SAPPIDUWA Reign of MUf'l ilis II , c. 1346·1320 B .C. The Anatolian prince, Pitaggatalis, with 9000 men, anempted to prevent the Hinite army of Mursilis II from enter· ing the city of Sappiduwa. Leaving his baggage behind, Munilis advanced in battle formation intending to iUrTOUnd the enemy. He found that he was being obscrved by enemy outposts who wouJd warn PitaggataJis, allowing him to escape from envelopment. Mursilis pretended to march away but returned during the night by means of a forced march, arriving outside the city at daybrnk. His opponent \Io1l5 taken by surprise: ~nd defeated.

ARNUNA Re iga of Arik·den-il! Arik-din·ili , the King of Assyria (1319-1308 B.C.). bad a large battering-ram constructed before going on campaign against the land of Nigimhi in thc Zagros foothills to the east of Assyria.

The .'\ssyrian army met the forces of Nigimhi while they were apparently carrying off their harvest, howcvcr thc Assyrians were victorious, capturing 33 chariots - Arilt-dln-ili leading his chariots in person during the banle.

Esini, the commander of the forces ofNigimhi, fled to the nearby city of Amuna, which the Assyri:lns then besieged, destroying itS gate with the battering-tam buil! specially beforehand. The city appears to have surrendered at this point, the nobility of Amuna taking an oath to Arik-din-ili as their new ~rlord , thOU&h Esini had somchow managed to escape.

KAR-1SHTAR Reign of Adad·narari I Adad·narari I, King of Assyria (1307-1275 B.C.), established hiJ rule ovcr mOlt of Mitanni (known to the Assyrians as HanigaJbat) as far as Carchcmish and completed the conquest of Nigimhi.

Moving south against Karduniash, Adad·nafllri fought the Kassite king, Nuimuruttash, near the city ofKar-lshtar. The Kassites were defeated, the Assyrians capturing their baggage camp and their divine·standuds.

After this victory the boundary-line bc:tween Assyria and Kardunilsh was fiXed further south.

KADESH 1300 B.C.

Rames~ II, leading fOUf Egyptian armies, invadtd Hittite tcrritory intending to take the city of Kadesh on the Orontes. The Hittite king, Muwatallis, prepared to SlOP him with a large army. including allied contingents drawn from throughout the empire.

To approach the city the Egyptians had to cross the Orontes II the ford of Shabtuna. The wood of Rebawy was probably situated on high ground 10 the south of this ford father than 10 the north of it. The Egyptian marching columns were sufficiently long for an army to be crossing the ford and partly in the wood at the same time.

Ramcsses detached Lht leading units of his army to form a 'battle-line' protecting the rest of his forces as they croutd the river. This force was the nt'arvn 'from the land of Amor'. Thcy hive been variously tllplained as elite allies from Amurru (the Hittites reglrded the b~ltle as a defclt for both Egypt and their ally Amurru). or a tuk-force scnl along the COISI of Amurru to appear north·west ofKadesh. However, the Orontes may ha~ formed the border bc:t ....-cc:n Amurru and Kinu (Kades h) althis point and the reference in the Egyptian text to the ·shores of Amurru' could refer to t.he rh'er bank, 15 the Egypt.ian word wu used for both 'bank' and 'shore'.

AI the ford, Hittite Igents, pretending to be dtstrting Shauu·bc:douin, misled RamcS$CS intO thinking that the Hit­ titcs were far lway It Aleppo, when they were really hidden bc:hind the great 'ttl' of Kadesh. This encouraged Ramesses to mm haste to reach Kadesh and take it before the Hinites urived.

The Pharaoh had arrived at Kadesh aDd the army of Amun was making camp when captured Hittite scouts revealed the true position ofthcir army. Meanwhile the army of P'Tt (liteflllly 'The Rt'). was crossing the ford wilh its rear, and the Plait column still in the wood of Rebawy. Couriers, including the vizier, were sent to hastCD these armies. P'rt was a distance of I iur (lO.S Km). from Ramcsscs.

MuwataJlis now despatched 2,500 chariots in four bodies across the Orontes by. ford south ofKadesh. They burst through the Army of P'rt and broke inlo the uncompleted ca mp of Amun. Ramesses was now CUt orr from the rest of his army.

17 How the Hiuite chariotry managed to conceal !.heir approach and surprise the army of P'rt so completely must remain a mystery, but as they were apparently carrying chariot runners mounted 15 third crewmen, they lI1lIy have been able to penetl'3te between the hastily deploying Egyptian units, isolating !.hem with infantry and chariotry and destroying them pi~mea1.

Routing troops from the anny of P'r~ I'3n through the camp of Amun, spreading panic there also, while the pursuing Hittite chariotry surrounded Ramesses and a remnant of his troops who were attempting to break out. Some Hittites, however, seem to have StOpped to plunder the Egyptian camp.

Fonunately for Ramesses, the Hittites were suddenly attacked in the rear by the nt'ani/!. This caused Muwatallis 10 send in a funher 1,000 chariots which he was holding in reserve, perhaps expecting the approach of another Egyptian army. Despite this the nt'onm broke through to join Ramesses. The combined for« charged into the Hittites six times before finally routing them IcrOSS the Orontes, assisted by the newly-arrived army of Prolr. The Hittites suffered heavy losses from drowning while struggling to crou the river.

It was now dusk and hostilities c~d. Many dispersed Egyptians returned under cover of darkness. MuwatalJis remained on the east side oftbe Orontes throughout tbe battle with two massive bodies of infantry, one of 18,000 men, the other of 19,000 men. These figures, rather than the 8,000 Ind 9,000 often quoted, are suggested by the presen« of the hieroglypb for' 10,000' in the options to the rtIiefs. The following day it seems that sporadic fighting resumed, but Muwatallis offered Rame5$tS a tru« (possibly inspired by the arrival of the intact army of SuuJtlr, whicb is not mentioned as taking pan in the battle, being still 'upon the road'). This allowed Ramesses to withdraw rapidly to Egypt. Altbougb tbe Egyptian army recovered on the baulefield, (wbich says something for their profes­ sionalism), the Hittites won the ompaign and were able to seize some Egyptian territory.

This baule must rank among the best documented baules of antiquity. It is recorded in the Egyptian sources in great detail, and Hittite sources for the battle also survive.

SEVEN AGAINST THEBES, 13TH CENTURY B.C.

Many legends recorded by the later Greelts are now considered to be based on actual events that took pla« during the Myce naean period. One such concerns a siegt of Thebes, in Boeotia, shonly before the Trojan War.

After the death of Oedipus, Eteocles and Polynices contended for the throne of Thebes. Eleodes seized it and Polynices fled to AdraslUs of Argos, where he was joined by another exile, Tydeus. These 'beroes' were joined by four more Ilf!d advanced to attack Thebes. The for~ presumably consisted of their personal followings and the Argive anny. Mycenae declined to take pan in Iht eDlerprise.

After a long siegt a fina l asuult was mounted in which both contenders killed each other. The rest oftht besieging forces then withdrew without taking Thebes.

Thebes was later sacked by the Epigoni (t he subjtcl of another lost epic) and 50 does not figu re in the 'Catalogue of Ships' recorded in the Iliad.

HANIGALBAT Reign of SbalmaDuu I

Shalmaneser I (Sirulmanll-Q.Slrortdu), King of Assyria (1274-1245 B.C.), decided to strikt westwards against Hanigalbat and its Hittites allies, possibly because the Hittite suc«sses in Syria we re seen to threaten Assyrian possessions in the Jazirah.

Moving through difficult paths IlDd passes in Hanigalbat, the Assyrians found that the passes and fresh-water springs in their path had been seized by the anny of Shattuara, King of Hanigalbat, in combination with a Hittite army and Ahlamu (Aramaean) mercenaries. Tired and without water the Assyrians were suddenly attacked in force by Shattuara, however, the uhausted Assyriam counter-a llacked, defeating the allies and inflicting severe losses, pursuing Shattuara wutwards. 14,400 prisonen were taken and blinded in the right eye before being led [0 Assyria.

This Assyrian success seems to have forced the rapprochement between Egypt and Haiti.

78 TIWARA Reign of T udbaliyaJ IV, a,c, 1255 B,C,

Tudhaliyas IV was in Assuwa, having recemly PUt down the rebellion of Kullulis, who had incited the Assuwan anny consisting of 10,000 infantry and 600 'Lords of the Bridle' (Chariotry) to revolt. While he was there the KaWeans had taken the opponunilY to raid the Hani·lIInds. Tudhaliyas rushed back and punued the Kaska into their own country. He encountered the full forces of the Kaska drawn up for bailie al Tiwara. The enemy rear was protected by a wood and their front by a river. Undaunted the H illites advane«l and defeated them. The victory was followed up by the t2lting of many strongholds described as 'difficult of approach'.

DALA WA E nd of reign of T udbaliyas rv

The western Anatolian prince, Madduwattas, was a serious cause for concern to the H ittites. This incident is recorded in a document known as the 'Madduwauas Indictment'. Madduwatlu sent a message to the local Hillite general, Kisnapilis, proposing a combined allack on the cities ofOalawa and Hinduwa in the Lukka lands. Following his pan ofthe plan, Kisnapilis marched on Hinduwa while the treacherous Madduwaltas informed the people ofOalawa of the Hillite position and incited them to mount an ambush. The troops of Dalawa attacked the H illites, killing Kisnapilis and another commander, Partuhallu. In this way Madduwatt3s won ove r the people of Dalawa into allegiance with him.

KARDUNIASH 1235 B.C.

Seeing thai Babylonia was weak following an Elamite victory, Tukulti·Ninum I provoked a war with Kashtiliash IV and fought him near Karduniash (Babylon).

Kashtiliash was captured during the battle and his army defeated. Babylon was then taken by the Assyrians, its walls destroyed and the city sacked. 8mh the statue of M arduk and the unfortunale Kuhtiliash wen:: sent to Assyria, and Assyrian governors established in KarduniDsh.

Assyrian control of Babylon lasted seven yean until 'the Akkadian officen of Karduniash n::belled'. Tukulti-Ninuna I, who had aroused hostility 10 his rule in Assyria, was shut up in a room of his new capital of Kar·Tukulti·Ninuna and killed by one of his sons in 1208 B.C.

THE FIELDS O F PER·YER 1231 B.C.

Libyan tribes under their chief, Meryey, together with contingents of Sea·Peoples, invaded the Western frontier of Egypt. Repeated incunions even pe.netra.ted as far as the Nile. Phanoh Merenptah prepared to hal! II major invasion attempt in the district of Per-Ye r in the Western Delta.

Meryey approached the Egyptians at dawn, bul found them deployed with their archen 10 th~ fore, 5upponed by c1ose-combat troops and chariotry. The archen shot down the advancing enemy for six houn before halting and finally rOUling them. The Libyans fled. abandoning their pOSSdSions, closely pursued by Egyptian chariotry. Over 9,000 were killed or captured.

The other Libyan chi~fs in the coalition were so disgusted with the fiasco that they deposed Meryey and soon fe ll into fighting among themselves. lUON c. 1200 B.C. The Ancient Gn::cks regarded the T rojan War as a hislorical event which marked the end ofthe 'Heroic Age'. Modem research favoun a date of around 1200 B.C. for this event and there is archaeological evidence lhat Troy VU was besieged and saded. Archaeology and th~ Linear B tablels help to demonstrate thllthe background to the Homeric legends is largely correct. Tbe lists of Achaean and Trojan allies correspond to what is known about Myce naean and Anatolian political geography at this time but is unlike that ~isting later on. If the Ahhiyawa of the Hittite archives is really a reference to Achaeans, then the activities of Allaniyas were an earlier attempt al ~Iending Acru.ean influence into Western Anatolia. Ananiyas \1,'1$ chased off by the forces of the Hillite Empire, but II generation later this empire was weakening and a confederation of West Anatolian states may have been established.

The ca use ofthe war was traditionally the abduction of an Achaean royal lady by a Trojan prince. This may indicate something of the relations between the Achaeans and Anatolia; the linear B tablels mention slave women from

79 EaSI Aegean islands and Milelos, possibly indicating Ihar Mycenae:m eolonies indulged in slave Inding or nids inlo Analolia (which had bcf:n a causc of friclion berv.'ttn the Hiltilcs and Ahhiyawa) and we may note the concern for coastal defence al Pylos.

A massh-e seaborne expedition was organised by Ag:amc:mnon of MyttIllle who:s«:1IlS to Iu~ been the acknowledged overlord of the Achaelln statts II this time. Etch state supplied a cont ingent under its own leader. The armada totalled 11 76 ships with crews \'arying between 120 to >0 men, As chariotry and non·comballnts would also hlYe bcf:n taken the full siu of the forces was probably small by Near·Eastern standards.

Unlike the catalogue of ships in the lI il1d, the list of Trojan allies provides no figures and much more sketctJy infor· m:llion. Whal is clear is th:u contingents came from many regions of AIllItolia, some being remote and little known to Ihe Achaeans, reinforcing the impression of an Anatolian confederation.

Although the legends imply tlul the war was directed specifically al Troy, this may simply have bttn the point chosen for the landings as it WIS positioned on the Dardendles. a location of strategic imponance controlling the stnits and the entry into Anllolia from Eu rope. It would thus become the point at which the Anatolian Slates ""ould anempt 10 h:alt the in~sion. This city would fmd itsclf in I vital position like tlut of K.3desh, Carchemish and Megiddo in Glhe r Witt. Troy was SlIcked more than once on this account.

Military opt:nlions in the area around Troy cont inued for le n years. The defendett fought the Achaeans in open battles before the ci ty. At one poim some of the Ach3ean contingents would nOl co-operate and Agamemnon's authority WllS questioned. This caused a te mporary setback and the Achaeans were cont ained for a time within a defended beachead.

Troy fin ally fell to deception and a device known as the 'Wooden Horse'; (siege ma chi nes we re ofien named after animals and sometimes decorated to look like them, a practice for which there is ample evidence from the Near East).

Many legeneb concerning he roic fou nders of dynasties traCt their wanderings to the sad: of Troy, and some of the returning Achaeans encountering trouble II home. It is tempting to speculate tlutl long period of warfare between the Aclucan and Analolian SU tts led to their collapse and contributed to the phenomenon of the 'Sa Peoples'. The destruction of I powerful stile in the European approaches 10 Anatolia could luve gnve implications for all the peoples of this region.

HATSHO 1192 B.C.

The Libyan Iribet of the Meshwah, Tjemehu and Seped.,led by the chief, Ma hesher, a d~nc:cd lowards Egypt intending to sellie.

They were met II the rronlier fOnfess of Harsho by the Egyptian army ofRamesses III. Linear formations of close­ order archers followed by lines of c1ose-order spearmen adVllncc

The Li byans were defeated and puttucd for a distance of 8 iter (about 84 Km.), from Hatsho 'to the mount of Horus or Ihe Eanh'. Mes he.sher and 2175 Ubyans were sla in, 2052 we re ClIplUr~ .

THE SEA· PEOPLES CONSPIRACY 11 89 B.C.

The great con federacy of Sea •Peopl es whic h had ovenhrown the Hittite Empire arrived in the b nd of AmuIru and prepared to assault Egypt by land and sea. Their main strength were the PelCKt, T ie kker, Shek.lesh. Dcnyen and Weshwesh.

AgainS! this threat, Ram esSC5 III began a massive mobilisation. including the requisition of all kinds of ships wh ich were manned and dcployed in the Nile mouths. The land onsbught ,,"as 10 be met on the Easlern frontier.

The Sea·Peoples' armadl entered stealthily intO the Nile mouths and straight into I trap. The Egyptian flttt closed in behind them, usi ng grappling hoob to capsize their vessels and forcing them towards the shore where massed Egyptian archers were wai ting. The survl\-ors were rounded up and taken prisoner as they emerged from the water.

The land body was surprised as they marched with their families and possessions in ox-cam. They were dispersed by charging cluriolry supponed by runners and Sherden auxiliaries.

80 BATTLE OF T HE ULAI RIVER c. lJ20 B.C.

Nebuchadnenar I (Nabu·kudllm·-lIsur) of the Second Dynasty of Isin saw it as his divine mission to recover the: statue of Marduk caplured by the Elamiles under Shutruk·nahhunle on tilt collapse of the Kns.ite dynasty in 1157 B.C.

On his firsl campaign inlo Elam Nebuchadneuar reached the Uknu (modem: Kerkha) river though disaster struck when 0 plague: broke OUI in the Babylonian camp before the urival of the Elamite army. The decimated Babylonian umy lost all discipline and fled in doorder, Nebuchadnc:v:ar nearly losing his life in the process, while the Elamites followed the rout elose.Jy.

CarefuUy waiting until he obtained favourable omens from the gods, Nebuchadnenar led a s«ond ea:pc:d.ition intO Elam from the city of ~r in the height of summer. The Babylonian soldie rs and horses suffered badly from thirst and heat uhauslion, even tbe road 'scorched like flame', on a journey of over )30 km . to the river Ulai (the modem Karun river). The timing ofthe campaign, and the different nonhern, as opposed to the previous southern, approach, took the Elamitc:s completel y by surprise.

The army of the Elamite king, Hulteludish·lnshushinak, hurriedly advanced to meet the Ba bylonians, the banle: being fought on the banks of the Ulai. The IWO armies raised great elouds of dust because of the: hot, dry weather, the light of the sun being 10lally obscured, 50 the battle was confused and fought in conditions of lemi-darkness. The battle was finally won by a cha rge of the righi-flank Babylonian cb.ariony,lcd by the Babylonian border-lord, Lakti-Marduk, which had actually 1051 contact with the king and the main army during the battle.

