 The Committee of the Whole wanted saloon laws left un- 39 touched.

The Dallas Trades Assembly, represented organized labor in the discussion over the new city charger. The tradesmen did not offer their own charter but argued before the legislature for the inclusion of democratic devices such as a referendum, recall, and initiative in the charter. The provisions were not part of either of the two proposed charters. The Dallas Morning News opposed these elements. The News believed organized labor wanted these elements in the charter to weaken or defeat the new form of government, since labor leaders had originally opposed a charter revision. 41 Labor's main objections nationally to the commission forms of government were the elimination of ward representation and the extreme concentration of power in the hands of one particular commissioner. Another objection by labor groups was that it gave undue advantage to men of wealth 42 to control the affairs of government. The Trades Assembly was successful, however, in its attempts to

•^^Ibid., March 4, 1970, p. 14.

^°Ibid., March 1, 1907, p. 14.

"^^Ibid., March 13, 1907, p. 6; Rice, Progressive Cities, p. 28.

^^Weinstein, "Organized Business," pp. 176-177. 64 have initiative, recall and referendum included in the new city charter. The Texas Legislature gave Dallas a charter that included proposals from all the groups.^^ The Citizens Association was formed on March 4, 1907, to support the charter movement in Dallas. It did not endorse either the views of the Committee of the Whole or those of the charter convention. The Citizens Associa­ tion gave little recognition to organized labor's view- 44 points. Its purpose was to endorse a mayor and four commissioners who would enact the new charter and make it work. Its president was Henry D. Lindsley, head of Southwestern Life Insurance Company and brother of Dallas investment banker and historian Philip D. Lindsley. Also serving as leaders of the new organization were Royal A. Ferris and J. B. Wilson of the American Exchange National Bank and retailer Alex Sanger. Their slate of candidates easily won at the polls in 1907; the Citizens Association had established itself as the main force in Dallas politics. 4 S Dallas businessmen took over an ineffectual

"^"^Rice, Progressive Cities, pp. 28-30; Acheson, Dallas Yesterday, pp. 166-167.

44 ^^Ibid., p. 28. ^^The Dallas Morning News, March 5, 1907, p. 14; Acheson7"Dalla£ Yesterday, pp. 170-175; A Memorial and Biographical History of Dallas County (Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co., 1892), p. 299. 65 city government and replaced it with one they could domi­ nate and control. The political drive culminated the efforts of the "boosters" to make Dallas a progressive city.

While these efforts at political reform took place in Dallas in the 1890's and the first decade of the twentieth century, the leading men of the city also attempted to expand Dallas' economy. Toward that goal they sought to make the city a convention center. Small state and regional gatherings had convened in Dallas in the 1890's. Among those the city played host to were the Sheriff's Association of Texas and the State Alli- 46 ance Association. However, the city leaders aspired to bigger events. At its annual fall membership meeting on May 15, 1901, the Dallas Commercial Club passed a resolution to attempt to secure the annual Confederate Reunion for Dallas in 190 2.4 7 A contingent from Dallas, headed by ex-Confederate General and former Dallas mayor W. L. Cabell, attended the 1901 meeting in Memphis with the intent to bring it to Dallas the next year. The con­ vention in Memphis was attended by as many as 125,000

46 The Dallas Morning News, July 2, 1897, p. 8; August 4, 1897, p. 8.

^^Ibid., May 17, 1901, p. 10. 66 48 people. Memphis' population then was only slightly over 100,000. Dallas' population at the time was just over 42,000. Thus, a city less than half the size of Memphis hoped to stage a reunion for twice as many visi­ tors as it had residents.

Among the Dallas delegation to the reunion was J. E. Farnsworth. He was superintendent at the Southwestern Telegraph and Telephone Company in Dallas, a Commercial Club member and vice-president of the Texas Reunion Association. Together with General Cabell and his daughter, Kate Cabell Curry, they planned their strategy to bring the gathering to Dallas. At the appropriate moment, Mrs. Curry approached the convention platform and extended the invitation for the Confederates to hold their reunion in Dallas in 1902. The delegation from Louis­ ville, Kentucky also wanted the Confederate Reunion for their city and they extended an invitation immediately after Mrs. Curry. A vote was taken by the delegates and Dallas won by 217 votes. The decision to gather in

"^^Ibid., May 29, 1901, p. 1. 49 U.S. Department of Commerce Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1910, Population, 3:719. ^^Ibid., p. 771.

^•'•Acheson, Dallas Yesterday, p. 318; The Dallas Morning News, May 2, 1902, p. 3. 67 Dallas was probably affected to an extent by the weather. Rain plagued much of the 1901 gathering and the delegates probably opted for a different climate for the next reunion. 52

Prior to the Confederate Reunion in Dallas in 1902, Sanger Brothers bought an ad in The Dallas Morning News and gave an opinion on the upcoming reunion: The greatest week in the history of Dallas begins tomorrow. If anyone ever doubted the wisdom of this city striving to be known as a convention center surely those doubts have now been removed. Dallas has given of her time, talent, money - she has done it cheerfully, gladly, willingly and everything is ready for the reunion ... The body mercantile has felt the quickened pulse of trade in all lines of business and this is but an earnest of the fruitage that shall follow.^3

The Confederate Reunion was the biggest event ever held in Dallas or in Texas. C. C. Slaughter, as president of the Texas Reunion Association was named chairman of the local arrangements committee for the event. Slaughter, a prominent Dallas banker and Texas cattleman, set his goals as president of the association to preserve impor­ tant historical material concerning Texans who served in the Civil War. ^

