Module 1 INTRODUCTION to INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM
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How Revolutionary Was the American Revolution? The
How Revolutionary Was The American Revolution? The American Revolution was a political revolution that separated England’s North American colonies from Great Britain and led to the formation of the United States of America. The Revolution was achieved in large part by the American Revolutionary War (1775-1783), which was fought between England against America and its allies (France, Spain, and the Dutch Republic). The American Revolution embodied and reflected the principles of the Enlightenment, which emphasized personal liberty and freedom from tyranny among other ideals. The American revolutionaries and the Founding Fathers of the United States sought to create a nation without the shackles of the rigid social hierarchy that existed in Europe. Although the American Revolution succeeded in establishing a new nation that was built on the principles of personal freedom and democracy, scholars today continue to debate whether or not the American Revolution was truly all that revolutionary. Social and Ideological Effects of the American Revolution On the one hand, the American Revolution was not a complete social revolution such as the French Revolution in 1789 or the Russian Revolution in 1917. The American Revolution did not produce a total upheaval of the previously existing social and institutional structures. It also did not replace the old powers of authority with a new social group or class. On the other hand, for most American colonists fighting for independence, the American Revolution represented fundamental social change in addition to political change. The ideological backdrop for the Revolution was based on the concept of replacing older forms of feudal-type relationships with a social structure based on republicanism and democracy. -
Deterring and Dissuading Nuclear Terrorism
Journal of Strategic Security Volume 5 Number 1 Volume 5, No. 1: Spring 2012 Article 6 Deterring and Dissuading Nuclear Terrorism John J. Klein ANSER, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss Part of the Defense and Security Studies Commons, National Security Law Commons, and the Portfolio and Security Analysis Commons pp. 15-30 Recommended Citation Klein, John J.. "Deterring and Dissuading Nuclear Terrorism." Journal of Strategic Security 5, no. 1 (2012) : 15-30. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.5.1.2 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss/vol5/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Strategic Security by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Deterring and Dissuading Nuclear Terrorism Abstract While nuclear deterrence theory may be well-suited to dealing with nuclear-armed states, its suitability for deterring nuclear terrorism has frequently been questioned since 9/11. While terrorist organizations do not necessarily act uniformly or according to the same underlying beliefs, many of the most aggressive organizations are motivated by an ideology that embraces martyrdom and an apocalyptic vision.1 This ideology may be based on religion or a desire to overthrow a government. Consequently, terrorists motivated by ideology who intend to use a stolen or improvised nuclear device against the United States or its interests may not care about the resulting military repercussions following a nuclear attack. -
Reflections and 1Rememb Irancees
DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A Approved for Public Release Distribution IJnlimiter' The U.S. Army Air Forces in World War II REFLECTIONS AND 1REMEMB IRANCEES Veterans of die United States Army Air Forces Reminisce about World War II Edited by William T. Y'Blood, Jacob Neufeld, and Mary Lee Jefferson •9.RCEAIR ueulm PROGRAM 2000 20050429 011 REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved I OMB No. 0704-0188 The public reporting burden for this collection of Information Is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing the burden, to Department of Defense, Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports (0704-0188), 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to any penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number. PLEASE DO NOT RETURN YOUR FORM TO THE ABOVE ADDRESS. 1. REPORT DATE (DD-MM-YYYY) 2. REPORT TYPE 3. DATES COVERED (From - To) 2000 na/ 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5a. CONTRACT NUMBER Reflections and Rememberances: Veterans of the US Army Air Forces n/a Reminisce about WWII 5b. GRANT NUMBER n/a 5c. PROGRAM ELEMENT NUMBER n/a 6. AUTHOR(S) 5d. PROJECT NUMBER Y'Blood, William T.; Neufeld, Jacob; and Jefferson, Mary Lee, editors. -
VOLUME 1 • NUMBER 1 • 2018 Aims and Scope