The Elamite king died in the battle and the statue of Marduk was recovered, Nebuch:ldnezur returning it in triumph to Babylon. This victory established Nebuchadnenar as a national hero and the pious ave nger of Babylonia.

ZANQI AND 101 c. 1118 B.C.

Following his victory in Elam, Nebuchadnezzar I turned hi s allention to the nonhern fromier with Assyria. Seeking 10 reduce the Assyrian border fonrw ofZanqi, the Babylonian army, led by the ki ng, included a number of siege engines. However, the Babylonians mighl have betn delayed on tilt march because of this siege train since: the Assyrian king, Ashur-resha-ishi I, was able to muster his chariots and move on Zanqi before the fortress fell. Nebuchadnezzar did not wish to meet the Assyrian army in the fic:ld and so the Babylon ians retreated, burning the siege engines to prevent them falling intO Assyrian hands.

In possibly the same year, Nebuchadneuar besieged Idi, (present-day Hit, on the Euphrates about 180 km. south of ancient Ashur) an Assyrian city on the frontier, with an army of chariots and infanlry. On hearing of this the Assyrian king senl chariots and infantry to strengthen the city'S forces, which then attacked the Babylonians. Nebuchadneuar was defeated, losing his camp, fony fuUy-equippcd chariots, and his field·marshal, Karashtu, to the Assyrians.

KA DMUHU I lJ51l1t4 B.C.

The land of Kadmuhu, si tuated in the Taurus mountains between the Tigris and the Euphrates, rebelled against Assyria and ceased to pay tribute on the death of Ashur-resha-ishi I. At the lime time an alliance of five kings of the Mushki, or Phrygians, moved south with 12,000 (varunt: 20,000) WlITTion from the lands of AIzu and Purulumru (lands conquered by the Mushki fifty yeaT1 before) into Kadmuhu. In this the Mushki were probably taking advan· tage of the instability in Kadmuhu, though it is possible that the Mushki were actually to be used as me rcenaries by the rulers of the land.

The new king of Assyria, Tiglath-Pileser I (Tult.ulti-apli-Es/lilrra), quickly mustered his chario" and infantry and crossed the Mount Kashiyari range (to the cast of modern j\1.ardin) without a rearguard, arriving in Kadmuhu pro­ bably some time before the Mushki had upc:cted.

The battle took place on level ground, the MU5hki being cut down by Assyrian archery and defeated. 6,000 Mwhki ..... ere taken prisoner and taken to Assyria to be used as either slaves or auxiliary trOOps.

The land of Kadmuhu was then ravaged by the Assyrians, who defeated the army ofKadmuhu and the allied army of Paphu, capturing their king, Kili·Teshub.

81 MOUNT BESHRI c. 1110 B.C. Witb Assyria's north and north-castem frontiers secure, Tiglath·Pilesc:r I them campaigned aglinst the Aramean nomels who Iud crossed the Euphratcs into Assyri2n territory. In his first campaign aglinst the Arameans, Tiglath·Pilc:ser I claims to have lurried them from the edge of the land of Suhu (on the middle Euphrates) to tbe city of CarchemUh in a single day, a punuit of .orne 300 km! The remaining Aramcans fled across tbe Euphrates, followed by the AsSyriins who crossed after them on raflS of inflated gOilSkins, making a stand in Iheir 10\1.'tlS II the fOOl of Mount Bcshri Oabal Bishri, lbout 40 km. WCSt of the modem lown of Dcir-eg·Zor). The Arameans were defeated and six of their towns wt.re sacked. The Aramcans remained exceedingly troublesome, however, resuming their plundering raids and c:utward expansioo wi thin I few years (during which time Tiglatb.Pilcsc:r I conquered the land of MUlri, around the Gulf of Alenn· drella, Ind their IIliCI the Qumanu). The Assyrians fought 28 wearisome campaigns 19ainst Ihe Anmcans over the Euphrates, even to the elUeot of two campaigns in a single )"cIf, from Mount Lebanon, to T admar (Palmyra), AnI! on tbe middle Euphrates, II far all the Babylonian city of R:iJp iqu. The continued Assyrian pressure did however keep the Arameans from moving east in strength and had a side benefit in acquainting Assyria with the cilies of the Mediterranean coast. Byblos, Sidon and Arvad scnt gifts to the Assyrian king (including a crocodile and a large female ape), which Tiglath-Pile5Cr naturally regarded as tribute! Indeed, T iglat h-Pileser proudly fC«)rds that he braved the dangers of the deep, travelling on a boat from Arvad to Samuro some 30 km. down the COlst, and killing a tIOkhiru or ·sca·horsc· with a lurpoon of his own dC1ign. The Assyrian king was so pleased with his calch that he ordered a replica carved in stone oflhis ·sea·horsc' 10 be SCt up in his palace on his return! The Aramean anacks increased in feroci ty following the death of Tiglalh-Pilescr I, causing the colbpsc: of tbe M iddle Assyrian Empire,

ISHDISH Reign of Tiglath.Pilcaer I

Tiglath-Pilc:ser I, after the campaign 10 Kadmuhu, moved against the mountainous and troublesome land oflshdish. The Assyrian force consisted ofthiny chariots escorting trained soldiers riding in personnel carriers (zalmagarriia). The Assyrians, including Ihe king, dismounled when the going was rough, riding in the vehicles again wben the way was belieT. Eventually, on Mount Aruma which was impassable for the vehicles, the chariotry were left behind, the king leading his men on fOOl.

Ishdish was ravaged, the cities burnt, and the land subiected 10 Allyrian tribule, taxes, and the provision ofhoslagCl.

Tiglalb·Pilcser I also led an anny inlo Shubartu against 4,000 Kaska and Uromu, Hiuite .uxil~ries who h:ld mutinied and seized several Assyrian Vlwl cities. On tbe approach of the Auyrians the Hittite mutineers surrendered to Tiglath·Pilcsc:r who incorporated them and their 120 cluriOIl into his army.

NAIR. Reign ofTlglath. PUescr I Having gained the approval of the gods through divination, Tiglath·Pilescr l ied an Allyrian army deep into the Taurus mountains againSllhe land oftbe Nairi. The Assyrians advanced along rough paths and Ih rough dangerous passes, cutting path. for the chariots wi tb copper picks. The Euphrattl was crossed with wooden bridgC1, built from trc:cs cut down in the mountains, and the Assyrians penetrated beyond Lake Van before meeting the combined armies of 23 kings of the Nairi. The Assyrians defeated the Nairi, capturing 120 equipped chariots, their cities were burnt and their large herds of horses, mulCi and donkeys carried off to Assyria. The Auyrian king spared tbe lives of the Clptured kings of tbe Nairi in return for an oath of their submission, and the surrender of their IOns t5 hostages . A tribute of 1,200 borses and 2,000 cattle was also imposed. The Hittite city of Mclidia was allO forced into submission, the Assyriara taking hostages and an annual tribute of lead ore.

SURMARRITI c. 108' B.C. Around J 100 B.C., Marduk-nadin-ahhe, the King of Katduniash, led I Babylonian raid deep inlD Assyria while Tiglllb·Pilcser I was preoccupied with the Ahlamu·Atamaeans. The Babylonians reached IS far as E.kallate. only 32 km. IOUlh of Ashur iudf, whicb they plundered, carrying ofT in triumph tbe Assyrian gods, Adad and Shala. In about tbe year 1091 B.C. the Assyrians were again defeated by Ihe BlbylonianJ, this lime ncar the Babylonian provincial capilli of IrriY' on the Assyrian.Babylonian border, c:ut of the Tigris.

82 Arter this date, howc:ver, the Assyrians eoumer·allicked with more succeu. Tiglath.Pileser l ied his anny across the Lower bb ri\'Cr, plundering Babylonian towns and territory beyond the river Diyala, and drawing up I battle· line of chariots (mustered from the Lower Zab region) against Marduk·nadin·ahhe, near the city of Arzuhinl. The battle appe:an 10 have been indecisive, though le~lIVing Ihe Assyrians in sufficient strength to march WCSt into the lind of Suhu 10 sad the island city of Sapiraru, and Hind:mu on the Euphrates, before rctuming to Ashur.

The following year Tigluh.Pilcsef I again marcbed against Karduniuh, defntingthe Babylonians decisi\'e:ly at Surmarriti, a city on the T igriJ nonh ofOpiJ. Apparcntly by·pawng Opis, the A$$yrians marched down the Tigris, capturing Dur. Kurigalzu, the tWO Sippars, and Babylon. burning the pala~ofMarduk.nadin.ahhe and laking large numbers of priJoners. The A$$yrians ClIp tured Opis on their return march.

Tighllh-Pilcser I failed to recover the Statues of Adad and Shala, howe\·er. These Assyrian gods remained in humiliating apthity until the sack of Babylon by Se:nnacherib in 689 B.C., when they were relumed to their places in Eullate.

THE AMALEKITES RAID ZIKLAG c. 1000 D.C.

David. a fugitive from the Hebrew king Saul, had entered Ihe service of the Philistine prince. Achish, and had betn inslllled with 600 followers ('M.ighty M en') in Ziklag. His t.uk was to harul the nomads on the borders of the Philistine lands. David led hi, contingent to join lhe Philistines on campaign IIgainst Saul. Fearing neachery, the other Philistine princes would not permit him to participate. David returned to ZilrJag to find it smouldering from on Amalekite nlid and the families of his men carried ofT. David resolved to pursue the enemy and reKlle them. On reaching the brook of Bcsor, 200 men who could no longer continue were left behind. The remaining 400 carried on and found an Egyptian setvanl of the Amaleki tcs who had fallen sick and ~n left to die in the desert. In remrn for his life he led David to the Amalekites.

David ~ nd his men fell upon them as they were encamped and revelling in their spoils. Alier a day's fighting the ' Mighty M.en' had slain all but 400 young men who escaped on camels. David recovered the spoil and drove ofT their flocks and herds.

E KAL-PI·NARI 934 D.C.

In the accession year of the A$$yrian king, Ashur-dan II, Arameans of the Yausu dan came upstream into Assyria from their strongholds in Babylonia. The Assyrian king mustered his chariOls and infantry and anacked their amps in the vidnity of Ekal.pi·nari. def~ting them ~vily and carrying off their herds and flocks.

Assyria began 10 1'CCO\'Cr from the Al'1Imean in\'1Isions in the reign of Ashur-dan II, recapturing arns of Assyria around the Lo ....'Cr Zab thaI had been settled by Anmeans. and r~ttling those Assyrians who had fled from Assyria beause OrtM famine and turmoil caused by the Anmtlns.

NASIBINA 896 D.C. During his sixth campaign .gainn the Arameans settled below the Kashiyari mountains, Adad·narari II, the king of Assyria (911·891 B.C.), had managed to put Nur·Adad, the Tcmannite ruler, under siege in the city of Nasi bin a (situated on the headwllers of the ri\'er Habur).

Nur·Adad had prepared Nuibina for the expected siege by digging a moat some three metres wide down to the wDter·level in the bedrock around the dty. The Assyrians maintained the siege from SC\'en redoubu constructed around the ci lY. The siege probably continued for much longer than the Assyrians expected sina: Ihe king eventually returned to Assyria leaving the Irafanu, or commander.in-chief, Ashur-dini·arnur, to pursue the siege. T he furfanu tightened the siege to prevent gnlin gening into the cily from oUlSide. digging hidden tnipS around Nasibina, and h~ving the Anyrimn troops shout their war-cries at the defende" to lower their morale.

Nur·Adad appears 10 have souJht !Cilia al this point and surrendered, being liken to Nineveh together with his troops :IS hostages, and no doubt 10 fight as auxiliaries with the Assyrian army.

Ouring the reign of Adad'nanlri lithe Assyrian .d\'ance on Babylonia was renewed. The province of Arrapha was rccaplurtd and Del, and Babylonian u:rritory ~'ttn ~ Lower ~b and the Di}'2Ja rh'en, brOUght under Auyrian control. On the Euphrates. the fonresses of Zanqi and Idi were recaplurtd. and Assyrian annia nlvaged most of Babylonia. However, after 893 B.C. the Babylonians under Nabu·shuma·ukin I defeated the Assyrians, prompting an exchange of daughters in marriage, and a peace·trUty reducing Assyria's territorial gains •

• 3 THE REVOLT OF AMEKA AND ARASHTUA 880 B.C.

Early in 880 B.C. a report was brought to Ashurnasirpal II (AJJrur-naljr-oph) at Nineveb truu tbe Zamuan ruiers, Ameka and Arashtua, had not supplied their nibute, or men for royal service. On the first of SiwlI (May-June) AshurnllSirpal II mustered the Assyrian army, moving to the city of Kali;:i, crossing the Lower lab, cnteriog the Babitu pass and erossing the Radanu river before the muner was complete, The king waited for a day at the foot of Mount Simaki for the reit of the army to ca tch up, and rcai\'ed the tribute of the land of Dagara - this being in the form of provisionli for the army (oxen, sheep and wine),

However, before the main army arrived at Mount Simaki, Ashumasirpal broke C2IIlp taking only his heavy chariotS, the ClU'alry, and the crack trOOps (,:uJran'uu), Ashurnasirpal marched all day and all night, crossing the Diyala river at dawn and arriving before Arashtu's capital, Ammali, at first light. In a surprise: assault the Assyrians took and sacked the city, killing 800 enemy warriors and taking many prisonel'!. Once the main body of the army arrived, the countryside and neighbouring territoriei were ravaged, some 42 towns being plundered,

Having devastated Arashtu's citiei the Assyrians marched on Zamru, Ameka's capital, situated deeper into the Zagros mountains, Ameka did not walt to greet his erstwhile overlord but fled into the mountains. Pausing only to 1001 Ameka's palace and take possession ofrus chariots, Ash umasirpal chased the Zamuean from mountain to mountain. On Mount Etini, Ameka was forced to lea\'e behind se:veral valuable and bulky, bronte casseroles, bowls and tubs in order (0 escape (he dosing Assyrians. Betwctn Mount Su and MouO! Elaniu the Assyrians caught and massacred m~ny of Ameka's warriors, while Ameb fin~lIy Ib~ndoned all the possessions he had taken from lamru, his provi­ sions and his horscs, and ned up the highly inaccessible Mount Sabua.

Ashumasirpal then SCt about plundering Ameka's cities. While deiu oying the cily ofParsindu, the Assyrim king put the cavalry ~nd light troops in am bush an d caught some of Ameka's troops out in the open, killing 50 and capturing 20 (who wert tonured to death). Before his return to Assyria the !ting led a raid, using the cavalry and light trOOpS only, on the land of Anizu. The campaign ended with the Assyrian army cutting its way tbrough Mount lar.I to form a road for the chariotf)'. More tribute and tax were imposed on the unfonurnlle Zamuaeans, and neighbour­ ing lamb hurried to present their own tribute. The final action of the ClImpaign was In attack on various fugith'cs on Mounls Aziru and Simaki, where 500 enemy warriors were slain. The old city of Allila "''IS rebuilt and used to Siore barley and siraw 10 provision Assyrian forces in lamu •.

KARKAR 853 B.C.

Shalmaneser III (SJru/manu-tJJhortdu) of Assyria made many auempts to conquer the powerful Aramaean and Nco­ Hittite states of Syria. In his 6th regnal year, he muste red his forces at the rcccnlly captured city of Til-Barsip, now re-named Kar·Shalmaneser, and they crossed the flooded Euphrates on rafts supponed by in flated goat.skins. The cOUlluies immediately west orlhe ri ver, including Carchemish, submiHed, and the Assyrian army proceeded unhindered 10 Aleppo. Reiistance began when they wtered the territory of Hamath. AI Karbr, Shalmaneser en· countered the combined forces of Damascus, Hamath, Ahab oflsratl, Que, Musri, Irqanata, Arvad, Usanata, Shian and Gundibu, an Arab chieftain, led by Hadadcur of Damascus, It was an enormous army. comprising a total of 3,940 chariots, 1,800 cavalry, 65,000 inf~ntry and 1,000 Arab C2IIlel-riders, drawn up for a 'decisive batdc',

Shalmaneser claimed to ha\'e defeated them and slain 14,000 enemy soldiers, but it seems probable that at the very least, the Assyrian army was halted. Hamath and Damascus remained to fight Inother day.

RAMOTH·GILEAD c. 850 B.C.

Ahab of Israel and j ehoshaphat of Judah made common cause to retrieve Ramolh-Gilead from the Aramacan state of Damascus, ruled by Ben-Hadad. Possibly worried bypropbecies made before the campaign, Ahab disguised himself before going into action. The army of Ben-Haded contained a large fo r ~ of chariony commanded by 32 'captains'. They were inStructed to 'fight not with small nor great, save only with the King of Israel'. During the baule the Syrian chariotry mistookjehoshaphat for Ahab and concentrated their attackli against him. T hey immediately broke: off when they realised their mistake.

Meanwh.ile Ahab had been wounded by a chance arrow that had penetrated between the scalei of his corslet. The king remained standing in his chariot for the rest ofthc battle in order to maintain command oChi! army and not disheancn them by leaving the field. Slowly bleeding to death, he died at dusk and the Israelites and judcans withdrew.