The Dallas Morning News, May 30, 1901, p. 2. ^^Ibid., April 20, 1902, p. 1. ^^David Murrah, "C. C. Slaughter: The Cattle King of Texas (Ph.D. dissertation, Texas Tech University, 1979), p. 28 3; C. C. Slaughter to George M. Slaughter, July 6, 1901, George M. Slaughter Papers, Southwest Collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock. 68 The event was attended by about 100,000 people ac­ cording to officials of the Texas Pacific Railroad. They slept in tents, camped at the fairgrouns, stayed in private homes and in hotels. The reunion consumed 41,500 pounds of meat, 20,000 pounds of potatoes, and utilized hundreds of tents and beds. It cost the Reunion Association about $58,000. Mayor Ben Cabell of Dallas, son of General W. L. Cabell, proclaimed Thursday, April 24, 1902, a city wide holiday and urged all Dallas citizens to watch the parade which would end the gather- 56 ing. Upon the conclusion of the reunion, the commander- in-chief of the Confederate Reunion, General John B. Gordon expressed his pleasure at the reunion: "I think it is marvelous' said the commander-in-chief, 'that a city the size of Dallas should have entertained in so grand a fashion, such an enormous multitude.'" By the close of the first decade of the twentieth century Dallas had attracted the largest gathering in the state's history, had instituted a new form of muni­ cipal government and seen the subsequent rise of the politically powerful Citizens Association. On January 1, 1909, the business leaders of Dallas who had worked together so often formed the Dallas Chamber of Commerce.

^^Ibid.; The Dallas Morning News, Aoril 22, 1902, p.3. ^^The Dallas Morning News, April 23, 1902, p. 2. ^"^Ibid., April 25, 1902, p. 1. 69 It was an alliance of many professional and civic organi­ zations, some of which remained autonomous within the chamber. The Commerical Club and the 15 0,000 Club were absorbed into the Chamber.^^

The 150,000 Club had been formed in 1906 by Rhodes Baker, a prominant Dallas attorney. Its purpose was to achieve a population of 150,000 for Dallas by 1910 or as soon thereafter as possible.^ Baker was a director and legal counsel for the City National Bank of Dallas.^^ He moved to Dallas in 1896 at the age of twenty-four after graduation from law school at the University of Texas. He became quite active in civic affairs and when his 150,000 Club was absorbed into the new Chamber of Commerce, Baker became one of the original directors of the new organization. Among the other directors of the newly formed Chamber of Commerce were J. B. Wilson of the

^^Ibid., January 1, 1909, p. 4.

^^Harris, Dallas, Acorn Planters of Yesteryear, p. 9; John William Rogers, The Lusty Texans of Dallas (Nashville Parthenon Press, 1965), p. 199.

^^Sam Acheson, ed., Texian Who's Who, vol. I (Dallas: The Texian Co., 1937), p. 24.

^•^Walter Prescott Webb, H. Bailey Carroll, et al., eds.. The Handbook of Texas (Austin: The Texas State Historicil Association, 1952), 1:101; The Dallas Morning News, January 1, 1909, p. 4; February 7, 1940, section 2, p. 1. 70 American Exchange National Bank, retailer Alex Sanger, newspaperman George B. Dealey and financier J. T. Trezevant.^^

An organization that helped form the Chamber of Com­ merce but remained autonomous within the organization was the Dallas Advertising League. It was organized in 1908 by men in the advertising business "to give the Spirit of Dallas a voice." "^ m May of 1912 the Dallas Advertising League acquired the eighth annual convention in a somewhat mysterious manner. Dallas Ad League literature spoke of a Dallas-Boston alliance formed at the 1910 convention at Omaha, Nebraska. The delegates from each city agreed to help Boston secure the 1911 convention and Dallas the meeting for 1912.^^ However, The Dallas Morning News reported that William H. Atwell, United States District Attorney from Dallas, attended the Boston gathering in 1911. The News said Atwell was "the man accredited with having done more than any other one to 'pull' the international gathering for Dallas."

^^The Dallas Morning News, January 1, 1909, p. 4.

^"^Dallas Advertising League, "Meet the Old Timers of the Dallas Advertising League" (Dallas: Houghton Brothers, n.d.), n.p.

^"ibid. 6 5 The Dallas Morning News, May 19, 1912, p. 2. 71

On the eve of Dallas' first national convention the

News reported that "the Texas metropolis was filled with an unbounded enthusiasm, an animation and excitement surpassing any previous occasion in the city's history. "^^

For the occasion, downtown Dallas was decorated with thousands of light bulbs hung in streamers across the main streets and outlining the main buildings. ^"^ The

Dallas Public Library procured the nation's best works

in color printing, pamphlet publishing, photo-engraving and poster displays for the convention. Experts at the meeting called it "an unprecedented and unparalleled 6 8 event...in the arts allied to effective advertising."

Governor O. B. Colquitt of Texas gave the opening

address to the gathering of advertising men from across

the nation and Canada. The assembly met at the Dallas Opera House. 69 Dignitaries present at the convention included Governors B. W. Hopper of Tennessee, Phillips L. Goldsborough of Maryland and W. W. Kitchen of North Carolina, and former governor William H. Mann of Tennessee. 7 0 Five thousand delegates and their families,

^^Ibid., p. 1.

^"^Ibid. , p. 2.

^^Ibid., May 18, 1912, p. 2.

^^Ibid., May 20, 1912, pp. 1-2.

"^^Ibid., May 19, 1912, pp. 4-5. 72 300 visiting members of the nation's press and one bear, the mascot of the San Francisco delegation attended the 71 convention. Among the several newspapers covering the convention were the Chicago Tribune, Omaha Bee, Detroit Times, Toronto Globe and Atlanta Constitution."^^ For four days events of the convention dominated the pages of The Dallas Morning News and pushed such items as the Ohio presidential primary, the Houston fire, and the trial of suffragette Emmeline Panhurst to the back pages. At the close of the convention, Bostonian George W. Coleman, president of the Associated Advertising Clubs of America said, "'comparatively speaking, Dallas is a youngster in the galaxy of American municipalities, she is right now giving old Boston a close rub for the honor of entertaining the greatest gathering of ad men in 73 ... history.'" Due in part to the advertising convention Dallas was no longer merely a regional center; the city began to think in national terms. This fact can best be illustrated by the role which Dallas and Texas played in the 1912 Presidential elec­ tion. By 1911 New Jersey governor Woodrow Wilson was a front runner for the Democratic Presidential nomination

'^•'•Ibid., May 21, 1912, p. 1.