VOLUME 1 • NUMBER 1 • 2018 Aims and Scope Critical Romani Studies is an international, interdisciplinary, peer-reviewed journal, providing a forum for activist-scholars to critically examine racial oppressions, different forms of exclusion, inequalities, and human rights abuses Editors of Roma. Without compromising academic standards of evidence collection and analysis, the Journal seeks to create a platform to critically engage with Maria Bogdan academic knowledge production, and generate critical academic and policy Central European University knowledge targeting – amongst others – scholars, activists, and policy-makers. Jekatyerina Dunajeva Pázmány Péter Catholic University Scholarly expertise is a tool, rather than the end, for critical analysis of social phenomena affecting Roma, contributing to the fight for social justice. The Journal Tímea Junghaus especially welcomes the cross-fertilization of Romani studies with the fields of European Roma Institute for Arts and Culture critical race studies, gender and sexuality studies, critical policy studies, diaspora studies, colonial studies, postcolonial studies, and studies of decolonization. Angéla Kóczé Central European University The Journal actively solicits papers from critically-minded young Romani Iulius Rostas (editor-in-chief) scholars who have historically experienced significant barriers in engaging Central European University with academic knowledge production. The Journal considers only previously unpublished manuscripts which present original, high-quality research. The Márton Rövid (managing editor) Journal is committed to the principle of open access, so articles are available free Central European University of charge. All published articles undergo rigorous peer review, based on initial Marek Szilvasi (review editor) editorial screening and refereeing by at least two anonymous scholars. The Journal Open Society Foundations provides a modest but fair remuneration for authors, editors, and reviewers. -
Ten Canons of the Proletarian Revolution
Ten Canons of the Proletarian Revolution New York Labar New$ Cornpan7 (Soclalfet Labor Partp) 45 Rose St., New Yark 1988 THE CREED OF A REVOLUTrONIST. Dare to be a Daniel, Dare to stand alone, Dare to have a purpose firm, Dare to make it known. -P&4 Ems of Damid Bs Lum. cwwmB 1905, HewYorL;~Nc~p"s& All rights reMmed. The Ten Canons of a Revolutionist are, as they originally stand, part of the second part-The Warning of the Gracchi--of 'Two Pages from Roman His- tory," being lessons deduced from blunders or weak- nesses of the two Gnccbi brothers in their struggle with the Roman patriciate. Beyond a doubt, these Ten Canons are the clearest, the most concise outline of con- duct of:the ProIetarian Revolution that have ever been permed They amount practically to a code of revolu- tionary conduct and tactical ethics. Because of this, we have considered it valuable and proper to publish them in handy pamphlet form by themselves, so that the rest of the material, however significant in itself, shall not detract attention fmm these revoIutionary canons, so important and essential that they ought to be engrayed on the mind of every revolutionist, the "leaders" as well as the rank and Me. The srrmqth, the cool, relentless and unassaabble logic of each of these rules of conduct, could never at any time fail to strike the revaIutionist, bur it is only since the Praletarian Revolution actually got into action that we can fully appreciate these revolutionary "ten commandments." So concrete are they that they might the rocks by the lure of the Cadmmt -
Political Violence and War
Chapter 2 Political Violence and War In their respective conclusions to examinations of the literature on possible linkages between internal and external conflict, both Stohl (1980) and Levy (1989) decry the apparent lack of theory development as the main impediment to progress in our understanding and the accumulation of knowledge on this subject. Stohl goes on to claim that, The construction of an adequate theory of conflict linkages is dependent upon the reciprocal development of theories of political conflict and violence in general. As previously indicated, theorists of internal and external conflict have avoided consideration of conflict outside their particular focus when constructing their theories. The evidence we have reviewed...suggests that this has been an error and thus a hindrance to the development of conflict theory. (Stohl 1980, 326) It is, however, unusual within the political science discipline for scholars to lend much credence to such linkage and other macro-theoretical arguments. The skeletal structure lent to our global security affairs by the construction of modern political states demarcated by spatial borders and exclusive juridical domains provides a strong rationale for closure, compartmentalization, and specialization in scholarship. Yet, the idea of a nexus between internal and external conflict, and especially warfare, gains in both saliency and immediacy as the political borders separating the internal from the external become more permeable. It seems almost facetious to suggest that the key to an understanding of any nexus between internal and external political conflict should focus on the agency and structure of that which defines the distinction, that is on political borders themselves. -
On International Law and Nuclear Terrorism