84 THE REVOLT OF MARDUK·BEL·USATI c. 850 B.C.

Soon arter Ihe accession or Marduk·zahir·shumi I as King or Babylon. his younger brother. '\\ arduk·bel,usllli, led a widespread revolt which he was unable to quell. However. an allian~ with Shalmantser nI or Assyria, made in his rather's time, was still in rorce. and in 851 B.C. he called on Assyrian aid.

Shalmaneser marched south wi th an Assyri2n army and defeated tht rebels in thtir Diyala stronghold at Me· Tumat, btrore movi ng 10 GlImanale lind defeating Muduk·bc:l,us:lti in the fidd. T he Assyrbns railed to take the city. and could only adopt a 'scorched~nh' policy in thc surrounding countrysidc and dam the Diyala rivn.

Nut year, on tht 20th of Nisan, Gamanate rell. but Marduk·btl·US3ti e5C:lped into thc Zagros mountains. The Assyrians pursutd him to Awan, ClIpluring Ihe city and defeating Marduk·bel·u5ati with Babylonian help. Shalmaneser Ihen lurned his attenlion on the rebellious Bit·Dakhuri, a Chaldean tribe scllied in Babylonia. This resulted in the sub­ mission or the Bit·Amukhani and Bit·Yakin tribes as wd!.

Mt SENlR 841 8 .C.

Shalmaneser III atttmpted to conquer Damascus again in his 18th year. The AM)'Tian army encountered the numerous army or Hazael or Damascus al Mt Stnir (in tht Golan Htights), and dtreated thtm. 16,000 or Hazat\'s soldiers wtrt slain and 1,12 1 chariots, 470 cavalry horscs and the camp, wert captured by thc Assyrians. Hallie:! escaped to Damascus and successrully rtsisted the ensuing sitgt.

PERPEG 730 B.C.

Namlot, princt or Hermopolis and \'ii1ssal or tht Kushitt king, Piyt (Piankhy), derected to the 'Libyan' PhaTlloh, T ernakhte. Piyt responded by stnding an army undtr tht gcntrals Puren and Ltmtrsekeny 10 rtalpturt the province:.

Ttrnakhtt sent a neCt manncd by 50lditn from Lowtr Egypt up the Nile to assist Hcrmopolis bUI il 110'2$ tngaged on the river by Piyc's rorcc:s al Htraklcopolis and dtrealcd. The remnant s crosscd to Pcrpcg rollowed by thc Kushit($, who inflictcd ~ runher dereat, causing them to flee nonh.

Tht Kushitts procttded to besiege several towns with batttring rams until Piye himselr arrivcd to hasten operations. Htrmopolis was surrounded by an embankment and 3ttacked with a wooden tower, tnabling :!Tchers and slingers to shoot into the town continuously.

Closely invtsted in this way. the town became 'roullo the nose' and in due course surrendered.

MEMPHIS 730 B.C.

Following the rail or Htrmopolis, Piyt advanced nonh rtcth'ing tht submission or every cilY until he arrived al Mtmphis. T he city was dttcrmined to rtsist, having r~istd ~ ntw rampart and stocked up with provisions. Ter· na lm tt arrived al night with teinrotce:mtnts numbering 8000 men. He ordtred the city to hold out at all COstS and lert on horseback to tally suppan rrom Ihe Della prince:s.

Piye calltd a councilor war to discuss how to capture Ihe mosl slf3legically important city in Egypt; 'tht balance: of the two lands'. Tht gtncrals suggtsted a sitgt ram p and a towtr mode rrom Iht masu or ships. Piye did not think that thtre would be timt for such operations. Insttad ht sent the Kushile fleet into tht harbour or Memphis to scize any snips that wert there.

Thtse craft wert filled with troops an d used 10 mount a massivt assault on thc city from its underended sidt racing the Nile. With the rail or Mt mphis, tne enti re Delta including Tcfnakhtt! $ubmint!d 10 Kushile rule.

85 RAPIHU 721 B.C.

Alarmed at Assyrian exp~nsion in Syria and Palestine. the Egyptians encouraged rebellions, promising military assistance. In 721 B.C. Hanno, King of Gaza, rebelled, supported by an Egyptian army commanded by I certain genenl, Sib'e. The allies marched out from Rapihu (Raphaia) for I 'decish'e battle' wilh the Assyrian army of Sargon II.

The Egyptian army 'disap~red' shonly before banle was joined, abandoning the unfonunate Hanno to defeat and capture. Sargon sub$equemly received tribute from ' Pharaoh', Samsi (an Anlbian queen), and It'amar ()fthe Sabaeans (Sheba).

DER 720 B .C.

In 722 B.C., a chief of the Chaldean tribe of Bit· ya1tin, known as Merodach·Baladan (Marduk·apla·iddlna). set himself up as King of Babylon. He was supponed by Humbanignb, King of Elam. Problems of the royal succe»ion had preoccupied the Assyrians while this was happening, but in 720 B.C. the new king, Sargon II, marched into Babylonia.

The Elamite army adV'lllced (0 support their ally and met the Assyrians at Der, where according to the Babylonian chronicle, a major defeat wu inflicted on the Assyrian army and they were forced to reneat. Merodach·Baladan and the Babylonian army which had marched to assist the Elamites, arrived 100 late for the battle.

Mt SlMIRRA 714 B.C. Sargon II of Assyria led an expedition deep inlo the mountains east of Assyria, imending to break the influence of Uranu in these regions, and march straight through Urartu in a huge arc. At Mount Simirra. Sargon encountered the combined forces of Rusas I of Uranu and his ally. Metani of Zikinu. The Uranian forus consisted of the king and his royal contingents, including cavalry and infantry, those of Zirkitu being an advance guard only of cavalry and elite infantry. They were deployed in a mountain defLIe, which may have restricted their cavalry, and were formed up in two separate commands.

Sargon attllcked with a single chariot (his own) accompanied by his bodyguard cavalry (qurubuti slra pi/ha/II). The Uranians were belIten back by the combined shooting and hand·to-hand combat of the Auyrian cavalry. Rusas be· ing besieged on the banlefield with his retinue lind eventually fleeing on a marc. Turning next on the troops of Zirkitu, the Assyrians broke up their formation and proceeded to destroy the individual contingents.

Sargon allowed the survivors to flee without pursuit, so that they would spread the news of their defeat throughout the mountains. He may have been intending to avoid lOSing control of his troops in difficult terrain and to prevent the enemy regaining their confidence by IIny minor successes using guerilla taClics.

MUSAS IR 71 4 B.C.

Towards the end of Sargon's great march through Uranu. it appears that the king had to allow the main pan of his army to rerurn to Assyria, while he remained with his elite troops and ffi2rched on the city of Musasir. This city housed the temple of the Uranian war god, Haldi, which Sargon proceeded to uck, carrying off an enormous amount of treasure, ffi2inly votive offerings. Rusas I of Uranu. on hearing the news, took his own life through shame. There had been an eclipse of the moon shon ly before Sargon anacked, which Assyrian astrologers had pronounced favourable. Perhaps his army had not been convinced. $everal years later, Sargon was killed white leading a campaign into the highland country ofTabal. This may have made a lasting impression on his son and suCttSsor, Scnnachc:rib, who, throughout his reign, avoided leading an army in person.

CUTHA AN D KISH 103 B.C. Sargon U eventually succeeded in driving out Merodach·Baladan and assumed the kingship of Babylon himself. Following Sargon's death, Merodach·Baladan planned a revolt which he hoped would be synchronised with a revolt by Assyria's \'lISSlIls in Palestine, counting on the support of Elam in Babylonia.

Sennacherib (Sin-QAA-nba) despatched his army against Babylon, having already put down the revolt in Palestine which hlld broken out tOO early for Merodach·Baladan. However, he did have the suppon of the Elamites, and their commander, Imbappa, sent a foru of light troops and.. cavalry forwa rd 10 Cutha in order to hold up the Assyrian advance and force them 10 lay siege to the city. They could not risk having a bostile (and highly mobile) enemy force in their rear. The main Elamite and Babylonian army was to remain at Kish, commanded by the general Tannanu. They would advance and attack tbe AssyrianJ while they were invoh'ed in siege operations and rdievt Cutha.

In response to th is Sll'1ucgy, the Assyrians divided their forces also, sending their main force to Cutha and an ad· vance guard to Kish to delay the main enemy army until CU lM had been taken. The advance gtW'd managed to hold for one day and then sent couriers to the main Assyrian army for reinforcements. The following day, Ihe main force made a direct assault on Cucha and took it. Then they advanced immediately 10 Kish.

The Elamile5 and Babylonians were defeated at Ki$h, and Merodach·BaladaD 0«1 into the marsh!:, of Southern Babylonia.

ELTEKEH 701 B.C. Hezekiah, King of Judah, had joined a rebellion of Assyrian \'usals in Pa lesti ne and on the Levantine coast. Faced with the approaching Assyrian army, he called on me Kushite king of Egypt, Taharqa, for help. With a note of surprise, the Assyrian annals record that an enormous army consiS!ing of archers, chariotry an d cavalry of the King of Kush aDd chariotry supplied by the petty princes of Egypt, had actually come to his aid. The Assyrian army came upon their ballle·lines drawn up in the plai n of Eltekeh. . Assyrian victory was made possible by the defeat and capture of the Egyptian and Kushite chariolry.

Se:nnx:herib's army, led by the Timan. laid siege to Jerusalem, but Hezckiah stubbornly resisted and the Assyrians had to conten t themselves wi th ravaging hi s kingdom. Jerusalun did not fall.

HALULE 691 B.C. Mushezib-Marduk, supported by the Aramaean tribes of Babylonia, seized the throne of Babylon. To help him to withstand the inevitable Assyrian reaction, he hired the 5uppon of the Elamitc. army undc:r H uban·lmmc.na. Sennacherib sent an army as exp«ted, and the Elamite army, accompanied by an 'enormous hosl of allies', marched into Babylonia [0 join up with Mushezib-Marduk. They deployed in the path of the A»yrians at Halule on the bank of the Tigris.

Accordi ng to the an nals of Scnnacherib, the enemy were attacked 'on flank and fronl' and Iheir advance halted. They were reduced by archery, Humbanundasha, tbe Elamite fie ld·marshal, and many Elamite nobles being slain. The battle was dearly a long.fought, dcspenne and confu.sc.d aITair, with horses and chariots whose riders had been slain early in the baule, careering about the battlefield. Scnnacherib claims 150,000 enemy losses, with me kings of Elam and Babylon being pursued from me field by chariotry and cavalry.

However, the Babylonian chronicle, generally regarded as an unbiased source, SU tes simply that the Elamites 'caused an Assyrian retreat'. II would seem that Scnnacherib failed to re·assert his control in Babylon until 689. In that year the king ofElam bCClme ill and M ushez.ib-Marduk was denied his fonnidable suppan. The Babylonians we re eventually defeated and Se:nnacherib swept aside the restraint and respect that his predc«ssors had shown to Ba bylon, allowing the city [0 be thoroughly sacked and the statues of its gods carried orr to Assyria. His wn, Esarhaddon, was installed as governor.

It is interesting to note that a few years later, Sc.nnacherib was assassinated by rebellious sons while praying in a temple. He was d ubbed with the statues of gods.

ISHUPRI 61 1 B.C.

Constant Egyptian intrigues wilh their vassals in Palestine finally forced the Assyrians to take decisive action. The first attempt at invasion was mounled by Se:nnacherib, but the ClImpaign was abandoned when the Assyrian camp was ravaged by plague on the frontier of Egypt. A second campaign mounted by Esarhaddon in 673 also fai led. It is not recorded in Anyria n annals but the Babylonian chronicle stal CS bl untly Ihat on 5th Addar, 'the army of Assyria was ddeated in Egypt'.

In 67 1 B.C. Esarhaddon (AJlrur-alra.jddin) marched on Egypt again. He encountered determined Egyptian resistance led by Taharka, fighting conlinuously from Ishupri to Memphis, a distance of 15 days' march. The Babylonian chronicle records thaI three great battles were fought before Memphis fel l to the mines, breaches and assauh·ladders of the Assyrians on 22nd Du'u~. T aharka escaped to Thebes.

87 KARBANITI 668 B.C.

In 669 Taharka advanced down the Nile from his refuge in Thebes, overthrew the Assyrian governors, and established himself as Pharaoh again in Memphis. Esarhaddon's expedition to remove him was cut shon whc.n the king fell ill and died at Harnm. His so n and successor, Ashurbanipal (Aslrur-ban-oplu) was left to resolve the problem of Egypt. He organised a ClImpaign and mobilised the forces of22 vassal kings along the Levantine coaS t. Using ships supplied by these vassa ls, support was rushed to his garrisons in Egypt by SC:Il as well as land.

The Assyrian army defea ted the Egyptians in open ba ttle at Karbaniti, on 'the wide plain'. Taharka retreated to Thebes, while the Assyrians occupied Memphis and received the submission of the Egyptian peny princes. These were re·install ed as vassals despite having supplied contingents for Taharka al Karbaniti. It seems that the As.syrians found it difficult to control Egypt, panly due to the long lines of communiClition back to IUsyria and perhaps also to the cultural and political environment there.

The main Assyrian anny ~turned to Assyria leav ing behind monger garrisons, including a force to pursue Taharb, making use of the ships which he had abandoned at Memphis. The IUsyrians had realised that theiT opponent was simply conducting a strategic withdrawal, relying on the g~at length of the Nile valley and the Assyrians' over· stretched lines of communication to altow him to regroup. After a journey of one month and ten days, the As.syrians reached Thebes, but Taharka seems to have evaded them by moving his forces to the other side of the river.

The Egyptian vassals vkwcd these events with alann; ' they arc driving out Tahuka, how can we remain?'. They planned an insurrection while the Assyrians were still occupied in the south, bUlthe Assyrian govemon discovered the plot, su ppressed it and sem the ringleaders to Nineveh. Only Necho of Sail (father of Psamtik I) was spared and retained as chiefvusal in Egypt. This ex traordinary leniency suggCSts that the Assyrians nceded to rule through a native potentate 10 secure their hold on the country. Ashurbanipal was pr0b3bly employing the principle of'divide and rule' by sClti ng up the Saire Dynasty as his vassa ls in opposition (0 the Kushites. Thus Necho', and Ashur­ banipal'$ intere:;n became (he same, to resiJ( the Kushilts, with the added advamage lhat Assyria now had (0 deal with only one Egyptian prince and not scveral. The Assyri ans refer~d to Egypt as 'muui'.

THE SACK OF THEBES 664 B.C.

Tah:lTka was succeeded by his brother, Tanutamun, who embarked on ye t another ~lIemp t to regain the throne of Egypt ~nd advanced down the Nile, isolating and besieging the Assyrian garrison in Memphis. Obviously the Assyrians had b«n unable to remove the Kushite threat with their operations three yea rs earlier. This time Nc<:ho opposed the Kushitc:s, but perished in the attempt. Ashurbanipal promptly marched on Egypt and defeated Tanuuunun in open baule, forcing yet another retreat to Thebes. The pursuit was pressed 'o\'er difficult trails', but T anutamun withdrew funher south to Ki pkipi. The Assyrians, exasperated, sacked Thebes and 'levelled it like a 0000'. The Kushites made no further attempts to regain Egypt.

ULAI 655 B.C.

The throne of Elam was usurped by a certain Teumman (Ttbt-Humban), who demanded that IUhurbanipal extradite the fugith'e sons of the p~vious king, Urtaki. When Ashurbanipal refused, the El~mites, in alliance wi lh the Aramaean tribe of Glimbulu, marched against Assy ri a. The Assyrian anny advanced to meet them, but when the Elamites heard that the Assyrians had reached Du, and seemed 10 be closer than they had expected, they retired towards Susa. They took up a defensive position in the plain of Susa, on the ri \'u Ulai, ncar the town of Tulliz.

The Elamites were utterly defeated in a ha rd -fought battle, their fleeing and fallen soldiers choking the river Ulai. Teumman WlIS wounded and tried 10 escape in a wood. but his chariot ove rturned, and his pursuen ClIught up with him. He was slain and his head was brought back by In Assyri an camp fottower.

Elam was divided and placed under the rule of tWO Assy rian vassals. However, Alhurbanipal had to invade Elam again when the EJamites joined in the revolt ofShllmas-sh urna·ulcin. In 639 B.C. EJam was devastated by the Assyrian anny and the capital, Susa, wu sacked. A vaSt amount of booty which the Elamites h3d accumulated over centuries of plundering Babylon ia, was discove~d and returned (0 Mesopotamia.

88 THE REVOl.T OF SHAMASH-SHUM.A.UKJN 652-648 B.C. Esarhaddon of Assyria, perhaps remembtring the difficuhies he had in se:curing his throne after the asussination of his father, Sennacherib, had made $C:CUre arrangements for his son, Ashurbanipal, 10 succeed him. Another son, Shamash-shuma-ukin, was to become King of Babylon. The whole Assyrian Empire was made to swear an oath ofaUegiance to the:se: princes. The:se: arnngemenu worked well enough for Lnany yea rs until, in 652, Shanush·shuma· ukin rebtlled, hoping for the suppon of Elam, the Phoenicians, Judah, the Arab tribes, the Gutl and the Chaldeans.

Ashurbanlpal waged war in Babylonia for two years btfore laying siege 10 Babylon itself. The city held out for a funher twO years until forced to surrender due 10 starvation. Shamash-shuma-ukin shut himsdfup in his palace and sct fire to it, in so doing giving risc to the legend of Sardanapalus.