"^^Ibid., May 19, 1912, p. 2; May 20, 1912, p. 2

"^^Ibid., May 21, 1912, p. 1. 73 in 1912. Wilson, the overwhelming choice of Texas Demo­ crats, was invited to attend the State Fair in 1911 and meet with Texas party leaders. October 28, 1911, was proclaimed Woodrow Wilson day at the fair. The trip for Wilson was his first to Texas. His presence in Dallas brought about a most extraordinary gathering of Texas Democrats. Men who were avowed political enemies were seen slapping each other on the back. Hundreds of lawmakers and ex-lawmakers were on hand to see and hear Wilson. Notably absent from the festivities was one who would become Wilson's top advisor, Colonel E. M. House of Texas. 74 Wilson, who attended the University of Virginia School of Law, had ties to powerful politicians in Dallas that were non-political in nature. United States Senator Charles A. Culberson from Dallas was a University of Virginia alumnus. Thomas B. Love, vice- president of the Southwestern Life Insurance Company of Dallas and former Speaker of the House of the Texas Legislature was also a Virginia alumnus. And Judge T. T. Holloway of Dallas was a "deskmate" of Wilson's when they attended the University of Virginia.

"^^Ibid., October 28, 1911, p. 3; October 29, 1911, pp. 1-6.

^^Ibid. 74 Wilson seemed to be impressed by his visit to Dallas. He stated that he expected a lot from what he had heard of Texas and he was not disappointed. He said that he was extremely impressed by the State Fair and the recep­ tion that he was given.

At the Democratic National Convention of 1912, the Texas delegates, dubbed the "Immortal Forty," never wavered in their support of Wilson, who was not nominated until the forty-sixth ballot on the seventh day of the convention. 77 In Wilson's first administration Congress passed the Federal Reserve Act of 1913. It called for estab­ lishing between eight and twelve regional Federal Reserve 78 Banks. Texas' steadfast support for Wilson during his campaign was one key factor in the state being selected to receive one of the banks. Texas, placed in the eleventh reserve district, received the only serious threat from outside the state from New Orleans. That city was not in the eleventh district, but asked for re-districting so that it might become a center for a reserve bank. But New Orleans was really never in con­ tention. The capital and surplus of the national banks

^^Ibid. "^"^Sam Acheson, 35,000 Days in Texas (New York: MacMillan Co., 1938), p. 243.

^^Ibid., p. 264. 75 in Texas amounted to four times the capital and surplus of Louisiana and Mississippi banks combined. "^^ In a poll of Texas national banks to determine where they wanted the new Federal Reserve Bank located, 212 chose Dallas as their first choice, 121 picked Dallas second and thirty had Dallas as their third choice.^° However, Dallas leaders needed to be more convincing. Houston and Fort Worth leaders mounted campaigns to secure the bank for their cities. Wilson's advisor. Colonel E. M. House, had a brother in the banking busi­ ness in Houston, and it was feared he would try to secure 81 the bank for that city. Otto Praeger, a former Washing­ ton correspondent of The Dallas Morning News was appointed postmaster for the city of Wasington, D.C. by Albert S. Burleson, Wilson's Postmaster General and chief liaison officer to Congress. Praeger's help was needed to secure the influential Burleson's support for Dallas as a regional bank site. When Burleson decided to visit Texas, early in 1914, Praeger wired George B. Dealey to inform him of the details of the trip. Dealey contacted J. Howard Ardrey, cashier of the City National Bank of

"^^The Dallas Morning News, April 11, 1914, p. 1

SOlbid.

81Sharpe , G. B. Dealey, p. 85 76 Dallas, and Ardrey met the Postmaster General when he arrived in St. Louis. Ardrey accompanied Burleson on the trip to Texas and attempted to persuade him that Dallas should be the choice for the Federal Reserve Bank of the eleventh district. Sam Acheson, in his book 35,000 Days in Texas says that Ardrey reported many years later, "'I think that conference on the train completed 82 the job.'" When it was announced on April 2, 1914, that Dallas had been selected as a regional Federal Reserve Bank, Royal A. Ferris, president of the American Exchange National Bank recognized The Dallas Morning News for rendering its help in the campaign, and he expressed gratitude for the support of Postmaster General Burle- son. 8 3 Dallas' urban base as a transportation and trading center had now expanded to include a solid base in banking and finance. During the 1890's business "booster" groups attempted to break the grip of a depression on the city's economy and fight the inactivity of Dallas' city government. The efforts brought new growth to the city in the first decade of the twentieth century. Moreover, the old mayor-council form of government was replaced with a business oriented commission form of municipal government.

^^Acheson, 35,000 Days, p. 265.

^-^The Dallas Morning News, April 3, 1914, p. 14 77 By combining business and politics, the pinnacle of success for the city came with the acquisition of the Federal Reserve Bank in 1914, which established Dallas as the financial capital of Texas and the Southwest. CHAPTER V

THE FIRST FAIR AND THE STATE FAIR

The State Fair has been the most constant, persis­ tant and perhaps most effective of all Dallas' booster efforts since the city's beginning. The directors and stockholders of the fair were the top business and banking leaders of Dallas. These men expended consi­ derable amounts of time and money to the enterprise, but aided their city to a large reward. Early fairs in Dallas were held to establish the town as a trading center for its agricultural hinter­ land. When fairs were held in 1858 at Waxahachie, Sherman and Marshall,"^ Dallas leaders evidently realiz­ ed the benefits that could accure from such an event. J. W. Latimer, the editor of The Dallas Herald, urged Dallas people to hold a fair in order to bring their

^William Kenneth Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs," (M.A. thesis, southern Methodist university, 1953), p. 2.