GEORGIA JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AND COMPARATIVE LAW VOLUME 24 1994 NUMBER 1 ON INTERNATIONAL LAW AND NUCLEAR TERRORISM Louis Rene' Beres* It's farewell to the drawing-room's civilised cry, The professor's sensible whereto and why, The frock-coated diplomat's social aplomb, Now matters are settled with gas and with bomb. W.H. Auden, Danse Macabre Little did the poet Auden realize, just before the dawn of the Nuclear Age,' how completely the technology of destruction would come to outshout the dimming voice of reason.2 Today, this technology includes the unlocked secrets of the atom and can be exploited by terrorists as well as by states. Taken together with a world that has grown steadily inured to the pain of others-a world that has become anesthetized to anguish as it has fled from rationality-the prospect of nuclear terrorism should not be underestimated. With this in mind, we will now consider this prospect with particular respect * Professor of Political Science, Purdue University. Ph.D., Princeton University, 1971. Professor Beres has written many books and articles dealing with international law. The author is grateful to Ms. Betty Hartman of Purdue University's Department of Political Science for her skillful assistance in typing/word processing this manuscript. 'There now exists a huge literature dealing with the expected consequences of a nuclear war. For works on these consequences by this author see Louis R. BERES, APOCALYPSE: NUCLEAR CATASTROPHE IN WORLD POLITICs (1980); Louis R. BERES, MIMICKING SISYPHUS: AMERICA'S COUNTERVAILING NUCLEAR STRATEGY (1983); Louis R. BERES, REASON AND REALPOLITIK: U.S. -
A Great and Sudden Change: the Global Political Violence Landscape Before and After the COVID-19 Pandemic
A Great and Sudden Change: The Global Political Violence Landscape Before and After the COVID-19 Pandemic acleddata.com/2020/08/04/a-great-and-sudden-change-the-global-political-violence-landscape-before-and-after-the- covid-19-pandemic/ August 4, 2020 In this special report, ACLED Research Analyst Melissa Pavlik reviews key findings from 16 weeks of data recorded by our COVID-19 Disorder Tracker, highlighting the most significant changes to global political violence and demonstrations trends since the onset of the pandemic. Introduction The coronavirus pandemic has brought at least half of the world under lockdown ( New York Times, 3 April 2020), and killed — at the time of writing — over half a million people (Johns Hopkins University, 31 July 2020). As humanity struggles against this deadly threat, the virus has transformed political priorities and behavior across the globe. Political conflict is a function of politics: as politics shift, so too do political violence patterns. The end of June marked 16 weeks since the World Health Organization (WHO) declared COVID-19 a pandemic (WHO, 11 March 2020). Since March, the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) has monitored resulting shifts in political violence and protest patterns around the globe through the COVID-19 Disorder Tracker (CDT). The project has documented varying responses across countries and contexts. In some places, reactionary populist leaders refused to take the virus seriously, preferring to perform politics as usual against a backdrop of the rising death toll. In others, power shifted between the people and the state, with the pandemic bringing a halt to mass protest movements and increasing the opportunity for government repression (Foreign Policy, 21 July 2020). -
What Every Public Safety Officer Should Know About Radiation and Radioactive Materials: a Resource Guide
NATIONAL LAW ENFORCEMENT AND CORRECTIONS TECHNOLOGY CENTER A program of the National Institute of Justice From Summer 2003 TechBeat TECH b • e • a • t Dedicated to Reporting Developments in Technology for Law Enforcement, Corrections, and Forensic Sciences What Every Public Safety Officer Should Know About Radiation and Radioactive Materials: A Resource Guide his resource guide provides a broad list of sources of www.atsdr.cdc.gov/mhmi.html T information and guidance for law enforcement officers, Links to a three-volume planning guide (with accompany- firefighters, emergency medical personnel, and other public ing video) to help first responders, both onscene and at safety officers who may be the first responders to a terrorist the hospital, with the medical management of patients attack in which a nonnuclear radiological device (known exposed during a hazardous materials incident. as a radiological dispersal device (RDD) or a “dirty bomb”) is used. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Environmental Health, Radiation Studies These resources will help departments and agencies Casualty Management After a Deliberate Release of develop and update procedural guidelines and personnel Radioactive Material. training. Also covered are resources for response, equip- www.bt.cdc.gov/radiation/casualtiesradioactive.asp ment funding, and general information. Recommends immediate actions for police, firefighters, Although many of the following resources provide and emergency medical technicians who may be faced links to other websites, the list should not be considered with a nuclear terrorist act. all inclusive. A number of other government and non- Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National government organizations also provide publications, Center for Environmental Health, Radiation Studies guidelines, information, and training for first responders. -
Chapter 23: War and Revolution, 1914-1919