KABLINU 616 B.C. The Babylonian army under Nabopolassar (Nabll.apal.usur) advanced up the Euphrates into Assyria. After receiv­ ing the submission of the outlying regions ofSukhu and Khimmu, the prae:nce of the Assyrian anny was reponed at Kablinu. The Babylonians advanced to meet them, and on 12th Ab engaged and defeated the Assyrians and their Mannaean allies.

Eventually, the Babylonians began their return march, followed by the Assyrian lItmy reinforced by the Egyptian army. They reached Kablinu, and continued after the Babylonians, catching up with them at Mad:mu, near Ar­ rapha. The Assyrians may now have been without their Egyptian allies, due to NabopolaSSllr's success in avoiding a battle. At Madam.. , the Babylonians defeated the Assyrians and pursued them across the Lower Zab, they then continued their homeward march in ufety.

ASHUR 615 D.C. The Babylonian army invaded Assyria again, advancing up the Tigris and encamping btfoTe the city of Ashur. The Babylonians attempted one unsuCC'C:$Sful aSSlluh btfore the Assyrian army, under Sin·shar·iskun, marched to ils relief, forcing Nabopolassar 10 retire.. The Assyrians follov."Cd them along the ba nks of the Tigris, bUI Nabopola.ssar took refuge in Ihe city ofTakritain. The Babylonians resisted Assyrian assaults for 10 days, inflicting heavy losses on the besiegers. The Assyrians then abandoned the siege and «:tired.

In the foUowing twO years, the Medes under Kyaxares macked Assyria and in 614 captured Ashur.

THE FALL OF NINEVEH 61 2 B.C. Nabopolassar and Kyaxares joined forces and, together with Scythian allies, advanced to Nineveh. Three battles were fought in the open btfore the city was besieged. Nineveh fell 10 a single overwhelming assault. The Assyrian king, Sin-shar-ishkun, and his highest officers perished. Nineveh was sacked and turned into 'I mound and a ruin'. Some Assyrian troops managed to escape: and Ashur·uballit was crowned the last king of Assyria in Harran.

HARRAN AN D CARCHEMISH 609-605 B.C.

In 609 B.C. an 'enormous Egyptian army', led by Necho II, crossed the Euphrates to link up with the Assyrian army of Ashur-Uballit, which was desperately trying to defend the remnants of the Assyrian Empire. The Assyrians had abandoned Harran to the Babylonians in the previous yellt and were intending to re-capfUre it with Egyptian help. It seems that the Assyrians had requested Josiah of judah to aUow the Egyptians to pass through his land, but j osiah, intent on demonstrating his own sovereignty, allempled to SlOP them at Megiddo. josiah fell to an Egyp· tian arrow while drawing up his baule line, and failed 10 stop the Egyptians. The AssyrianJ and Egyptians defeated the Babylonian garrison ofHarran in open battle before the cily, and then besieged it for three months. One assault was 3nempted but with no efftCt . The arrival of the main Babylonian army under Prince Nebuchadrezzar, and the advanced stage of the campaign season forced the Egyptians to withdraw. The Euphrates became the new defen­ sive line againsl Babylon, with the key crossing·point of Carchemish in Egyplian hands.

From 607 B.C. Prince Nebuchadre:zzar made several allempu to cross the Euphrates without succe:ss, until Car­ chcmish feU in 605 B.C. The main Egyptian anny escaped destruction at Carchemish, but was ovenaken and defeated ncar Hama (Homs). Syria and Palestine were now open to the Babylonians and Egypt would soon bt defending her own borders. It spe:Jt the end for Assyria.

89 MIGDOL 601 B.C.

The Babylonian army, led by Nebuchadreuar II, marched to the Egyptian frontier. Thert they wert enpged by the Egyptian army near the fortress ofTjel, also known as Mekter (Migdol). According to a Babylonian IOW'ce, the twO armies infliaed heavy lo~ on each other in a fiercely·fought open battle. The Babylonians IUrned back and returned 10 Babylonia, where Nebuchadreuar remained and 'organised' his chariots and horses throughout the following year.

IRASA AND MO·MEMPHIS 570 B.C.

Pharaoh Apries (Ha.jtJ.rt, 'HopAra? sent an army consisting only of native Egyptians to assist the Libyan chief, Adieran, against the Greek colony of Cyrene, which was encroaching on Libyan territory. Apries was probably loath to send his Greek mercenaries to fight a Greclr. colony.

The Egyptians were utterly defeated at lrasa. The survivors returned to Egypt convinced th:lt they had been deliberately sacrificed by Apries, who was suspected offavouring the GrcU mercenaries over Egyptians in the army. The Egyp­ tian clement in the army mutinied.

Apries sent Amasu (Ah mosl J1) to quell the rebellion, bUI he was proclaimed Pharaoh by the troops and joined them. Apries then sent Patarbemis 10 arrest Amasi!, but he failed and was executed by Apries. As Patarbcmis was popular in the land, Apries lost all native suppon and was left only with his Greek mercenaries.

Amasis seized Memphis and set himself up as king. Apriel moved south to attad him with lroops on land and in ships. Amnis defeated them at Mo-Memphis. After protracted fighting in the Della, Apties was ClIpturcd and executed.

Herodotus's account of the civil war is supplemented by the Elephantine stela of Amuis. The Demotie Chronicle ponrays Arnasis as a king with quite a strong personality, iii heavy drinker, but a competent ruler. He probably ClI me from quite a lowly background.

NEBUCHADREZZAR U'S ATTEMPTED INVASION Of EGYPT 568 B.C.

Possibly hoping to benefit from tbe civil war in Egypt, Nebucbadrtuar II of Babylon attempted an invasion. Ama5is, the Egyptian Pharnoh, sccms to have secured the country before the Babylonians attacked, and mobilised his army which included numerous Egyptians, chariotry and trOOps from 'distant regions which are in the midst of the sea' (perhaps Greek mercenaries?). The exact resull of the ensuing engagement is unclear, and the ElephaOline stda of Amuis contains descriptions of troop movements which rnay refer to this invasion attempt rather than the civil war. However, the Egyptians probably wo n, or effected a Babylonian retreat, as Amasis went on to strengthen his hold on the country, the Saite Dynasty remaining in power until the Persian conquest.

THE FALL OF BABYLON 539 B.C.

The last Babylonian king, Nabonidus (Nabu-Na'ir/), led an army to the oasis to Terna, deep inlide Arabia, and for unknown reasons remained there for ten yean, leaving his son, Bel-shar·usar (Bclshauar), as regent in Babylon. Meanwhile the Persian king, Cyrus the Great, took over the Kingdom of the Medel, and in 547 B.C. accomplished the conquest of Lydia.

Nabonidus returned from Tema, but it seems th:it he was unpopular in many pans of Babylonia, possibly for ncgiecting religious duties. In 539 B.C. Cyrus led his army into Babylonia, capturing the city of Opis by assault, and Sippar wit hout opposition. At this point, Nabonidus savagely put down a revolt by the 'confused' inhabitanlS of Babylonia. Shonly afterwards, the Persian army commanded by Ugbaru (Gobryas) marched into Babylon itself. According to Herodotus, the COUlse of the Euphrates had been di\'ened to allow them to pau through the walls along the river bcd. The Persian army enlered withoul opposition and occupied the city. When Cyrus himself arrived, green fronds were laid down in front of him, and il is possible that he was welcomed by the disaffceted Babylonians. Nobonidus was found in Babylon and put to death. DRESS AND EQUIPMENT

General Note.: Judging by the paintings, rclid" statuary and physical remains of the peoples of the ancient Near East it is clear thai they closely resembled their modem counlerpans in ap~arancc . Their cornpla:.ion was heavily tanned by the run, geneTally reddish-brown in the cue of Egyptians, and hair was black, or vcry dark brown, and wavy. In Egypt, men were usually clean lhal'cn from the Old Kingdom onwards bul 50Jdicrs would acquire stubbly beards on cam· paign. Elsewhere in the Nelr USI all men. apan from tunudlJ, generally had beards, the grow ing of which was a sign of manhood.

By far the most common forml of dress were while woollen or linen ga rments, which would Obviously vary in shade and quality.

Metalwork in the third millennium B.C. could be: copper or bronze, and was mainly bronze thereafter undl the late second millennium. In Egypt, iron WIIS never very much in evidence until the e nd orthe Phanonic period, al though iron had come into widespread usc ror tools, weapons and armour elsewhere in the Ncar East by tbe first millennium B.C .

1. PREDYNASTIC EGYPTIAN WARRIOR This figure is derived rrom the so-cal1ed ' Ii unters Palene'. There arc reatures or his appcllrancc which bear com· parison with the: Libyans. Many wuriors at thiJ peri od would have appcllred similar to figure 49.

He wears twO ostrich plumes in his hair, which has been plaited or deroratcd with mud. The distinctive beard was common at this time but was later to become a Jymbol or royalty and divinity, as did the animal lail (which contemporary Mesopotamians usually anachcd to arrow-quivers).

The shield (11) is an animal hide stretched over a rrame and has not yet acquired the typical Egyptian shape which appears in hieroglyphs or ist Dynasty date. The change probably occurs with the invention orclose-orde:r rorma· tionJ and military drill. 11 shows a variant rorm orshleld that Wit to become closely associated with the nomadic peoples or Syria.

Weapons included slone·tipped spears, simple stave bows, throwsticks, flim knh'es, and maces with dilC-shapcd, and la ter pear·shaped, Jtone heads. Arrows were made or reed with hardwood rootings and tips. The lips might be painted red to guide them magically to blood. Pai nt ings on pollery depict large ships manned by rov. en, and slate palettes (used ror grinding eye·paint) arc often deconl.ted with billie scenes, some showing the destruction or ronified scnlemenlS.

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a 1 2

9' 2. EARLY DYNASTIC PHARAOH c. 3000 B.C.

This figure is based on a represenmion of Narmer, a king of UpJll:r Egypt who conquered a Ddu region during the wars of unification. Similar dress is worn by the lrd Dynasty king, &khemkhet, in carvings from the Wadi Maghara in Sinia. The lxard and animal tail are already trappings of royalty. He wears the traditional 'White Crown' of Upper Egypt. An early rdiefin the Cairo Museum shows this to have been a wickerwork construction of woven papyrus. The 'Red Crown' of Lower Egypt, shown in 2a, would hi: similarly made. Aft er the unification, these: crowns were symbolically combined to rorm the 'Double Crown', as worn by figu re 9.

His lincn or leather garment fastens at one shoulder. Over Ihis he wears a hl:adwork hl:lt rrom which hang hl:ad panels suspended by gold heads of the cow·goddess, Hathor. He wields a cere monial mace with a pear·shaped, stone head. One of the ritual adS following a victory was for the king to slay the enemy chief with his ma~.

3. OLD KINGDOM EGYPTIAN ARCHER c. 2551·2528 B.C. This archer is taken from a fragment of a battle· relief, originally from the Great Pyramid complex of Khufu at Giza, which had been re·used in a later pyramid. T he scene shows tWO ranks of archers, the from rank kn~ling to shoot while the rear rank stands.

Closely cropped hair was a common fashion at this time. His only protection consists of white cloth bands crossing his chest, shoulders and mid rilT. This is a common item of uniform throughout the Old and Middle Kingdom, and may have been derived from Mesopotamian practice.

He uses a simple stave bow called a paJ~r, the origin of the later term for a military formation. Arrows, called SlIlItl or WII, hod reed shofts and footings with tips and nocks of hardwood. Arrows were grasped in the hand when marching as quivers we re seldom used.

The bodies of several soldiers who fought for Menthuhotep II, interred ntar the king's tomb at Deir EI Baturi, exhibit some very stvere wounds inflicted by such arrows. It is possible that they were shot at close range from a high angle, as might happen to attackers in a siege.

4. OLD OR MIDDLE KINGDOM EGYPTIA N SPEARMAN

This soldier is based on model spearmen from the 12th Dynasty tomb of Mesehti at AsYUL He is probably typial of lhe maiority ofprovinciai troops conscripted from the peasantry. The shield, or ilcem, 'A70S made of wood and covered with bull-hide. Figures 4b to 4h illustrate some typical shield patterns. 4c and 4e show bands of stitching fastening the sections of hide together. 4b, f and I stem to have an extra piett of hide fixed vertically down the centre of the shield. 4c is a black spotted hide. 4d could be a white or buff hide with black or brown blotches. 4h has while blotches on a black ground and could hi: painled in imitation of hide, allowing divenion from natural p3uerns. There were also completely plain shields. Borden were white Of coloured, often with studs which fastened the hide.

The shon spear, or dfol, had a copper blade attached by a tang. Other hand·to-hand weapons included the stave, axe or ilt.AlI, dub or Qma, and dagger, or tQ-QIIU. Troops equipped with light ja\·t\ins we re accompanied by hl:arers arrying quivers of atra missiles, as shown in 4a.

5. MIDDLE KINGDOM EGYPTIAN RETAlNER

Troops equipped in Ihis manner are frequently shown Iccompanying nobles in tomb paintings. They probably repre­ sent snemru, or 'retainers'. The shield is quite often the same height as the bearer. The smaUloop at the top was for hanging it up in the armoury. This type of shield could hi: nat or curved. otherwise detonttion and <:onstruction is as described under 4. above. These: ltoops often C3 rry an eye-axe resting on the shoulder. This weapon existed in both one-handed and two-handed versions, most re tainers using the latter.

Tatile bands and armour as shown in 8, or a breastplate as shown in 6, could hi: worn. Ret ainen may have been chosen from among the hereditary warriors and so might wear the ostrich plume. Some re tainers would probably be: archers.

92 a

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6

5

93 s. MlDDLE KINGDOM EGYPTIAN COMMANDER Thi. figure i. based on tomb paintinp of provincial nobles Ind their close.t rttlineB. 1nc /f(JIy-tJ4, as the provincial ooble or 'nomarch' WI' known, acted as the commander·in-chief of the forC"C' of his p~ or 'nome' wben ton· ductine optrltions on his own account Of on behalf of the king. He commanded ws own noDlC-COOtineent as pan ofbrger armies raised by the !un, from the nation as a whole. Other officials boldin, web military rank would be lillie different in apPCIrlnce.

The breastplate is shown being worn by a retainer in a tomb at EI Bersch. It is inserted Ixnatb the tCJ:tile band type of armour and was perhlps made of copper or bronze.

Tomb scenes often depict the nomarch conducting an inspection of hi. domain. acco mpanied by a .unshade·bn.rer, (the sunshade being a nat r«tangular board mounted on a pole with I flbric nip fillins from the rear). variOILl officials. scribes and armed relainers.. Some scenes show retainers screening their lord with their laree shields. No doubt tbe noble and his retinue wou ld prClCota similar siebt on the battlefield. with tbe addition ofl standard bearer bearing the nome·standard. Nobles are liso mown beine carried in liners and in one instlnC"C, even in a liller mounted on the back ofa donkey. Ofcoursc it would be quite common fOf military tommanders to tonduct operations from a boat on the Nile, Ind tbere Ite record. of this tlking pllC"C throughout dynlJlic times.

Chltacteristic ilems of drell included long, brilliant ",'hite or semi-transparent linen ki lt and poaibly ape, wig Ind IIl ff~f~mcc . The term for military commander nr o~rseer WlIS inry-u, which may be the remO(e original of the term 'emir '.

7 & 8. MlDDLE KINGDOM EGYPTIAN INFANTRY ThClC IOldiers are based on figures in tomb paintings from Beni·Hasan, Mitr and E1 Bersch. The archer carries _ quiver, (isptt or !tf!tt) which was now in usc, although many Itchers "ill carried their Irrows loose. The wate r­ skin is Ihown in I dClCn hunting scene and mentioned in lOt. IS being pan of I soldier's equipment. This would be CSSCDtiai in the: arid regions into which opcditions were frequently Itnt. 3000 men led by a C"Cnain Henu to Punt each carried I leather bottle and I carryine-pole for water jan and loaves of bread. Similuly, &nekh, I 'com· mander of trOOp. in tbe dClCrt relions', equipped his men with waterskin. Ind haskell or provisions. On many opc:ditioDs, attrition f,om thirst, fatigue and sickness might be I more KriOUS threat than e:ne:my mion.

Like 7, rllU« 8 is I typical tJllauty (wltrior), wearing tbc red osulch plume in his while headband wwch deDO(ed I hereditary warrior. His armour oftcxtilc bands is dcconted with I brold coloured stripe: Ind ICU u _ halter ror I lCCtion of lCJ:tiie prO(ection for his abdomen. An animal IIjl could be _nIChed to the bKIt of lhe bdl of either soldie:r. He wields lone-handed \'Crsion of the: e:~e: which hu I hand gulrd. Clu bl, such u thl' shown in h, were equilly popular. The: dagger hIS I peculiar ball-like lrip.

a 9 9. MIDDLE KINGDOM PHARAOH This is based on sevenl representations of kings, but chiefly Senusret I (1971-1926 B.C.). He wears the 'double­ crown', a combination of the ancient crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt. This nuy seem rather impractical for campaign (but useful for recognition) and may have been replaced by some other form of headgear in battle. A suitable candidate is the so-called 'cap-ctown', II tight·fitting skull-cap adorned with a royal cobra, which appears in the Old Kingdom. A crown such as this, covered in many small metal discs, is known from many representations dadng from the lite Middle Kingdom through to the ~rly New Kingdom. It was probably the ancestor of the ItAqJl'tslt, or 'war crown' (also knowo IS the 'blue crowD'), a name which first appears in the 13th Dynasty. Thus it would seem to be an indigenous development rather than a Hyksos impon, (9a).