78 79 city to the area's attention.^ The Dallas County Agricul­ tural and Mechanical Association was formed in 1858, holding Dallas' first fair in 1859."^ That first fair drew approximately 2,000 people to the tiny town of 7 30 people. it was so successful that it had to be extended an extra day from its planned three day run to allow all exhibits to be judged, as many more were entered than had been anticipated by fair officials. The Agricultural and Mechanical Association cleared a g profit of over $400 from this venture. Between October 31 and November 4, 1860, another fair was held in Dallas and proved to be equally success- 7 ful to the 1859 venture. The fact that a fair was held in the autumn of 1860 in the North Texas town is quite

2 Harry Jebsen, Robert M. Newton and Patricia R. Hogan, Centennial History of the Dallas, Texas Park Systems, 1876-1796, 3 vols (Lubbock: Texas Tech Univer­ sity, 1975), 3:100; Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs", p. 5; John William Rogers, The Lusty Texans of Dallas (Nash­ ville: Parthenon Press, 1965), p. 201. •^Jebsen, Newton and Hogan, Centennial History, 3:100; Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs," p. 2.

^Rogers, Lusty Texans, pp. 201, 351.

^Jebsen, Newton and Hogan, Centennial History, 3:101.

^Ibid.

^Dallas Herald, November 7, 1860, p. 3. 80 remarkable. Dallas had been virtually destroyed by fire in July of 1860. Also, presidential politics that year caused much concern in the area over political matters. But it is possible that the fair attracted large crowds due to the political turmoil. The Herald on November 7, 1860, stated that one of the main entertainment features at the fair was talking politics.^ The presidential election was held the following Tuesday after the fair's closing and the fair provided the opportunity for area people to gather and discuss the grave issues of the day. Following the Civil War the Dallas County Agricul­ tural and Mechanical Association staged three more fairs in 1868, 1869 and 1870. But the fairs of 1868 and 1869 failed to be as successful as those held prior to the war due to foul weather and probably due to beleaguered Reconstruction conditions. However, the fair held in September of 1870 met considerably more success. One of its guiding forces was a young Dallas banker, W, H. Gaston, who had been elected as a director of the Agri­ cultural and Mechanical Association on December 6,

^Ibid.

^Thomas A. Bailey, The American Spirit, 4th edition, 2 vols (Lexington, Massachusetts: D. C. Heath and Co., 1978), 1:412.

-^^Jebsen, Newton and Hogan, Centennial History, 1:130; Dallas Herald, October 24, 1868, p. 2. 81 1869. This fair drew between 8,000 and 10,000 people to the town of about 3,000.^^ But the Herald lamented the lack of exhibits and products shown and called for a general upgrading of the fair's facilities.''-^ The newspaper's urgings evidently went unheeded as no fair was held in 1871. It is possible that the disgust in the area with Texas' Reconstruction government, headed by Governor Edmond J. Davis, and the general unrest that year contributed to the abandonment of the fair.

On November 28, 1871, the Texas Legislature incor­ porated the North Texas Agricultural, Mechanical and Blood Stock Association with its headquarters in Dallas. It was a reorganization of the old Agricultural and Mechanical Association. Its goal was to revive the interest in fairs and in Dallas in the surrounding agricultural area. It announced that it would hold its

Ralph W. Widener, William Henry Gaston, A Builder of Dallas (Dallas: Historical Publishing Co., 1977, p. 18; Dallas Herald, December 11, 1869, p. 3.

•^^Dallas Herald, October 1, 1870, p. 2; U. S. Depart­ ment of the Interior, Ninth Census of the United States, 1870, Population (Washington: G.P.O., 1872), 1:271. This contradicts Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs," p. 69. He states that early fairs in Dallas came m "'spells', 1859-1860; 1868 and 1869; and 1872-73." No mention is made to the 1870 fair.

^-^Dallas Herald, October 1, 1870, p. 2.

•^"^Ibid., September 9, 1871, p. 2. ^^Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs," pp. 28-39. 82 first fair "at the Fair Grounds near the City of Dallas, Commencing [sic] on Tuesday, October 1st, 1872, and continuing five days.""''^ The officers for that "first" fair were W. D. Miller, president, W. C. McKamey, vice- president, and W. H. Gaston as a director."^"^ After a disappointing turnout, the Association, at its December 1872 meeting, selected Gaston to lead the 1873 fair. 18 It too failed to generate much excitement. The Dallas Morning News, in describing the fairs of 1872 and 1873, 19 called them "unglorified efforts to glorify Dallas." The Herald suggested that there were too many county fairs in North Texas. The newspaper proposed one fair every year for all of North Texas, rather than the many, often conflicting fairs which occurred during the early 1870's.^° The "Panic of 1873" probably affected that year's fair also. Although the depression

16 Dallas Herald, June 29, 1872, p. 1.

•^^Ibid.; Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs," pp. 38-39 This contradicts Sydney Smith, comp.. History: Dallas Fair Enterprise (Dallas: typescript copy, n.d.), Fn5P T He says Gaston was the president of the 1872 fair.

•'•^Widener, William Henry Gaston, p. 23.

^^The Dallas Morning News, October 13, 1929, maga­ zine section, "Historical Dallas," p. 22.

^^Dallas Herald, September 21, 1872, p. 1. 83 resulting from the panic was not severe in Dallas, (see Chapter II) the rest of North Texas suffered and probably could not support fair enterprises.^^ No fairs in Dallas were held in 1874 or 1875. The city had become a railhead for the Texas Pacific Railroad. The railroad's intersection with the Houston and Texas Central pushed on to Fort Worth, Dallas boosters had to devise a way to keep the pace of the city from slowing. ^^ As one means of accomplishing that goal, the North Texas Fair Association was formed on July 29, 1876. Its pur­ pose was "advancing the agricultural and industrial interests of Texas and the Southwest." Fair directors announced that the event would be held in the fall of 1876 and that it "will be the greatest industrial display ever seen in the Southwest." The fair of 1876 was to be broader in scope than any preceeding fair. It would cater not only to agricultural interests but to manufac­ turers and merchants; in fact, banking interests, manufacturers, and merchants comprised the directorship 23 of the new fair association. W. C. Connor, owner of the Dallas Waterworks Company in 1876, R. V. Tompkins

^"^Jebsen, Newton and Hogan, Centennial History, 1:130- 131; Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs," p. 44.