The Twentieth- Century Crisis 1914–1945 The eriod in Perspective The period between 1914 and 1945 was one of the most destructive in the history of humankind. As many as 60 million people died as a result of World Wars I and II, the global conflicts that began and ended this era. As World War I was followed by revolutions, the Great Depression, totalitarian regimes, and the horrors of World War II, it appeared to many that European civilization had become a nightmare. By 1945, the era of European domination over world affairs had been severely shaken. With the decline of Western power, a new era of world history was about to begin. Primary Sources Library See pages 998–999 for primary source readings to accompany Unit 5. ᮡ Gate, Dachau Memorial Use The World History Primary Source Document Library CD-ROM to find additional primary sources about The Twentieth-Century Crisis. ᮣ Former Russian pris- oners of war honor the American troops who freed them. 710 “Never in the field of human conflict was so much owed by so many to so few.” —Winston Churchill International ➊ ➋ Peacekeeping Until the 1900s, with the exception of the Seven Years’ War, never ➌ in history had there been a conflict that literally spanned the globe. The twentieth century witnessed two world wars and numerous regional conflicts. As the scope of war grew, so did international commitment to collective security, where a group of nations join together to promote peace and protect human life. 1914–1918 1919 1939–1945 World War I League of Nations World War II is fought created to prevent wars is fought ➊ Europe The League of Nations At the end of World War I, the victorious nations set up a “general associa- tion of nations” called the League of Nations, which would settle interna- tional disputes and avoid war. -
Filling Terrorism Gaps: Veos, Evaluating Databases, and Applying Risk Terrain Modeling to Terrorism RH Hagan
PNNL-25727 Filling Terrorism Gaps: VEOs, Evaluating Databases, and Applying Risk Terrain Modeling to Terrorism RH Hagan August 2016 PNNL-25727 Filling Terrorism Gaps: VEOs, Evaluating Databases, and Applying Risk Terrain Modeling to Terrorism RH Hagan August 2016 Prepared for the U.S. Department of Energy under Contract DE-AC05-76RL01830 Pacific Northwest National Laboratory Richland, Washington 99352 PNNL-25727 Abstract This paper aims to address three issues: the lack of literature differentiating terrorism and violent extremist organizations (VEOs), terrorism incident databases, and the applicability of Risk Terrain Modeling (RTM) to terrorism. Current open source literature and publicly available government sources do not differentiate between terrorism and VEOs; furthermore, they fail to define them. Addressing the lack of a comprehensive comparison of existing terrorism data sources, a matrix comparing a dozen terrorism databases is constructed, providing insight toward the array of data available. RTM, a method for spatial risk analysis at a micro level, has some applicability to terrorism research, particularly for studies looking at risk indicators of terrorism. Leveraging attack data from multiple databases, combined with RTM, offers one avenue for closing existing research gaps in terrorism literature. iii Acknowledgments The author would like to sincerely thank several individuals for their contributions to this research. My mentor, Chrissie Noonan, for her guidance and support throughout this process, Carolyn Cramer for her operational support and insight, Alex Stephan, Lead for the Special Programs and Scientific Studies Team at PNNL, George Muller for his support and direction, Hannah Trump for her substantial help with the appendices, and Dan Fortin, Sam Chatterjee, and Thomas Johansen for the constant discussions. -
The Extreme Right Wing in Bulgaria
INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS The Extreme Right Wing in Bulgaria ANTONIY TODOROV January 2013 n The extreme right wing (also known as the far right) consists of parties and organi- sations ideologically linked by their espousal of extreme forms of cultural conserva- tism, xenophobia and, not infrequently, racism. They are strong advocates of order imposed by a »strong hand« and they profess a specific form of populism based on opposition between the elite and the people. n The most visible extreme right organisation in Bulgaria today is the Attack Party, which has been in existence since 2005. Since its emergence, voter support for the Attack Party has significantly grown and in 2006 its leader, Volen Siderov, made it to the run-off in the presidential election. After 2009, however, the GERB Party (the incumbent governing party in Bulgaria) managed to attract a considerable number of former Attack supporters. Today, only about 6 to 7 percent of the electorate votes for the Attack Party. n In practice, the smaller extreme right-wing organisations do not take part in the national and local elections, but they are very active in certain youth milieus and among football fans. The fact that they participate in the so-called »Loukov March«, which has been organised on an annual basis ever since 2008, suggests that they might join forces, although in practice this seems unlikely. ANTONIY TODOROV | THE EXTREME RIGHT WING IN BULGARIA Contents 1. Historical Background: From the Transition Period to Now ....................1 2. Ideological Profile ......................................................3 2.1 Minorities as Scapegoats ................................................3 2.2 The Unity of the Nation and the Strong State ................................3 2.3 Foreign Powers .......................................................4 3.