The broad collar, armlets, anklets, bracelets, belt, apron and ritual animal tail would be made of inlaid stone jewellery or beIIdwork. Corslets of such construction ctluld also be worn (imitating hawk feathers), but this figure is shown with a mo re practical corslet of copper scales. He is armed wilh a small version of the mace·axe, which appears in the Middle Kingdom in the hands of the kiog. The king would be accompanied by numerous nobles, officials, standard·beartrs and armed retainers on the battlefield.

10. EARLY EGYPTIAN STANDARDS Nome standards were very often totemic animals or fetish objects representing the local god worshipped in the district since prehistoric times.

The standards were carved from wood and painted. They need nOI have been flat, IS often assumed, and surviving cnmples (from later, funerary contexts) might suggest that they could be three-dimensional. Streamers were atuch­ ed to the top of the shaft. These would most probably be red for Lower Egyptian nomes and white for Upper Egyp­ lian nomes, these being the traditional colours, symbolic of the two ancient kingdoms. lOb and d show the form of these streamers around the time of the unification (c. 3000 B.C.). The standard pole was roughly twice the height of the bearer.

Standards of this type, and also the large ostrich·feather bthlr-fans which alwa}'$ accompanied the king, already ex­ isted in predynastic times. Standard-bearers were dressed appropriately to their StatuS as an officer or retainer. This figu re is wearing a type of kill shown being worn by the sandal-belirer of King Narmer, and dates to the time of the unifiauion of Egypt.

a

b c d e

f g h 10

95 Slandards 10:1< are taken from the 'Narmet·paltlle' and the large, carved, ritual macehead of King 'Scorpion'. lOa represcms the jackal god, Anubis, symbol oftbe nome ofCynopolis. lOb reprcscnlS the Horus fa\con, symbolic oflhe: king who was considered 10 be Ihe physical embodiment oflhe hawk·god, Horus, and also the symbol of Ihe nome of HieT1lconpolis, home of the conquering Upper Egyptian kings of the 1st DynaslY. IOc is difficult 10 identify but is possibly also a nome-standard, pe rhaps representing Cusae. Two falcons, like that shown in lOb, represented Koptos. lOcI is the Set-animal (an Okapi?), sign oflhe nome ofOmhos. 10e is the hieroglyphie sign fOf 'desen regions'. These standards probably reprcscnt Upper Egyptian nomes under the control of the Prcdynastic kings, Scorpion and Narmer, during the wus of unificluion.

109 and h arc Middle Kingdom standards which arc simply refined versions of their archaic predc:«:ssors, 109 being a later version of lOa and IOh, being Ihe symbol oflhe 'hare nome', Hermopolis.

11 . MIDDLE KINGDOM AUXIUARV OR MERCENARY Many light·skinned troops wC::Iring 'woolly' or patterned kilts ore depicted in Middlc KJngdom tombs. Thcy use a variety ofwcapons induding bows, slings, throw-slicks, javelins, large clubs and small axes. The archen and slingers do not bear shields and only some of the othcr troops do so. Apan from an odd Egyptian shicld here and there, these take the form iIIusU'llled in lib. There ca n be bctwCf:n one and three: bosses arranged venically, or an animal hide: panern. The shield is perhaps a hide stretched over a frame and is not far rcmoved from contemporary Amonte shields. Some of these troops have a rathef 'Egyptian' appearance, others appear as 11a. They are probably the 'Asiatic' 3Ul1:iliaries that ate mentioned in some texts. They wcre rccruited from nomadic bedouin tribes on the e:astern borders of Egypt, to be employed as $Cou ts and skirmishers like the Nubian Mcdjay. They were perhaps more: common in Lower Egypt, whcrcas thc Medjay wefe found mai nly in Upper Egypt.

The slinger illustrated here carries his missile:s in a bag slung over his shoulder. Native Egyptian noops do nOl scem to ha ve t~ken much interest in thc sling as a wcapon of war at this lime. Since most or their encmies wore linle Drmour and thcre was abundant expertise in archcry, the Egyptians probably took the view lhat it was beller to sl3Y 3S many enemies as possible allhe funhest possible distance. These foreign troops were using their nllive wC3pon, de vcloped in a differcnt environment and style: of fighting, and werc employed as specialists by thc Egyp­ tians since there was no lack or manpower in Egypt. Thcy may have been valued more on account of their C:J:pcnisc in scouti ng, skirmishing and ambushes, which were more likely to be the Strong points of nomads than or Egyp­ tians, rathcr than on account of wcaponry alonc. Thc sling is quile often found as a weapon among shcpherds, who usc it to protcct their flocks from predators.

a

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96 12 & 13. EARLY NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN INFANTRY These soldiers arc typical of u oops represemcd on 18th Dynasty monuments before the Amama Period (reign of Akhenaren c.I)79-1362 B.C.). They arc the troops who fought for the conquering Pharaohs, Ahmosc I, Amunhotep I, ThU[rnOst l Ind Thulmose III; the IrOOpS th~ t created the Egypti:!. n Em pire. They do not ~pptar to have benefited from much protect.ion. T he archer still uses the old stave·bow which was being rtplacW by the composite type introduced during the Hyksos Period. The tubular bow-case was also used during the Middle Kingdom. Over his white li nen kilt he wears the so-called 'naV3l·kilt' which was a slit·leather ga rment worn by sailors and marina. He is shown returning from pursuit, having take n a trophy, and eagerly anticipating the 'gold of valour'.

T he spearman carries I wooden shield covered in hide, (IWO sections stitched along the middle in this oample). and with a painted bo rder. Shields could be slightly convex and coloured plain white or yellow instead of natu ral hide patterns. A flap of stiffened fabric was sometimes worn as protection for the groin. The main weapon is a shon spear or javelin be tween 1m. and 2m. long. Common side·arms included a small bronze axe, bronze daggers, bronze Itho~Jh ('sickle sword'). staves, clubs and throw-sticks. T hroughout the New Kingdom, side·arms do nOl appear to have been standardised within a unit. 14

15

14 . EARLY NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN CHARIOT This chariot is based on a painting in the lomb ofUserhet. The cab is basically a light wooden frame over which is stretched a fabric cove r. T his is coloured blue in this eumple but presumably any plain colour was possible and even bronze scales (shown on a chariOt of T hutmOst IV). The floor WI! D·shaped in a plan and made up of inu:rlaced !emher thongs, covered with a hide or woollen rnrpet. These vehicles were c:xtrtmely light, and are sometimes

97 shown being carried on the shoulders orroreign tribute bearers. An example in the Florence museum is very similar to 11131 illustrated here. The cab was ahoUi 1m. wide, 5Ocm. deep and 75cm. high. The axle was 1.5m. wide and the yoke-pole was 2.5m. long. The si mple four-spoked wheels were replaced by six-spoked wheels by the mid 18th Dynasty, and I chariot of Thutmose IV possemd eight-s poked wheels. Various types of wood, chosen for their qualities of strength and springiness, were employed in the conStruction of chariOTS. To increase lightness, the cover was only stretched over the front of the cab leal/ing a large 'fenestration' at each side. The axle was seilS far ~ck as possible to balance the I/ehicle and to improl/e speed and manocul/rabili­ ty. The only provisions for weaponry arc the bow

15. EARLY NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN CHARIOTEER Figure 15 shows the full charioteer's panoply as depicted in the Theban tom b of the noble Kenamun in a series of wall· paintings showing the New Years gifts presented to the Phuaoh. The corslet, comprising some 450 scales, is coloured yellow to represe nt bronze, and it is I/ery closely relattd to contemporary Canaanite and Mitannian eumples. It incorporate! a type of bronze neck-gua rd or collar used in those regions and also known in the Aegean. He wears a bronze helmet, also derh'ed from foreign models, some of which arc shown being brought in to Egypt by tribute-hearers. In Kenamun's lomb the helmets are painted white to represent sill/ered bronze. h could have a fcat her, or a horsehair crest. Helmets identical to figures 90c and 91 are also known in Egypt at Ihis time. Beneath the scale corslet the warrior wean a thick woollen coal decorated wilh red and blue bands al the hem, and below this he wears B linen kilt and lunic. His wrist-guard or bracer is of red and yellow leather with a green pad, red ties and blue lie-cnds or tags. The bow is of Syrian m3nufacture, painled white with blue an d red Inrk inlay. The highly decorated quiver is covered with leopard skin, aod retains the animal's tail for use as a tuscl. This panoply was probably manufactured in Canaan and brought iDlo Egypt as tribute or booty. A great part of the wedding gifts sent wit h Tushralla of M itanni's daughter to Pharaoh Amenophis III cOMisted of chariot equip­ ment and horses, including bronze and leather cuirasses for men and horses. shields Ind helmets. However, as with chariots, it was not long before the Egyplians were producing their own armour and developing their own designs. Figure 15a shows what seems to be a greal/e, depicted in the tomb of Khaemhet who is shown wearing Ihem in a civilian tontUI.

IS. MID NEW KIN GDOM EGYPTIAN INFANTRYMAN

This soldier is based on troops depicted on a painted boll: from the tomb of Tutankhamun, and so dales 10 the end of the 18th Dynasty. The longer, pleated kilts, often with a wide pleated apron, worn by troops from the rei gn of Akhenalen (1379-1362 B.C.) reflect contemporary fashion. In addil ion to this he wears a 'nal/al-kilt', which also appears in reliefs from Horemhab's tomb at Memphi5, and may hal/e become a normal part of a soldier's uniform by th is date. Usually nothing was wom benea th the 'nal/al-kill", which was CUt out of a single piece ofleQther, leav­ ing a solid panel al the back where the wearu's SCII mel the wooden rowing·hen ch, so that water would quickly drain away. Armour begins to appear on New Kingdom infantry atlhis time. This man seems to he wearing while lextile bands around his midri ff and across his shoulder on the unshielded sick. Another interprelation might be a SOrt of segmented armour of very stiff fabric.

Other figures from the same source wear a short while tunic which leaves the abdomen aposcd. It is probably I stiff textile, jerkin rather than just a fli msy linen shin.

A helmet worn by troops in Horemhab's reliefs is shown in 16a. It l iso often Ippears in military scenes of the Ramwide period, and it could have been made of leather, paddtd textile or, most pro~bl y, bronze. " The shield is the usual 18th DynaslY type. A cemral panel or band bean the king's name, and possibly the unit name. Shields found in Tutankhamun's tomb were made oflight wood cove red wit h antelope or cheellh hide, though the cove rings of common soldiers' shields would not be so uOIic. Shields wc re slightly con vex and measured about 7Scm. high and sOcm. wide.

The weapon depktcd in 16b is shown being thrust with great ferocity, using both hands, into fallen enemy charioteen in the painted·box scenes. h could be: described as along.handled sword, or a heavy type of short stabbing.,pear. Bronu heads fo r such weapons survive in both the Cairo Museum Ind the Ash molean Museum, Oxford. The latter cxllmple, 16b, bellrs Ihe name ' Kamose', showing Ihlll they wen: \lsed througho\ll Ihe 181h DynaSly. The head alone measures 6Ocrn. long, and Ihe paintings show it s full length to have been about a metre.

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17. NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN MUSICIANS Two wa r trumpets bearing the names of Amun, Re and Ptah, possibly a reference to armies, were found in the tomb of Tutankhamun. When played with a modern mouthpiece they produced a particularly evocative sound, though without this could produce only a few raucous notes. T hey were provided with wooden formers to prevent damage when not in use. They were probably used to give general signals to large formations of the whole army, such as 'advance', 'retreat', 'left or right wing advance', an d the like. The drum was used on military parades, and would have provided I fitting, relcntleu beat for advancing bodies of close-order infantry. It co uld also be used for signals wit.hin small formations.

Egyptian troops at all periods probably chamed nr sang as they wem imo battle and on parades. Texts mention war:eries and clamour befo re battle began . The 6th Dynasty commander. Weni, even recorded a triumph song in his tomb inscription.

18 &: 19. LATER NEW KINGDOM CLOSE·COMBAT INFANTRY These figures are based on numerOUi battle reliefs of the 19th and 20th Dynasties, often called the 'Ramesside period'.

Both figu res wear pleated white Iincn kilts with a rrontal flap that may have be:en stilTened. The '$Iri ped headdoth' appears at this time. This was not quile the ume as the Pharaoh's I1n1ItS headdress and may not be: simply doth. One cxplanation might be: lea ther strips fastened to a cloth base. Figure 18 wears banded textile armour similar to lhal of 16. The textile protection of 19 is an unsegmented venion of this design. Contrary 10 popular imagina' tion, tunics we re Dot commonly worn be:neath this type of.. armour, which wou ld probably be white, brown or buff. 19

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The shield curied by 18 is typical of that used by spearmen in the RlImcssidc period. lIS large and rectangular shape' .is beneT s uiu~ d for fighling in dense formations than the earlier New Kingdom type, which continued in use by nemen. marines, runners and light troops. Shields were now painted plain colours such as red or bluc:. They bad a white border decor.llcd with thin black, blue and red lines. The 'boss', positioned over the hand grip, is actually a flat menl disc flanked by TWO sacred robras, showing it to be a solar disc. II was probably a form of unit insignia replacing that of 16.

II was vcry common practice for the shield to be slung on the back by a Strap when marching and even in comba!. The IToopS would also use their shields to mue II pal iude around the camp when on campaign.

The mace-axe carried by 19 existed in bOlh one and 1\\10 handed versions. Examples ofbolh sized blades have been found. A large blade in the British M.useum is shown in 19b, and a reconstruction of the weapon in 19a. The shaft was presumably insened th rough a wooden mace-head which had a groove for the fining of the blade. II is wen­ designed 10 combine cuning and concussive effC'Cts.

Side-arIDS included the mace, b~lon, sm~n axe, throw-slick. dagger, shon sword, as shown in 18a. and the khopah as shown in the hand of our spearman. A khoplsh from the tomb of Tutankhamun was 6Ocm. in length, a hefty weapon of bronze, cast in one piece: with the handle. The lower edge was the cuning edge.

The soldier's 'field'pack' is depicted in Egyptian camp scenes and illustrated bere in ISb.

20,21 & 22. LATER NEW IilliGDOM EGYPTiAN ARCHERS By this time, the composite bow was standard equipment for all archers. Unstrung, the bow had a doublc-

100 22

20

21 four stands of twisted gut. Arrows usually had a reed shaft, but wcrc fooled wi th hardwood. They were tipped with bronze, the heads rCKmbling miniature spearheads. The nock was also made of hardwood or of ivory. Arrows could be: either three-or four-flctched with [cathers, and up to 1m. in length.

Figure 20 is a type: of arche.r often depicted in baltic scenes of the Ramcssidc period. Their shaven heads are a dislinctivc feature, and they may belong 10 a particular elite unit. Colours have survived on some reliefs, showing that the robes we re while while the quiver and quiver-sling were brightly painted wilh mytbologiClil I beasts (such as the winged cobra shown here) or in imitation of antic animal skins. The quiver was made of embossed leather and provided with a lid attached by a thong. Several uampJes arc preserved in the Cairo Museum.

Figure 21 is an unarmoured Ramesside: arche:r, but the: same uniform could be worn with a 'striped' jerkin (possibly representing scale armour). Figure 22 wears a textile helmet, and his tunic mIIy have been some form of armour on which the detail has been eroded aWlly .

The Egyptians of the New Kingdom do not seem to have made much use of the sli ng in warfare:, and the: only reprtsentations of slingers are: in the naval battle: relie:fs of Ramesses III at Medine:t Habu. Here the slingers are in the crows' nests of the Egyptian wa rships and there may be some special reason for their employment in this position rather than archers. Slings were found in Tutankham un's tomb but they ma y havt bttn simply pan of his hunting equipment.

23. LATER NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN CHARIOT This is based on representations from the reigns ofTutankhamun and Ramessn II. Sill-Spoked wheels were: now s[andud and the eab is generally heavier and more robust. It Ippell1 to be: construCted from wood and bull-hiC::e. Two further weapon

101 23 a The cab oCone of TUIQnkhamun's chariots measured 1m. in width and 1.25m. in height. The ule \\'lIIS 1. 75m. wide and the wheels werc 9Ocm. in diameter. The draught-pole was 2.5m. long.

The hone-armour is derived from relicfs at Abu-Simbel in which Egyptian chariots arc charging IOwar

a 25

102 24 & 25. LATER NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN CHARIOT CREW The crew illustrated in 24 wear textile armour with the addition of scale corslet, and sca le helmet in the case of the chariot warrior. The driver was usually equipped with a shield during the IUmcsside Period (t9lh and 20th Dynll5ties), those from the source used here being covered in bull-hide. The traditional type was replaced by a round shield among some eluriony in the reign of R~messes III Egyptian chariotry aUlinly fought with long and shon range missile weapons and were probably not inclined to dismount in action unless absolutely necessary.