^^Jebsen, Newton and Hogan, Centennial History, 1:13 3

^-^Dallas Weekly Herald, September 16, 1876, p. 3. 84 of the Dallas Compress Company, and banker W. H. Gaston helped organize the new enterprise.^^ The North Texas Fair, held in the latter part of October in 1876, had attendance estimated at 30,000 for 25 Its week long run. Part of its success can be attributed to the advent of horse racing on the fairgrounds. The races helped "to attract additional thousands and to help make the fair profitable."^^ The Dallas Weekly Herald commented on the fair's success: It has attracted thousands to Dallas who would otherwise never have come. It has put thousands of dollars into circulation that otherwise never would have been left here and has created a most favorable impression of the enterprise, energy and public spirit of Dallas.^^ The second North Texas Fair in 1877 was equally successful. The Galveston Daily News reported to its statewide subscribers the fair's achievements and des- 28 cribed impressive exhibits of machinery and livestock. Besides exhibits of Texas companies, those of Wisconsin,

24Sewell , "Dallas's Early Fairs," p. 46.

^^Dallas Weekly Herald, November 4, 1876, p. 1; Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs," p. 60; Jebsen, Newton and Hogan, Centennial History, 1:133.

^^Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs," p. 49.

^"^Dallas Weekly Herald, November 4, 1876, p. 1.

^^Galyeston Daily News, October 16, 1877, p. 1. 85 Illinois, Missouri, Kentucky and Tennessee were represent­ ed, probably being attracted by the fair's booster propa­ ganda which had been aimed primarily at Kansas City and 29 St. Louis. The continued element of horse racing assured the fair of financial solvency. After two very successful fairs it is difficult to explain why the enterprise was not continued. There is no evidence of any fair again held in Dallas until 18 86. The nation had emerged from the depression by 1878 and agriculture generally enjoyed prosperity until the late 1880's. It is possible that the more affluent times caused Dallas leaders to see no need for a fair; their city did not require the economic stimulus of such an event.

In the late 1880's agricultural interests in Texas experienced an economic decline due to crop failures and government ineptitude. Cognizant of their city's position as chief supplier and trade center for the North Texas agrarian community, Dallas businessmen needed to devise a way to maintain the area's healthy economy.

^^Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs," pp. 50, 64.

"^^John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt (Lincoln, Nebraska: University Press, 1931), pp. 153-154; Rupert N. Richardson, Texas: The Lone Star State, 2nd edition (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1958), p. 263. 86 In a move aimed not only at sustaining the area's economy but also at establishing Dallas as a primary trading center for Texas, business boosters of the city planned a state fair for 1886. In 1929 The Dallas Morning News, reflecting on that decision, remarked, "The natural desire of merchants to impress all of Texas with the greatness of Dallas as a market gave rise to the move­ ment for the establishment of a State Fair in 1886. ""^"'" In January of 1886 fair organizers received a legis­ lative charter for the Dallas State Fair and Exposition.^^ These organizers met April 7, 1886, to determine the best site to stage their event. 33 Two different locations were discussed. One, an eighty acre site eash of Dallas near the unincorporated community of New Caledonia, was "600 yards east of the old fairgrounds," and south of the Texas Pacific Railroad tracks. 34 The other, a ninety acre site located on the Houston and Texas Central

-^•^The Dallas Morning News, October 13, 1929, maga­ zine section, "Historical Dallas," p. 22.

"^^J. T. Trezevant, "A History: State Fair of Texas, 1886-1904" (n.p., n.d.), pp. 3-4.

^"^The Dallas Morning News, April 8. 1886, p. 8.

•^"^Jebsen, Newton and Hogan, Centennial History, 1:30 The Dallas Morning News, April 8, 1886, p. 8. Baylor Medical Center was built in most of what was the "old fairgrounds." 87 Railroad right of way, was north of Dallas.^^ A vote was taken at the meeting to establish the fair at one of the two locations. Banker W. H. Gaston, wholesale grocer and later Highland Park developer, J. s. Armstrong and Alex Sanger of Sanger Brothers dry goods store were among the majority voting for the location east of Dallas. C. A. Keating, farm implement dealer and Jules E. Schneider, president of the Dallas Consolidated Street Railway Company were in the minority favoring the North Dallas site.^^

Farm implement dealers and others more directly in­ volved with agriculture were evidently miffed at the decision to hold the fair east of Dallas. Frank P. Holland of the Texas Farm and Ranch Journal resigned as as general manager of the Dallas State Fair and Exposi­ tion Association. He, Keating and fifty-eight others withdrew their support from the Dallas State Fair and decided to hold a competing fair at the North Dallas location. 37 Defending the move, Keating explained that

Sydney Smith, "History: Dallas Fair Enterprises" (Dallas: typescript copy, n.d.), p. 20: The Dallas Morn­ ing News, April 8, 1886, p. 8.

"^^The Dallas Morning News, April 8, 18 86, p. 8; Smith, "History: Dallas Fair Enterprises," p. 20; Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs," pp. 76; Sam Acheson, Dallas Yes­ terday (Dallas: S.M.U. Press, 1977), p. 142.

^"^Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs," pp. 76, 77fn. 88 the east Dallas location was unfit to demonstrate farm machinery and equipment because of its poor soil condi- . . 38 ^ . •cions. The implement dealers, in a competitive move, decided to hold their Texas State Fair at the same time as the Dallas State Fair and Exposition.^^ In 1886 no state aid could be furnished to fair enterprises. Thus the two rival Dallas fairs were organized as private companies with the stockholders bearing all expenditures and liabilities. The Texas State Fair apparently had to be funded by the implement dealers and manufacturers. 41 The land where the new Dallas State Fair was to be held had earlier been pur­ chased by W. H. Gaston for $16,000. He sold it to the Fair Association for $14,0 00 with Fair stock as payment, 42 the other $2,000 being his contribution.

^^Sam Acheson, 35,000 Days in Texas (New York: MacMillan Co., 1938), p. 117.

•^^Smith, "History: Dallas Fair Enterprises," p. 20; Trezevant, "A History: State Fair of Texas," pp. 3-4.

"^^Smith, "History: Dallas Fair Enterprises," pp. 16- 17.

^•'"Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs," p. 79. Sewell re­ ports that officials of the Texas State Fair appeared reticent to discuss figures and statistics of their enterprise.

^^The Dallas Morning News, April 8, 1886, p. 8; TrezevaEtT "A History: State Fair of Texas," p. 4. Sydney Sm!th to J. J. Eckford, December 21, 1911, Dallas Histori- cal Society Archives, Dallas, Texas. 89 Interest ran high in Dallas over the prospect of two fairs being held simultaneously. Both fair groups vowed not to exhibit any displays at each others gathering.^^ The Dallas Morning News called the situation, "Two fairs and a circus, all at one time.""*"^ Both fairs were to have opened on October 26th, but the Texas State Fair opened on October 25th, in an apparent attempt to gain the initial attendance edge. Ex-Governor 0. M. Roberts officially opened the Texas State Fair, but spoke to a sparse crowd. Threatening weather and a general state of unreadiness kept crowds away. The Dallas State Fair opened its venture the next day with a parade from downtown to the fairgrounds. Flags of the world decorated Main and Elm streets for a mile on each side. A Mexican band, an assemblage of Comanche Indians and an address by ex-Governor Roberts greeted fairgoers that day. Horse races, hundreds of exhibits and clear skies provided a sharp contrast be- 46 tween the openings of the two fairs. However, both

^^Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs," p. 77.

^"^The Dallas Morning News, October 26, 1886, p. 6.

^^Ibid., p. 1; Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs," p. 80.

^^The Dallas Morning News, October 26, 1886, p. 1; October^T, 1886, p. 1; Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs," P. 81. 90 fairs experienced good attendance as fair weather pre­ dominated. There were no official figures, but as many as 250,000 people may have visited the two fairs that autumn. 47

At the close of the two Dallas fairs. The Dallas Morning News commented on the recent events: Dallas has been pushed foi^ard to an extent that nothing has ever pushed her before...She has treated all cour­ teously and generously, and bears now the name of being 'business tempered with the highest order of hospitality.' ...She needs to do but one thing more, and that must be done at home. Dif­ ferences, estrangements and misunder­ standings must be obliterated. The work so satisfactorily done must be carried on. There must be harmony and goodwill to make the work com­ plete. 4 8

The advice was heeded as the two groups re-united in 18 87 as the Texas State Fair and Dallas Exposition. The new directorate included W. H. Gaston, Alex Sanger, J. E. Schneider and C. A. Keating. 49 The fairgrounds in North Dallas were sold and the grounds of the Dallas State Fair became the permanent home for the Texas State Fair and Dallas Exposition.

^^Sewell, "Dallas's Early Fairs," p. 83.

"^^The Dallas Morning News, November 7, 18 86, p. 6

49Trezevant , "A History; State Fair of Texas," p. 5 91 The initial cost of opening the fair was tremendous. The association was $101,401 in debt at the end of the first fair, and did not manage to clear this hurdle until 1904. Through mortgage refinancing, donations, the personal credit of the directors and corporate re­ structuring the Fair remained alive. The men who served as officers and directors of the Fair represented the business "elite" of Dallas. Gaston alone contributed over $35,000 in donations or stock between 1886 and 1904, in order for their Fair to stay afloat. Other men who served in the directorship of the Texas State Fair in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centur­ ies were: Royal A. Ferris of the National Exchange Bank, W. C. Connor, elected mayor of Dallas four times, finan­ cial and insurance executive J. T. Trezevant, pioneer Dallas realtor, J. P. Murphy of the firm Murphy and Bolanz, A. H. Belo, publisher of The Dallas Morning News and Galveston Daily News, W. E. Hughes and J. C. O'Connor of the City National Bank of Dallas, the machine dealer * 52 R. V. Tompkins, to name but a very few.

^^Ibid., p. 5.

^-"-Sydney Smith to J. J. Eckford, December 21, 1911, Dallas Historical Society Archives, Dallas, Texas.

^^Smith, "History: Dallas Fair Enterprises," pp. 16- 148; Trezevant, "A History: State Fair of Texas," pp. 3- 23. 92 The Texas State Fiar struggled under a heavy debt during the 1880's and 1890's, but business in Dallas grew. During the depression plagued 1890's the State Fair pro­ vided a continual stimulus to the local economy by keep­ ing interest in Dallas and its businesses alive. This was precisely the purpose for which it was intended. Sydney Smith, longtime secretary of the Texas State Fair, commented in his History; Dallas Fair Enterprises that, "no one enterprise in the whole history of Dallas has ever brought and will continue to bring, such lasting and 53 material benefits to the City of Dallas." At the close of the Texas State Fair in 1903, the stockholders were offered $125,000 for the fairgrounds. The purchasers sought to develop a .residential subdivi­ sion on the land. The offer was an attractive one for the stockholders. The bonded indebtedness had been reduced to $80,000, but in 1902 the main Exposition building burned, and in 1903 the Texas Legislature out­ lawed gambling on horse races. With its two main focal points destroyed, directors and stockholders wondered how the Fair could continue. The offer, though, was rejected. However, another proposal was made that assured the

Fair's continuity• -^ . 54

^^Smith, "History: Dallas Fair Enterprises," p. 5

^^Ibid., p. 62; Trezevant, "A History: State Fair o f Texas," p. 22. 93 The stockholders of the Texas state Fair offered to sell the grounds to the city for use as a part. The city would maintain the grounds during the year and turn it back to the state Fair Board during the annual Fair. Dallas voters approved the proposal and the fairgrounds were sold to the city for $125,000. The $80,000 worth of bonds were oaid and the remaining $45,000 went to build a new Exposition building, A reorganization of the State Fair Board accompanied the changes. The annual exposition would thereafter be called the State Fair of Texas.