Figure 25 is equipped with a scale corslet ofa type depicted in the 10mb of Ramesses III . Several pairs ofthe$C: corslets arc shown, together with items of chariot equipment which might indicate that they could be issued to both members of the crew. Scales of varying sizes were used, and the neck was protected much more efficiently than by the earlier corslet of IS. The rows of scales alternate in different colours, and paint or VlIriant alloys of bron%e could have been used to achieve this effect. Another possibility could be tinted leather scales as a sleeveless cuirass of such SCIles was found crumpled in a box in Tutankhamun's tomb. The scales were flied td"a linen base or lining to fonn a close-filling gannent. Such an arrangement of scales (and ronlets in which the lacing was left exposed) have no doubt contributed to their interprel3lion as striped runiC'S . This figure is also equipped wi th a helmet of similar ronstruction. Some of the striped headgear often attributed to Egyptian troops might be beller imerpreted as helmets of this tfPC' (cf. figs. 87, 88 and 90e).

25a is a heavily-cmbroidered (or painted) cuirass depicted in the tomb of Ramcsscs III. It has a fringed lower edge and WlS probably textile. In construcling their non-metallic armour, the Egyptians no doubt used similar techni· ques to those employed to make cartonnage cases for mummies. This involved building up layers of linen treated wilh resins, the results would be "ery tough, but light.

26. NEW KINGD OM EGYPTIAN CHARlOT RUNNER Runners were infantry int ended to act in suppon of the chariotry and were an integrlll pan of chariot unil organisa­ tion. The h.ieroglyph.ic 'det~rminative ' aCluaily shows II man running with shield and javelin. Presumably especially athletic m~n were selected for service as runnelli. There arc several reliefs which depict runners in action. They are shown running beside the chariot, advancing ahead of the chariotry, or 'mopping·up· after II chariot charge apinst enemy chariot ry. A few figures in these contexts lire shown with bows instead of javelins, and could be crewmen from destroyed vehicles who would join the runnen in the midst of combat. At Medinet Habu, a line of javelin­ armed troops :are shown operating on the fl anks of a line of chariolry.

27. NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN HORSEMAN This rider is taken from 19th Dynasty reliefs at Luor. He wears yet another type of textile armour which fastens on the lefl side. He is armed only with a bow. This soldier represents the beginnings of cavalry in Egyptian armies, although numbers would be small. and combat roles limited to scouting and carrying messages. Skirmishes between opposing mou nted scouts were probably not unknown.

103 A rid~r is shown in military r~lief$ from the tomb of Horemhab at Memphis, (which he built while still only II general). He rides bareback, w~rs little clothing and carries only II whip, so he may juSt be a groom exercising the horses. His hairstyle and appearance arc nther 'Nubian', and it would nOI be unusual 10 find a few foreigners in the ranks of regular units and among the servants attached to officers and chariotry. The design of the saddle in 27 ·is cut from a hide, other $lIIddles were of plaited reed. Horses were probably still tOO small and weak in the spine to enable the development of true cavalry.

b

d

28. NEW KINGDOM PHARAOH'S CHARIOT Tht Ph.1raoh's chariot was always the most advanced design available and richly decorated. This illustration is derived mainly from Ramesscs II's 'lion chariot' and a similar 'lion chariot' of Ramesscs III.

ThUlmose IV is shown driving a chariot with eight-spoked wheds in one representation, while his wcll-cquippcd maryannu opponents only have four-spokes.

The cab could be plain and constructed like ordinary chariots but was usually highly decorated. Chariots of wood overlaid with gold ....·e re perhaps normally reserved for parade, although Thutmosc IIJ fought in a chariot overlaid with clectrum at Megiddo. The above mentioned chariO! of Thutmosc IV had a metal or leather scale covering stretched over the frame. The WlIr chariot of Tutankhamun depicted on a painted box from his tomb was similar to 23, but the state chariotS from his 10mb were made of wood ove.rlaid with gold and decorated with inlay.

The napper, breast-harness and l"rpisu of 28 afe constructed from inlaid stone or faience beads arranged in lines of different colours as iflhey were tiny sca les. They were presumably attached 10 a textile back.i.ng. Colours included him:, light green, red and ydlow. Instead of an apotropaic minaf) a fiy-whisk is fastened 10 the yoke-saddle.

The horse-armour shown on the painted box ofTutankhamun is iIlu stI~ led by 2Sd. The round disa are coloured yellow and ~ r e prob~b l y a convention for scales. The trapper was tied under the belly by tapes. The curved lower edge of such tl1lppc:rs may be an attempt by artists to represent the stretching of the covering. The beadwork tl1lpper ofThulmosc IV is shown in 2&. There were many variams of the crest on tbe horses' heads which incorporated dyed ostrich plumes, one version is shown in 28b.

10' Figure 28a is from a Victorian drawing of an Egyptian relier and represents the sunshade of Ramesscs II, mounted above his chariot. It is possibly just a garblrd fan but the shape argues against this. It is dctorated with a protective vulture deity.

A special fearure orthe Pharaoh's chariot was the solar disc surmounting a wooden hawk, o\'Crlaid with gold, mounted on the draught·pole.

This chariot is appropriate to figure 30. Representations al ways show the Pharaoh rid.ing alone with the re ins tied around his waist. This was probably Pharaonic propaganda, as the epic poem on the battle of Kadesh contains a dialogue belween R2mcsscs and his charioteer Menna, although modern txperiments have shown that it is possi· ble to drive in this fashion at low speeds.

Royal spans were given names such as 'Sm ite,. of Fouigntn' belonging to Seti I, 'ViC/ory in Thlbn' ridden by Ramcsscs II and 'Amun Giw,h the Swori' owned by Ramesses m.

29 &: 30. NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN PHARAOHS Figure 29 is based on representations orThutmosc IV, Tutankhamun and Seti I. He wears the !tJIepresh, often known as the 'blue-crown' or 'war-crown'. The first mention of tbis helmet occun in tbe reign of Neferhotep III of the 13th Dynasty and it was already developing OUI of the 'cap-crown' before the Hyksos period. The crown was made of leather, coloured blue and covered with many small gold or bronu discs. The sacred cobra, or 'uraeus', sur­ mounts the brow . A low ridge crosses the belmet iust behind the dome, and yellow ribbons fa ll rrom the nape.

a

29 b

Around his waist are tied several yellow sashes. The belt, apron, broad

105 His Idi foreann is protected by a leather wrist guard, but embroidered gloves could be worn like those: ofTufankhamun which ClIn be seen in tbe Cairo Museum.

A royal shic:ld is shown in 29b. The froOl could be co\'e red in C:XOl.ic hide, or, as here, consist of a gi lded or ebony openwork raised motif against a white or da rk ground,

Figure 30 is based on a representation of RlImessc:s 11 The variant of the kltqJruh shown here is plain wit h a gold or embroidered falcon on the back. A iewellery pectoral hanp from his neck, He wean a long scale conle t ove r white linen robes. This is an Egyptian equivalenl of the Iypt shown in 104. Rows of brorne scales (co loured ye ll ow) allernate with lines of stilching (represcmed by plain blue lines), each row of scales sl.ightly overlaps tbe row of stitching directly beneath. T he scales have a small boss in their lower half, and so correspond exactly to scales in the Cairo Museum, some of which belonged 10 a scale corslet of Shc:shonq 1. One of thc:sc scates is shown in 3Oa. This annour was worn only by the Pharaoh and his retinue. His sandals differ from earlier [}'PCS, having acqui red upturned toes. When not in comba t the Pharaoh wore robes like 31 .

31. NEW KINGDOM EG VPTIAN OFFICER He wears the typiCllI dress of an offi cial in fashion from the mid·18th Dynasty onwards, consisting of a heavily. pleated kilt worn oYer a long robe or wide sleeved shin. These were alwa~ of brillianl white, ocCllsionally semi· transp3rent, li nen. Hai r was usually shoulder length but shaven heads and wigs were also possible. Royal princes might accompany their father on campaign as subordinate commanders, and were distinguished by their sidelocb (31a). In action, long robes may ha ve concealed armour, and reliefs show annour, like that illustrated in 25, 30, 32 and 33, being worn over their robes by high ra nking officen.

Scribes, who invariably accompanied the army, would be similarly dressed and would ClI rry writing equipment and leather cases for documents (leather shttlS rather than papyrus scrolls when on ClImpaign). Scribes could be taught foreign Io.nguages (chiefly Akkadian, the 'lingua-Franca' of the day) for service with the coun or the army. The Phanoh and high ranking officcrs would be literate.

Lemr officers, such as the standard·bearer, dressed as the ra nk and file, T he 'greatest of 50' and 'gre:illest of 10' (equivalent 10 NCO's), carried wooden 5lnes. This officcr carries an ostric h plume, possibly the insign ia of chariOtry officers.

32. SHARDANA GUARDSMAN

The T anis stela of Ramcsscs II and a reference in the epic poem on the bailie of Kade!h, tell of Ramcsscs's c~pture of Sherden raiders and thcir formation into an elite body in time for the Kadesh ClI mpaign. T he Kadesh reliefs show Shnden (or Sharelana), and native Egyptian royal guards both equipped with this type of armour. The most detai led re presentations arc at Abu Sirobel. The Sherden contingent retained the ir distinctive shields, swords and helmetS. The Egyptian guards were helmetless. with shoulder-length hair, and carried the shield shown in 32a. T his seems to bear a wheel motif instead of a solar disc. T hey carried spears and small axes. as side-arnu. The Sherden carried only a sword which was about I m long. 32b is an example of this weapon in the British Museum. Other rdiefs show Sherden with javelins, though these may not be guards. The dark-coloured budder was probably leather. The bronze: bosses were arranged with an inner and outer ring Of an outer ring around a centnl boss. The cap-like helmet could have been made from boars'·tusks in Aegean fuhion or with segments of leather or wood, It was sur· mounted by twO cow horns (or boars' tusks) and a disc insignia, This was probably to distinguish Egyptia n auxiliary Sherden from enemies, u it appears on Sherde n other than guards.

The type of annour shown here appears only during the reign of Ramc:sscs II. It is only shown being worn by royal guards, some chariotry (also likely to be household troops) and some archers (which could possibly be dis-­ mounted chariOleers). It is apparently very rigi d, an d ukes the form ofa COlIt with two broad straps passing over the shoulden and a frontal fl ap over the chest. T he tapering apron of the kilt is allowed to hang outside, Some idea ofils rigidity is given by the shaping of the thigh sections to ease movement. This uniform is often rcronmucted the other way around because the reliefs show mirror images of these troops facing each other in order to create a symmenical composition, h most probably futened on the shielded side. The flaps, often taken to indiCll te a belt, may be: intended as groin protection, but it is probable tha t they arc meant to represent the other thigh panel pro­ truding beyond the ap ron of the kilt. No ac tual 'belt ' around th e wa is t occurs in the reliefs.

The garment is divided into frulny horizontal panels wit h numerous sfrulil studs positioned along them, and is perhaps best interpreted as a son of coat-

106 a

31 b

34 /0

a

...... , :::::> b c

101 33. RAM.ESSIDE ROYAL RETAINER This soldier appears running beside Rame&ses II in his chariO! in a scenc from Abu SimbeL He must be his personal chuiot-runner and sandal-bearer. He wears a different version of thc armour described under 32 . In this case: it is likely 10 be enlirely lextile. The method of fastening on the len side, consisting of tapes passing through ring· shaped buckles, ClIn be clearly Sttn.

34. RAMESSIDE MARINE This marine is based on reliefs dating to the reign of Ramcsses Ill, chiefly the na\-al battle depicted at Mcdinet Habu. Weapons used at sea included iavelin. mace, composile bow, sling, boa rding.pike and grappling-hook. Javelin or bow were used for land operations. The old style naval kilt has been replaced by one of'Sea-Peoples", (originally l..cvantine), type. This was probably linm, strengthened with leather s!Tips. One possible interpretation of the 'Striped' corslets and helmets shown worn by marines, could be bands of plaited fibre or papyrus, but scale annour is pro­ bably more likely. The jerkins de picted in the Medinet Habu reliefs bear a suilUng similarity to the scale corslets depicted in the tomb of Ramesses IU, ilIu$lrated and discussed under 25.

34a shows the fronl of the shield, 34b is the mace side-arm favoured by marines, and 34<: is a variant helmet con· sisting ora tutile or metal helmet with a fabric 'aventail'. It was worn IOgether with 0 plain tutile jerkin and nor· mal infantry lUI! . This uniform appears on troops in a parade s«:ne fro m the reign of Ramesses III, who appear to be another type of marine.

35. NEW KINGDOM EGYPTlAN STANDARDS The New Kingdom saw the establ..is luncnt ofa regular national army with a centralised command, consequentl)' completely new types of purely military stan dards came in to being. The majority of New Kingdom military stan­ da rds were fan-shaped or rcctangular. There were sevenl basic fonnsto whicb insignia indicating any special status could be added. Fan and rectangular types were probably !lat, wlille anima l devices could have been three-dimensional. The device wa s mounted on a pole about 2m. long, 10 which were futened a red and a while Streamer representing Ibe national colours of ancient Egypt, derived from the red and wbite Clowns. The fla t types would be ideaUy suited for indicating basic manoeuvres such as a wheel, and their common occurence might suggest thai they we re used by the smaller unin. More compla: typeS were probably tbe insignia of companies or greater formations, Ibeir ma in fu nction being recognition.

35a is a hehtr-fan. II was made of ostrich feathers dyed in coloured bands. Two such rani were always borne behind the lUng from the earlicst times. In baule they were carried by runners bebind the roy;al chariot .

35b is a typical mi litary fan standard. The design is derived from the IONS flower and the board sits upon a carved lotus terminal on the pole. Colours would be red, blue, green or yellow on a white or yellow ground.

35c is another common type. A white rectangle surmounts a bow-sbaped terminal, (the term ptdfrr derives from a word for the bow). The rectangle could contain tbe Phanoh's names and tilles and probably the unit name. The fea ther might indicate some special stalus or award, but a red ostrich plume was always a genen! insignia of soldiery in Egypt. 35d is depicted in a tomb at Tell-EI -Amama, tbe capital of Akhenaten. It bears canouches containing the mime of the 111m. To one side is the phonetic hieroglyphic sign for sa, meillning 'compilllY'.

35e. is a IOlus- f1 ower standard carried by a unit that may have been household chariouy, during tbe reign of Ramesses nI.

35fand g are ostrich plume standards carried by chariotry and high ranking stalT(in tbeir role as chariotry officers?). This would be ideal for signalling basic movements to a lToop of chariotry.

35h is a djtd·piJ1or surmounted by a solar-disc and plumes, a symbol of Abydos.

35i is depicted at the temple of Hateshepsut at Dcir·EI·Bahari and consists of a papyrus planl (symbolic of Upper Egypt), rising from a lIa sign, (usually meaning '! pirit', but here it is probably part of a pla~-name) . The troops around it arc. labelled; 'uoops of Upper and Lowe r Egypt. Youtb of T hebes and R«ruils of Khen thennefer' (a Nubian region).

35j contains tbe 'throne name' of Queen Hatshepsut, (Maarllart), enclosed by a ca rtouche which al ways encircles royal names. It is sunnounted by two royal cobn. and plumes.

35k, I and m bear animal motifs. 351 Sttms to be associated with Theban mi litia.

108 35

c a d

h e f g

n o k m

p q r

x w s t v 109 35n is a human head surmounted by a double plume. 350 is the head of the sun·god R.i.

35p, q and r are probably the standards of'ships contingents' being a combination of infantry fan with a ship device. 35q is from the tomb of Nebamun and btlonged to 'the king's ship Btlowd 0/ Am/m'.

35s·w are represem3th'e of 3 curious type of standard th~t often accompanies the fan type. They Kem to be some sort of hanging object. 35u is coloured red below the lotus-flower, with thin red and yellow horizontal bands.

35x is the standard of the army of Amun. It eomprises the head of the sacred ram of Amun surmounted by a solar disc appropriate to the god's full name of Amun-Ra. A small figu re of lhe Pharaoh is fixed below his countenance. This standard was larger than norm al standards and carried in a chariot of it s own, accompanied by a drh'er. It led the army on the march. This was presumably the case: with the other armies. The standard of the army of Ra would bt simi.lar 10 350, that of Set (or Sutekh) to IOd, withou t the arc haic features, and Ftah would possibly be reprc:sc:nted by a bull, (the sacred Apis.bull).

Standard·poles were usually yellow. The wigs of gods would be blue. The colours of the hieroglyphs would vary acco rding to the sign con~med. Solar discs would be yellow or gold. Primary colours and green would predominate. Ostrich plumes which were nOI dyed would be white wilh black tips.

36 & 37. UBYAN OR KUSHITE·EGYPTIAN INFANTRY 7TH CENTURY B.C. Thc:sc: figures ue deri ved from an ASliyrian palace relief dating 10 Ihe reign of Ashurbanipal (668·627 B.C.). They :lppear defending a fonified Egyptian temple enclosure which must represent either Thebes or Memphis during the revolts of 667 or 66613 B.C. Although these figures are usually regarded as Kushite, on accou nt of their 'Nu­ bian' fealU res, contempol"2ry Egyptian troops would have been similarly dressed and etjuipped. Indeed glazed tiles from Nimrod, probably of the reign of Esarhaddon (680-669 B.C.), show identical fair-skinned soldien.

The plume may simply be: II designation fot 'soldier', and not especililly associated with the Kushites, sin~ the plume was the insignia of the Meshwesh mililary caste.