By the city assuming ownership of the fairgrounds a burden of debt and liability was permanently lifted from the stockholders of the State Fair. The move enabled the Fair to continue, as Philip Lindsley claimed, to be "the most powerful factor in the upbuilding of Dallas." The State Fair set a powerful precedent in Dallas. Men such as Gaston, Ferris, Trezevant, former mayor Ben Cabell and others became figures which constantly appear­ ed in civic leadership positions. Through the 1970's, the State Fair Board and Cotton Bowl Associations continue to be stocked from the business leadership.

^^Smith, "History: Dallas Fair Enterprises," pp. 61-68

^^Philip Lindsley, A History of Greater Dallas and Vicinity (Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co., 1909), 1:178- 179. CHAPTER VI

CONCLUSION

Dallas grew in the late nineteenth and early twen­ tieth centuries because of the booster businessmen. An adept political maneuver and the willingness to pay established Dallas as a transportation crossroads by 1873. The pattern of Dallas boosters was established: invest in the city's future and use the political pro­ cess, if necessary, to achieve their goal. If that political process became unacceptable they changed it. With Dallas established as a transportation center, trade and population followed, solidifying the city's urban base. A relatively prosperous economy ensued through the mid-1880's. In an effort to maintain their growing economy city boosters simultaneously held two state fairs in 1886, a courageous feat for a city with only 3 0,000 people. The two fairs merged in 1887 to provide a united booster effort. Although the Texas State Fair never showed much profit, it kept the city's pace active and provided a stimulus to local business. The depression of the 1890's caused new booster efforts by Dallas businessmen. In an effort to overcome the "hard times" the Commerical Club was organized and

94 95 sought to establish new trade in the city's agricultural hinterland. However, while attending to the city's economy, Dallas businessmen gave little heed to their municipal government; a situation which would change soon into the twentieth century.

The new century dawned and the clouds of depres­ sion lifted. New boosterism activities emerged. The city boldly sought to establish itself as a convention and financial center, and succeeded. In 1902 Dallas held the huge Confederate Reunion and by 1912 had staged the gathering of the Associated Advertising Clubs of America, attended by businessmen from across the nation, who were most likely boosters in their own com­ munities. Finally, by 1914 the pinnacle of success of Dallas' early boosters was attained when the city became a' regional Federal Reserve center. As the city's economy and population expanded after the turn of the century, so did its need of public ser­ vices. With Dallas' city government unmindful or unwilling to accept responsbilities in these areas, it was left to the business leaders of the community to develop programs and solutions. The city council very seldom initiated community activities but rather was prodded into action by businessmen. This finally be­ came unacceptable to the boosters of the community. The men who had worked together on the State Fair Board, the Commercial Club and the Cleaner Dallas League decided 96 to institute a municipal government more responsive to their wishes. By 1907 they were successful. The businesslike city commission form of government was insti­ tuted. To hold it accountable, the city's business lead­ ership organized the Citizens Association. That group left to Dallas a union of politics and boosterism. In the 1920's when the commission government failed to accede to the wishes of the business leaders, agita­ tion began for a more responsive government. This prompted formation of the Citizens Charter Association. It campaigned for and instituted the present council- manager form of government. Members of the State Fair Board and Chamber of Commerce, the leading bankers and merchants, organized the Charter Association in the manner and for the same basic reasons as had the early leaders formed their Citizens Association. Boosters established Dallas as a railway crossroads, organized the State Fair and cleaned up the city. They brought conventions and a Federal Reserve Bank to the city and overhauled their government. Their legacy is a city of international importance. BIBLIOGRAPHY

PRIMARY MATERIALS

Newspapers Dallas Herald. 1860-1872. Dallas Weekly Herald. 1873-1885. Galveston Daily News. 1873-1877. The Dallas Morning News. 1886-1929.

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SECONDARY MATERIALS Books and Periodicals A Memorial and Biographical History of Dallas County, Texas. Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co., 1892. Acheson, Sam. Dallas Yesterday. Dallas: SMU Press, 1977. Acheson, Sam. "George Bannerman Dealey." The Southwestern Historical Quarterly L (January 1947): 329-334. Acheson, Sam. ed. Texian Who's Who. Dallas: The Texian Co., 1937. Acheson, Sam. 35,000 Days in Texas. A History of the Dallas News and its forbears. New York; Macmillan Co., 1938. Bailey, Thomas A. The American Spirit. 4th ed. 2 vols. Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath and Co., 1978. Billington, Ray Allen. Westward Expansion. A History of the American Frontier. 4th ed. New York: Macmillan Co., 1974. Boorstin, Daniel J. The Americans; The National Experi­ ence. New York: Random House, 1967. Brown, John Henry. History of Dallas County, Texas: 1837 to 1887. Dallas: Milligan, Cornett and Farnham, Printers, 1887. Brownell, Blaine A., and Goldfield, David R. eds. The City in Southern History: The Growth of Urban Civi­ lization in the South. Port Washington, N.Y.; Kennikat Press, 1977. Brownell, Blaine A. "The Urban South Comes of Age, 1900- 1940." In The City in Southern History: The Growth of Urban Civilization in the South, pp. 123-158. Edited by Blaine A. Brownell and David R. Goldfield. New York: Kennikat Press, 1977. 100 Callow, Alexander B., Jr. ed. American Urban History. New York: Oxford University Press, 1973. Cochran, John Hughes. Dallas County: A record of its Pioneers and Progress, Being a Supplement to John Henry Brown's History of Dallas County (1887) with Correction of Some Errors Contained Therein, and Much Additional Information. Dallas: A.S. Mathis Service Publishing Co., 1928. Cook, Ann; Gittel, Marilyn; and Mack, Herb. City Life, 1865-1900, Views of Urban America. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1973. Dealey, Ted. Diaper Days of Dallas. Dallas: SMU Press, 1975. ^ Elliott, Claude. Leathercoat: The Life of James W. Throck­ morton. San Antonio: Standard Printing Co., 1938. Green, A. C. Dallas: The Deciding Years - A Historical Portrait. Austin: Encino Press, 1973. Handlin, Oscar, and Burchard, John. eds. The Historian and the City. Cambridge, Mass.: The M.I.T. Press, 1963. Harris, Henry Camp. Dallas, Acorn Planters of Yesteryear 1862-1924. Dallas: n.p., n.d. Harris, Joe B. Urban Texas: Past-Present-Future. Arling­ ton, Texas; Institute of Urban Studies, U.T.A., (1971). Hicks, John D. The Populist Revolt. Lincoln, Neb.: Univer­ sity of Nebraska Press, 1961. Hofstadter, Richard; Miller, William; and Aaron, David. The United States: The History of a Republic. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967. Hoover, Dwight W. "The Diverging Paths of American Urban History." American Quarterly XX (1968): 296-317. Hospkins, Richard J. "Status, Mobility, and the Dimensions of Change in a Southern City: Atlanta, 1870-1910. In Cities in American History, pp. 216-229. Edited by Kenneth T. Jackson and Stanley K. Schultz. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1972. Jackson, Kenneth T., and Schultz, Stanley K. eds Citi^ in American History. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1972. 101 Jebsen, Harry, Jr.; Newton, Robert M.; and Hogan, Patricia ^- Centennial History of the Dallas, Texas Park System, 1876-1976. 3 vols. Lubbock: Texas Tech University, 1975. Johnson, Frank W. ed. A History of Texas and Texans. 5 vols. Chicago: The American Historical Society, 1914. Kimball, Justin Ford. Our City-Dallas: A Community Civics. Dallas: Kessler Plan Association of Dallas, 1927. Kimball, Justin Ford. Our City-Dallas: Yesterday and Tomorrow. Dallas: Dallas Independent School District, 1953.

Kramer, Paul, and Holborn, Frederick L. The City in American Life: A Historical Anthology. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1970. Lauck, W. Jett. The Causes of the Panic of 1893. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1907. Leslie, Warren. Dallas Public and Private. New York; Grossman, 1964. Lightner, Otto Co. The History of Business Depressions. New York: Burt Franklin, 1970. Lindsley, Philip. A History of Greater Dallas and Vicinity. 2 vols. Chicago; Lewis Publishing Co., 1909. Oppenheimer, Evelyn, and Porterfield, Bill. eds. The Book of Dallas. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1976. Paddock, B. B. A Twentieth Century History and Biographi­ cal Record of North and West Texas. Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co., 1906. Rabinowitz, Howard N. "Continuity and Change: Southern Urban Development, 1860-1900." In The City in Southern History: The Growth of Urban Civilization in the South, pp. 92-122. Edited by Blaine A. Brow­ nell and David R. Goldfield. New York: Kennikat Press, 1977. Reed, St. Clair Griffin. A History of the Texas Railroads. Houston: St. Clair Publishing Co., 1941. Rice, Bradley Robert. Progressive Cities: The Commission Government Movement in America, 1901-1920. Austin: U.T. Press, 1977. 102 ^"'''iT°Ek,iiiroi cirtti- rr'"'^^ ^-^ ^--^ ^'-'^ '-" 1958. y-^®*'°°'l Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc.,

''^'"'^iTAlk f ^?f^ ''°''Zt'-' "^11*=^' Ernest; and Anderson, woo^^1^1d Cliffsu', N.J.: :^^t Prentice-Hall"•""" ^^'- °"'^, Inc." 2n, 1970d ed.. Engle-

''°^"vill»'^p"^ii'-^"'- The Lusty Tex.ns of Dallas. Nash- viiie: Parthenon Press, 1965" '

^^''^%';!\''^?''^^'i^^^^^^The Book Craft Inc.', ^^""^^1956. ^""^""-^ "— ~ Dallas:

^^^^^?^^f ^; ""^v^^f ""' ^^- The Rise of the City, 1878- My^. New York: The Macmillan Co. , 1933.

^^^''^H^n^.^'^rh ^' B. Dealey of the Dallas N.w.. New York: Henry Hold and Co., 1955.

Spratt, John S. The Road to Spindletop: Economic Change m Texas. Dallas: SMU Press, 1955. Stave, Bruce M. Urban Bosses, Machines and Progressive Reformers. Lexington, Mass.: D. C. Heath, 1972. Steffens, Lincoln. The Shame of the Cities. New York; Sagamore Press, 1957. ~" ' Stone, Harold A.; Stone, Kathryn H. ; and Price, Don K. City Manager Government in the United States; a review after 25 years. Chicago: Public Administra­ tion Service, 1940. Stone, Harold A.; Stone, Kathryn H. ; and Price, Don K. City Manager Government in Dallas. Chicago; Public Administration Service, 19 39. Texas Legislature. Members of the Legislature of the State of Texas from 1846 to 1939. Austin: State Printer, 1939. Wade, Richard C. The Urban Frontier: Pioneer Life in Early Pittsburg, Cincinnati, Lexington, Louisville, and St. Louis. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 195 9. Walker, Stanley. The Dallas Story. Dallas: Dallas Times Herald, 1962. Webb, Walter Prescott, Carroll, H. Bailey, et al...eds. The Handbook of Texas. 2 vols. Austin: The Texas State Historical Association, 1952. 103

Weinstein, James. "Organized Business and the City Commis­ sion and Manager Movements." Journal of Southern History 28 (May 1962): 166-182. Widener, Ralph W. William Henry Gaston, A Builder of Dallas. Dallas: Historical Publishing Co., 1977.