The small round shields bear a curious 'hollow-sided square' device. This could be an extra piece of hide, (possibly a green hide as tht Assyrians in the relief art using fi rebnnds), 10 incrtast its proltctive qualities or merely as a dewrativc motif.

37 wears lamellar armour which could rum: been captured from Assyri3n. or Assyrian-equipped garrisons o\'erron during the revolts. One (jgun in the relief wears II. simple jerkin with Assyrian 'pteruges' along the lower edge (se; also fig. 25a).

38. LATER EGYPTIAN MOUNTED PHARAOH Tefnakht is the fint recorded example of a Pharaoh riding on horseback, but this may ha\'e been due to the excep­ tional circumslances at the siege of Memphis, when hasle was necessary. Riding in a charlOi would «nalnly remain the rule on most occasions, as with all contemporary rulers. However, it does demonstrate thaI Ihe king was likely to be proficient in all aspects of horsemanship. Herodotus records that Amasis rode a horse when he was in rebellion against Apries, and so the practice ca nnOi be ruled out for nobles and officials, according to the requirements of active se n·ice. That the Egyptians pornssed effecli ve cavalry at least by the lime of the Kushite 25th Dynasty is anesled by Assyrian records.

This figu re wears a lamellar corslet, but scale, s h~l-bronze , textile corslets or a corslet of Greek design are equally possible. HerodOlus records dun Amuis donaled a linen corslet to the temple of Alhene at Lindos on Rhodes. The ea rlier textile corslet illustrated in 25a might perhaps serve as a guide to Ihe possible appearance of such a linen corslet.

T he horse wean 3 necklace of blue faience beads such as adorned the bodies of horses buried in the tombs of several of the Kushite Ph:lraohs at El Kurru in Nubia. After the loss of the Egyptian Empire, most of the military activity look pla~ within the Nile valley and so it is possible that the restrictions of the landscape might encourage the use and development of cavalry as II. panial subslilute for chariOlry, especially in scouting and skirmish.ing roles. This twIy have laken p1a~ in Egypt independently oflhe same process ocrurring at this lime in the rest of the Near EaSt.

38a shows the head of the Kushile Pharaoh, Taharqa (690·664 B.C.), from an Assyrian stela. The helmet is perhaps a melal skull-np wilh the royal cobra affIXed to it.

110 37

...­ &J),J .' ,, ' ,.: , a , , " "" 38 "v a 39

39. LATER EGYPTIAN PHARAOH He is based mainly on Egyptian-style repre semations on ivory objects of Phoenician origin and dates to the 9th or 8th centuries B.C. He wears a shon kilt over a longer kill and shin, all probably affine: white linen. Egyptian shins werc: usually a simple length of cloth with an opening for the head half way aiong its le ngth. The sides were tucked into the kill 10 form. wide sleeves, but garments with sewn sleeves were also known. All the tI'llditional Pharaonic trappings are present, including the broad collar li nd uraeus-apron. He carries the heqa scepter and the flail , symbols of royal authori ty throughoullhe dynastic period. The 'bluc

39a shows an axe, tbe blade of which bears the name 'Sheshonq', and ittustrates the form this weapon took in the 9th century 8.C. Scales from the tomb of Sheshonq I indicate that armour, like that of figure 30. continued to be worn by Pharaohs into this period.

III 40,41 & 42. LATER EGYPTIAN CHARJOTRY c. 8TH TO 6TH CENTURY B.C. It is not clear how long New Kingdom designs relrulined in use, and lOme of the liter repraenlltions of chariots may be misunderstood copies of older types or ddiberate Itcbaising (I frequent occurrence in art during the 7th and 6th centuries). The: more: rdiable evidence indicates tbat Emt kept pace with cbariotty de:\'c:lopment in the Near East during the ht millennium B.C. The change from sU-spoked to eight·spoked wheels occurred during or shonly after Ihe Libyan period, and Ihe cab then began 10 lequire I rectlngu lar plln and boa:-like appearance. A drawing of a four·horse chariot on I limestone block shows I C1b similar in design to that depicted in I Nee­ Hiuite rtlief from Sakcagozu, and 10 anOther on a Syrian·style plaque lmong the Nimrud ivories. This ctwloI: is shown in 40. The cab is possibly covered in fabric, as il hiS a fringe Iiong its bottom edge. The wheels Ire quite large Ind Ih e: ab is raised high off the ground like Assyriln chariots. It. band'grip is required to Issist mounting. These features could place this chirice as early as the 8th century B.C.

The: horses Ire wearing faience bead necklaeu as found on horse burials in tombs of the Kusbite Phinohs at El Kurru. Traces of maning covered by cloth wert also found on the bodies.

The chariot 401 is from a faie nce bowl from Tuna dating to the: Libyan period. II could be simply a m isinterpreted New Kingdom type copied from older rtpresenlations. It has a design similar to earlier chariots with, perhaps, a quilted cover strelched over the frame leaving fenestrations at the sides of the cab.

40 a

A possible reconstruction of a charice crewman is shown in 41 . Round shidds were in use with chariOtry as early IS the reign of Rameucs III. Long coats of scale were common among NC1ar·Eastern chulO( crews during the 10th. 9th and 8th centuries B.C. and 41a mows some scales dating to around 750 B.C. from Emt. The annals ofEsarhad· don, concerning his invasion of Egypt, refer to Egyptian duriots ctC'olo'ed by three men. They art specified as 'holden of rei ns', 'chariol chiefs' and 'third men on chariO( s'. Interestingly, Assyrian sources show Egyptian chariots as little changed from New Kingdom designs, uide from having eight-spoked wheels.

Although it is quite likely that 40 could be a Saite period ve hicle, 42 is an attempt to rccomtJ'UCI an Egyptian chariOt of the 7th or 6th cent ury B.C. The bol. is rectangular in plan and based OD representations of chariots from Cypnu and Phoenicia. These areu were receiving I strong Egyptian influence at this time and are likely to have been close to Egypt in chariOt design, lince they represent one channel through which Egypt would b«-ome acquainted with Near-Eutern developments. The wheel is based on an actual enrnple found in Egypt. Near the base of c:ach spoke is a hole through which a rawhide thong could be threaded. As the thong dried OUt, the spokes would be held firmly to Ihe nlve. 42a is a sunshade, shown on what appears to be 1 Phanloh's chariO(. The horse-armour cons.isu of

112 rows of mml plat~ lind follow$ a palwn known in Syria. 42b is an clIample of such a platc from Nimrud. 42c is an ornate wheel of the Ptolemaic period (from a ritual vehicle). The spokes are carved in the shape of papyrus siems and hobnails are rtxed 10 the rim in the manner of some Assy rian chariolS. T his type of wheel may luve appeared as early as the 51h CCnt ury H.C.

a

42

. .: [Q).. . .. : b c

43, 44 & 45. SAffE EGYPTIAN INFANTRY, 7TH TO 6TH CENTURY B.C.

Figun: 43, who mig ht ~ an officer, is dressed ;!ccording to a description of Egyptian appan:1 by Herodotus, backed up by represent;!tions on G reek painted pottery. Levan tine ca rved ivori« and Egyptian tomb sce nes. II consisted ora linen tun ic. wi lh;! rringed lower edge called;! calasiris, over which was worn;! while wooll en kill. Figun: 44 appears on a decorated melal bowl or Phoenician manu racture. This figure would da te to the 8th or 7th centuries B.C. Cavalry from the same source as 44 ;re dressed and armed identically. but lack shields.

113 Nubian soldiers wearing clement s of Gree k, Persian and Scythian costume (such as patterned tunics and uousc:rs) arc depicted on some Greek painted pottery. They may have betn inspired by Ibe appearance of troops seen by Greek traders in the streets of Cyrent or Naukratis. Nubia was always a major recruiting ground for the Egyptian army, and Greek equipment could euil y be obtained through trade, or manufactured in Egypt by Greek anisans, pe rhaps in the Greek colonies or military settlements. Figure 45 is wearing a linen conlet.

Some troops from the same sou rce as 44 arc dressed identically but wear a helmet wilh a crest like 47. The nDSC­ guard and check-pieces are nOl prcsc:nt and it is held on with a chin-st rnp. This cou ld be an Egyptian variant of the characteristic Karian helmet_

44

45

.,. EGYPTIAN SPEARMAN, 30TH DYNASTY Thil figure is a reconstruction of a close-formation spearman of the Persian period (which includes a period of in­ depmdence under the 28th, 29th and 30th Dynasties), following the descriptiolU of Egyptian troops given by Herodotus and Xenophon. Herodotus says that Egy ptian marines in the Persian fleet wore reticulated helmets and con lets aDd were equipped with concave broad rimmed shields, long spears, axes and scimitan. Xenophon records long spears and similar shields which were wcll-designed fo r close-format ion fighting. Infa ntry of t.his type may have been originally developed in the Saile period when a culrurnl renailsanct. was taking place and there was a great deal of interest in the past. The Saite Pharaohs may have tried to create an army on the traditional model and could have copied items of uniform from ancient reliefs (which was certainly done in the case of anistic composition).

That the Egypti ans may have re.-introduccd the traditional shield after 11 long period whcn the round shield appears to ha ve been most co mmon is nOt only suggCSted by the descriptions of Herodotus and Xenophon, but pe rha ps more Significa ntly by the introduction of shields of this type into the Assyrian army immediately following their contact with Egypti an troops.

The mai n weapon of the c1osc-tombal infantry was the niUHrl-djntl,lilerally 'hand spear' (i.e. thrusting or Slabbing spear) which existed in long and shon versions during the Pen ian period.

114 a b c

47 . IONIAN, KARIAN OR LYDIAN MERCENARY, 7TH TO 6TH CENTURY B.C.

T his hQ~ntb li or 'new fo rdgntr' carries a brom:e-faccd shield bearing a gorgon's he ~ d device, like the example found af Carchcmish daling 10 the defeat of the Egyptian garrison by the Babylonians in 605 B.C. The Corittlhian helmet features a 'cocks'

The main elements among the Greek mercenaries employed by the Saitc Phanaohs were Kari:m$. and lonians from Asia Minor. Lydian IcrnacOlla plaques in G reek slyle depict similar warriors 10 47, who may eilhe.r ha\'e been G reek mercenaries rrom the colonies of Asia Minor, or may possibly indica te thaI nalive Lydians had adopted Greek equip­ ment and methods of fighting around 600 B.C. It is possible Ibatlhe 'brazen-men' employed by Psamtik I of Egypt were Lydians sent by Gyges. Assyrian annals of Ashurtm nipal record lhat Gyges sent troops to help Psamtu: drive out the Assy rian garrisons and defeat his Egyptian rivals.

This figure wears sandals and Assyrinn·style socks under his greaves as shown in le rracona plaques. Ahem:uive shield designs are shown in 47a<.

115 48 &; 49. UBYAN WARRIORS The name 'libya' deri\'cs originally from the libu, a tribe which appeared at the end of the Egyptian New Kingdom among the invaders of Egypt. They figure prominently as an element among the considerable Libyan infiuxtS of the sucettding period. The term 'Liby:iIOs' is used here to embra~ three main peoples. The oldest inhabitants of Egypt's western fringes were the Tjehenu, who wert closely related to the Egyptians. The Tjemehu were light· skinned and fair-haired, lind probllbly crossed into Nonh Africa from Europe in remote prehistory. The Berber tribes, including the Mcshwcsh and Libu, appeared from funher west to~rds the end of the New Kingdom as tbe Sahan became more arid. These put pressure on the older established peoples, who were doubtless also suffer­ ing. This ultimately led to mass settlement in Egypt.

On the whole, Libyan dress consisted of very linle. The basic gument was a phallus-sheath of leather attached to a waist belt . With this could be worn a cloak which covered Ihe left shoulder, with a hole for the left arm, and tied up on the right shoulder, leaving this arm free: 10 use a weapon . This ~s made of bull-hide or tbe skin of another animal, such as ginfTe or lion. Alternatively it could be made of plain coloured or panerocd cloth. There were usually coloured or patterned borden and sometimes horizontal blinds across the garment. Colours uicd were red, blue, yellow, black. and white.

The body was sometimes deconted wilh lallOOS or painting. The hair was plaited into thin plaits, and mighl be funher adorned with mud and one or more ostrich plumes. This plume was considered \'ery important, and may ha\'e indicated tribe or S13tuS. The inscriptions of Merenptah record thai Ihe defeated Libyan chief was deprived of his plume by bis followers as a mark of disgn~. Figure 48 is a Libyan chief.

Weapons included throw-sticks, javelins and the bow_ Many trihcsmen involved in the attacks on Egypt during the later New Kingdom had acquired 'copper' swords of Sca·Peoples type and a few, apparc.ndy Egyplian-style cha riots. A typical warrior is shown in 49.

The Libyans did nOI usc shields. The beSt c.planalion for Ihis might be dulC the cloak fulfilled Ihis- function. It appears to be a nther thick hide or fabric garment, cove ring the left side and blick, leaving the right arm unimpeded to use weapons. In combat the left arm could be withdrawn to allow the clOlilk to be swung in front of the wearer, giving him greater covenge than a shield. Besides the thickncu of the material, the for~ of a miuile would be absorbed by the movement of the clOliIk as it struck. This idCll occurs elsewhere in the Near East, usually preceding the invention of shields.

The sources for 48 and 49 mainly date to the New Kingdom, but Libyan dress in earlier times was very similar. A head of a Libyan from a Middle Kingdom tomb at Beni-Hasan is shown in 49a. He wears a long, sleeveless, dull-brown shift. The appearance of 49 was most common among Libyans in the Old and Middle Kingdoms, (c.­ cepi for the sword), lIS were the bands crossing the chest and passing over the shoulders as in 49b. These ue made of beadwork and may hO\le been intended as some form of protection.

50,51 &; 52. NUBIAN WARRIORS

The inhabitants of Lower Nubia or WOuPal, we re physically akin to the Egyptians but somewhat darker while those of Kush or Upper Nubia probably included a strong Negro element.

Clothing usually consisted of leather or animal-hide garments, and exotic skins such as lion, cheetah and antelope were favoure d. Belts a.nd sashes were probably made of leather and decorated with beadwork. Jewellery made of ivory, wood, bone, shell, stone and gold was often worn. Hair was decorated with mud or arranged in rows of horizontal ringlets. This could be further adorned by ostrich plumes, headbands or leather caps.

Most tribesmen were archers, using a simple stave bow known lIS the stttfbow. Other weapons included clubs, daggers (with bulbous grips) and possibly a few javelins. Shields wert simply oval seaions of hide stretched over a fnme.

Figure 52 is a chief, from the Late New Kingdom. A more 'Egyptian' appearance would be possible among the mort settled and weahhier clements oflhe population as Egyptian cultural infiuen~ look TOOl. The Med jay, a nomadic tribe from the deserts cast of the Nile in Lower Nub ia were favoured as mercenaries in Upper Egypt from the Old to the early New Kingdom. They Ire probably to be equated with the 'Pan-Grave' people, whose cxcavau:d ~metuies suggest an appearance similar to figure 50.

II. 49

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52

117 53. EARLY WARRIOR FROM CANAAN OR SYRIA c. 3200-2200 B.C. The watch·tower found al an cient Jehrico demonstrates that wufue in the anciem Near East is almost as old as urban life and the practice of agriculture. The wealth of settlements tended to be simply rega rd ed as a resource that could be eJ:ploited like any other in the world, thus provoking organised resistance from those in possession. This warrior dates from considerably later than the nrst evidence for warfare. He is de rived from represemations in early Egyptian an, such as an ivory plaque of King Qaa of lhe lSI Dynasty. The 51h Dynasty tomb of inli at Dcshasheh contains a scene of the siege of a Canaanite town defended by warriors dressed like 53.

Finds from tombs and hoards show that weapons included javelins, daggers, flat and crescent shaped axes and maces. Small copper plates from Kfar Monash could be from some son of body armour.

54 . SUMERIAN RULER c. 3500·3000 B.C. This figure is based on represemations in the ans of the Uruk and Jemdet·Nasr periods of Sumerian prehistory.

Early Sumerian ru lers used the title EN 'lord' and their office combined both sacred and secular fuoctions. Indeed, the EN appears to have originally resided in, or very near, the temple of the city's patron deity. Du.ring the Early Dynastic period the title EN came to be applied solely to priests.

His dres5 here co nsists of a knee· length, wrap·around kilt of woven wool, secured by a wide waist·band. When performing in his role as a priest, however, the EN wore a 'see·throllgh' kilt made of netting, possibly because of an association of nudity with religious purity. His bair is bound with a headband, appa rently indicative of his rank, an d though bearded, the upper lip is clean shaven.

Anistic re presentations of tbe period make it clear that the bow, as well as stoutthrusling spears, was used both in hunting and in warfare. One ~p r ese nl atio n , on an Uruk pe riod cylinder-seal, clea rly depicts a bcw·armed EN sbooting arrows at his fleeing enemies. The type of bow ponrayed is characteristically doublc-curved with reflexed tips - indicating an advanced composite construction of sc:verallayers of wood, horn, and sinew. An even earlier, tbough rather mo~ ambiguous, representation of a composite bow occurs on a Halafian period vusel of c. 5000 B.C. from T ell Arpachi)'1lh, nC:1lT Mosul in nonhem Iraq.

Arrows were made of reed with arrowheads of flint, either leaf·shaped or transverse in form .

Other weapons Qnested include slings, jave lins, stone maces and copper axes.

The maiority of worrion would ha ve dressed in a similar fashion, though their hair would have been in the style of figu res 60b and 64.

55

o a

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118 c 55. A lUNG OF UR c. 2600 B.C. The source for this figure is the tomb of the LUGAL Meskalamdug ('Hero of the Good Land').

A grea t number and \'3riety of we:lpons were found deposited in this grlm:, induding both lunate and socketed 'chisel' axeheads of bronze, fine copper spearheads and numerous flint arrowheads, together with what cou ld possibly be the mctal p:ms of a romposite bow.

The king is shown here with a sheepskin over his left shoulder, held at the waist by a narrow silver belt which supports a cbgger and a lapis·lazuli whelSlone. His woollen kilt has a dagged, 'neecy' hem which beOlme popular in the Early Dyn3Slic pe riod.

The helmet, madc from a single, nat sheet of elecuum, imitates an elaborate coiffure with tWO plaits brought toget her an d bound above the forehud, the hair at the back of the head being represented in a bun. The king's real hair howe\'e r is worn loose and emerges from beneath the rim of the helmet to fall down his back.

The helmet was Ihickly padded wilh wool and lealher, this lining being SKUIW 10 the mml sh~l1 Ihrough hol~s about its rim. This padding not only kept the helmtt on the head but offered further vitll protection against the specialised socketed axe evolved by the Sumerians. These axC$, as illustrated carried by the king, hive heads cast in bronze or copper on II shon wooden shaft, often decorated with bands of gold or silver shect. The blade, with I narrow section was designed for piercing, not CUlling, and was ob\'iously evolved to defeat the protection of a copper he lmet. This is by far the commonest type ofne from the Early Dynas tic period though crescentic CUlling axes arc attestcd in small numbers.

The dagger ca rried by the king in I leather sheath, or in a gold, openwork scabbard, has a gold blade and in battlc would probab ly ha\'e been replaced by a copper·bladed substitute. The hilts, either of wood or lapis-lazuli could be decorated, as here, with gold granulation and gold pins.

The spear carried is of a ce remonial [}'PC, found upright in the grave, and WlS 1.80 metres in length (excluding the head). 55a and 55b illustrate two military standards shown on late Uruk and Early Dynastic period cylinder seals. 55a reprt'SenlS a temple doorway with the twO, typieal loopN doorposts, 55b is symbolic of an unkn own minor deity. 5Se is the standard of the Goddess of Inanna of Uruk..

56. EARLY DYNASTIC BATTLE·CAR c. 2800·2334 B.C. Four·wheeled banle-cars, as here illustrated, occur in military contexts fro m the Early Dynntic II period, and pro­ bably fell out of use in the early Akkadian period. Texts of the period describe such vehicles, giJ" GIGIR, as issued to troops going into banle. and being returned afterwards.

The battle-car's body was made from thin wooden StrutS backed with red-dyed ox·hide. The floor was very narrow, only wide enollgh for one OCCU p~OI abreast (0.45.{).56 metres) and appears to have been solid. The cab-front, as shown in 56b, was high to offer protection to the driver, though the sides we re low; the floor projected back beyond the sides and the relT is often shown closed with D protective cover (56a). It is possible that the sides conceal a seat across the: back, behind the rear axle (cf. figure 58).

The solid disc wheels revolved on fixed axles with lengths between 0.70 and I metre, the actual wheels being carefully constructed from three pieces of wood in order to obtain a greater diameter than that possible from a single section oflrce·trunk. The three s.cctions were bound toge ther with external slals or ropes, perhaps also dowelled together internally, and the whole consolicbted with eithcr a leather, reed or wood tyre. The tyre could be strengthened witf! copper hobnails as in fi8llre 58. Composite wheels such as these were monger than single.section wheels and, being large, allowed much higher speeds. The diameters of wheels from battle-cars excavated at Ur, Kish and Susa vary from 0.50 to 1.05 me\res. The wheel naves were long to prevent them wobbling on the axle.

Draughl for tbe vehicle WlIS provided by four equid., either hemiones and domesticated asStS (ANSHE), mules (ANSHE.BAR.AN), or their possible crosscs. The true horse, though possibly attested for this period under the name ANSHE.SHUL.GI does not, as yet, appear as II draught animal for banlc-can. 56c shows the method of harness· ing the team with simple rope collars, two animals actually being lInder the yoke, the outer two acting as outriggers to encourage them. The harness detail of 56f is taken from representations from Mari, which show the harness in great detail. The method of control, with reins and nose-rings, is for braking only with little or no directional rontrol possible.

119 56

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120 A modern reconstruction of a oottle-car pulled by four donkeys managed speeds of between 10-15 mph. It should be noted that hemiones can run at grellt speed but afe poor draught-animals, they make up for this with a foul temper, hence Ihe basketwork muzzles on the headstalls! Some prot«lion is given 10 the team by a fromallrapper composed of leather SlTips, often dyed in alternate colours sueh as red and blue.

The double rein ring is in this case plain bUI they were often dccor2ttd with small figures of animals (cf. fig 57). 56d shows a common method of securing the quiver and an alternative design of chariot - this one being from Lagash.

SIX: shows a plumed charioteers hel met.

57 &: 58.EARLY DYNASTIC S UMERIAN STRADDLE AND PLATFO RM C ARS Two-wheeled vehicles in Mesopotamia followed twO lines of de\'e:lopment. The 'pl3tform-ca r' (58) was apparently a simple \'ariant of the four-wheeled hanle-car with a similar high front , bUl only a seat for a single crewman instead of a cab. T he 'straddlc-car' (57) was also a vehicle for a single rider who in this case sat asnide a thick padded saddle over Ihe rear pm oftbe draught-pole. This saddle was often cover«i with leopard skin. The draught·pole could be high and arching, braced by a !hong from the front rail, (57a) or a simple sinight pole. The front rail of 57 was a single pie« of wood bent into :I U shape, and sometimes had a horizontal cross-har.

The quiver anached to the front rail contained iavelins and axes. An estra pair ofjnelins could be slung beneath the draught pole of 57, where they could be reached in action.

Ride rs of s!raddle-c:l" sat or stood IStride the saddle with their feet either on the fixed we or on special rulS in front of it.

Both types of vehicle were capable of higher speeds !han ba ltle-can, being lighter and better balanced. It seems !hut they were used as command "ehicles and for couriers in banle, though interestingly it is only the piatform-car that appears to be the fore-runner of the true chariO!.

58

121 59. SUMERIAN SPEARMAN: UR c. 2600 B.C. This figure is based upon the foot·soldiers depicted on the so-called 'Standard ofUt', a hollow ""OGden box dccorIted with shell mosaic inlay, which once formed the sounding·box of a harp.

He is armed with I long thrusting·spear, OID.DII, which on the 'Standard', is shown IS having I lcaf·shaped head. Ezamples or lC'Iuallpearhcads excavated It Ur show a grcat variety or rorm, however, the commonest type is I 'poker' pike-bead up to O.35m. lonl (O .68m. induding tang), square in eross·section. This type, CUt in bronu, conlinuN in use until the Akkadian period (d. fig. 59b). Spears were commonly fitted with I domed copper bun· spike and protcctive copper collan at the base of the spearhead.

For protection he ~ars I coppcr helmet, secured by a s!rap under the chin, Ind a long cape, studded ""ilh coppcr disks, Ind rastened Itlhe ne ck. Made either ofthidt felt or, more probably, ox·hide, capes ofthi, type appear 10 have been I common solulion to the problem of deflecting or absorbing missiles and blows in the absence of I shield (cf. figs. 48 and 73). The Sumerian two-handed spears would, in any case, have mlde the use ofl shield difficult, and indec'd, the earlieS! Sumerian sbields arc carried by special shieldbearers. Leather capes were probably dyed red or grccn, while felt capes would be a neutral buff, or off·white.

59a illustrates an alternative form ofhclmel, in this case excavated from the Royal Cemetery al Ur where it was worn by one of the soldiers killed 10 guard his king in Ihe afterlife. The inside of the helmet was thickly padded with woven stnw.

60 '" 61. KIN G EANNATUM AND SOLDIERS: LAGASH e. 2500 B.C. These figures, based on the well·known 'Stela of the Vultures', Clrved to celebnlle the triumph of Eannatum and Lagash's patron god, Ningirsu ('The Lord ofGirsu')' at the battle of the Gu-cdinl, show the king leading his saldien inlo bailie.

£annltum is armed with a bronu sidtle-sword, I slashing wC1lpon invented in Sumer allhis time, tbe shape possibly being derived from I flint·bladed original. The culting-cdge is on the outside of the curved blade.

He wears • coppcr helmet. ill anilicial C1Its, Ind bun of hair It the bad, dosely resemble the earlier helmet of Meskalamdug (lig. 59). His long hair falls fr~ly over his shoulders.

On Ihe lIela, Bannatum is shown wcaring a sheepskin, passed over tbe left shoulder, above a long, flcc:cy kill, which logether arc often referred 10 using the Grcck It:rm of'ltaunakc:s'. Around this time in the long Early Dynastic period (E.D. IIlb) it became the fashion, in Sumer and Sumerian influenced arcas, to wear a kilt which WIS either of woven wool giving I OctCC effect, or WIS actual.l}' a sheepskin, 50 tanned IS to retain tbe wool.

Bannatum, who was Ipparently of Amorite descent IS he had a second Tidnum tribal name, 'Lumma', was nOied for his great height. He grew sufficiently powerful to assume the title 'King of Kish', gaining suzeraint}' of Abhak, Uruk, Ur, Umma and Mari, as we ll as Kish, and crushed an Elamire invasion of Sumcr.

61. His soldiers wcar similar, though less elaborate, copper helmers with extended, integral check'picccs. Several acrual cumples were found during excavations a( Girsu, Ihe main cit}' of the LallSh sme.

For protection of the upper·body, crossed leather bellS, much la ter known as Ill/iull or uuiula, arc worn. This form of armour, in numerous variations, can be traced in use in Mcsopotamialo atlelSt the 7th century B.C. and was probably the ancestor oflhc later orienlal 'mirror' armours. Here the crossed beltllre pllin, though other city-statcs (cf. figs. 62 and 63) employed Iludded versions whicb exhibit their anCCSlty in Ihe earlier studded protective capa. The advantages ove.r the la"utype of prolection would seem principally to be I greater freedom or movement for the arms, combined with I much improved economy of material.

The large, 01', rectangular Sumerian shield, fltSt ilIwttated on the 'Vulture Stela', probably hastened Ihe abandon· ment of the protccth'e Clpc. Made of dyed olhide and having nine (not six IS is often stated) round, coppcr bosses on itl face , each shield is shown as being carried by a special shieldbcarer slInding to the left of each spcarm2D on the stel •. This type of shield continued in usc in Mesopoumia until the end of the Ur III periDd, being then completely displaced by the lighter, less cumbersome Amarite shields (cf. figs. lib, 74b, 76, 77, 79, 80, 84). Both spearmen and Iheir shield·bearers arc shown armed with socketed copper or bronze axes. The spears arc long O/D.DA shown carried levelled II waist height, lOme six rows ofspearhcads projecting beyond the formation's wall of shields.

122 59

•

60

Ta

61

b

60a illustrates the emblem of Lagash's divine-standard, the lion-headed eagle: or IMDUGUD bird, a5~iatc:d with the: city', patron god, Ningirsl.l. This standard is dc:piClcd on the reverse: oflhe 'Vultu~ Stela', carried by a goddw standing bebind the viaorious Ningirsu.

The standards ofUmma's gods were carried inlO battle and a fragmentary military scene: from MaTi (tbe 'Standard' of Mati) illustrates a ~cred · stlndard bome by 111 shaven headed priest. In blink these standards appear to have been carried by priests dressed as ordinary infantrymen.

60b shows the typical hainlyle of this period when no hdmet was worn.

62 & 63. NORTH SUMERIAN SOLDIERS: MARl AND KlSH c. 2600·2500 B.C. Though situated on the: middle: Euphrates, in present-day Syria, the Scmilic-spcaking diy-state of Mari was rullurally Sumerian.

62 with his distinctive long beard, represents a high-nnking offietr or king. He wean 1 low, nat hat, also 1(tested at Kish and seemingly typittl in linguinically Semitic areas orSumer, being later worn by Akkadian offietrs, high officials and governors.

He is armed with a straight-bladed, flat-axe and, over his right shoulder, wears 1 vadalion ortigure 61 '5 rl/.l iul/.. This less spec.ialised .ersion could be worn as Ihe wearer, or situation, required, either over the chest, or even over tbe helmet as in 63b.

123 633 shows the type of helmet, square-cut beard and clean·shaven upper lip preferred by Mari's warriors. ClllIriotetrs Olherwise: dressed identically 10 the crew of figure 56, 3ltllough noble crewmen tended 10 wear Ihe 'kaun3kes'.

Mari's archers (63), used Ihe double-curved, or 'Scythian', composile bow common to all the city·states of Sum cr. This figure, derived from 3 rdief showing a siege scene, is the most unambiguous representation ofSum~rian military archery. On the re:liefthe archer is shown shielded by a chariotetr holding a very large reed siege shield or pavise, identical to figure 61. Simple quivers would r ese mbl~ figure 70a.

Soldiers of Ihe ci ty,slale of Kish had a similar style of dress, though the srudded /urinu are nOI in evidence.

64. SUMERLAN SUNGER e. 3000-2330 B.C.

This figu re is g~nerally representative of the light ski rmishers or NIM soldiers in Sumerian armies Ihroughoulthe Early Dynastic period.

His luirstyle is typical of most city·states during the prehistoric and early E.D. periods. Completely shaven heads only appcsr to hne become the fashion later in the south ofSumer; the nonhem, Semitic.speaking stales, always tended 10 fnour beards and long hairstyles.

This man is armed with a simple sling ofplailed leather or straw, for which both stone and baked-clay shot is at­ tested, in grellt quantities, from many sites. During the Early Dyn astic period, light troops such as these were pro­ bably coll5cripted from shepherds, of which there were many types, 'who were most likely to be skilled in the use of the sling. While a few may have been issued with helmets and weapons from the temple and palace workshops it is probable t.hat the majority were: nOI 50 equipped, the numbers ava ilable being the limiting factor.

The sling continued 10 be a popular weapon, together wilh Ihe military throwstick or boomef1l.Dg. gish S HUG, or gis" ELLiG.A, in the Akkadian and Ur III Dynasties (when it was c:alled dal-ush·us, or waspum in Akkadian. Both terms art probably onomatopodc). These later military slingers were probably identically equipped to other soldiers of the period.

63

~ .

~ ~1' ~ b 64

124 65. SARGON OF AKKAD c. 2330 B.C. Sugon, or Shuru.kin, appears here as dressed on an early victory stela, wearing a fleecy 'k.aunakcs' little different from Ihat of Eannalum (fig . 60).

The king's long hair is plaited, the two plaits being brought up around the forehead and held in place by a melal headband. The hllir at the bacir. of the head is lied info a bun. This hairstyle is obviously very similar 10 that reprtsenled by Ihe helmet of Meskalamdug (fig . 55) and is a style favou red by high'T'IInking officials and officers of the Dynasly of Alr.lr.ad .

On the Sleia, Sargon is armed with a ceremonial, round·headed mace. Here, however, the king is iliustT'llled wilh a crescentic DC typical of Ihe period.

The parasol·bearer, who is present for the first time in Mesopotamian an, is dressed almost identicauy 10 the infan­ try of figure 61, and thi, indicates thaI most ofSargon's soldiers were similar, differing little from Early Dynastic types.

Sargon of Akkad was the greatest figure of the age. He campaigned in areas far beyond Sumer, and for the first time united the IrtlI under one rute. His origins arc obscure hut were probably not quite as lowly as later sources suggest. The cupbeuer ofUr.Zababa, the King ofKish, Sargon survived his master's cvenhrow by his great ri val, the powerful ENS! or Umma, Luga]·zagesi ~ who ruled most of soulhern Sumer from his ca pilal al Uruk. For several years Sargon appears 10 have built·up a following, possibly in the new city of Agade, or Alr.k.ad, which he seems to have found ntar Kish while still a servant ofUr·Zababa. In 2316 B.C. Sugon moved agai nst Luga]·ugesi and liberated Kish, whose citizens swore etemalloyalty to Sugon in gratitude. Sargon probably adopted the name we know him by, 'Tile Legitimate King', and the title 'King of Kish', at this lime.

Following the conquest ofSumer, Sargon campaigned in southern Iran against a coalition of four kings led by the king of Awan, a powerful kingdom centered on the southern Zagros mountains, and established his own governors in the conquered territories ~ most prominently in Elam. Campaigns to the nonh·west resulted in the subjection of the Syriln states of TUl1ul, Mari, Yarmuli and Ebla, and control of the cedar forests and silver mines of the Lebanon. Sargon app(ars also to have fought an arduous campaign in Anatolia to safeguard Aklr.adian merchant colonies in Purushlr.anda (near modern Kayseri), and may even have sailed south to Oman and possibly led an ex· pedition to C~te. What is cenain is that all Sargon's campaigns outside Sumer and Akkad Iud clear economic objectives.

In his old age, afler nearly fifty years of rule, Sargon was faced with luge-scale revolts in Sumer Dnd the nonb of Mesopotamia, II one point being besieged in Agade itself. In both case the rebels failed. Sargon led his troops 10 battle and scal1ered them. However, the revolts were an omen of tbings 10 come for the great king's successors.

66. AKKADIAN GUARDSMAN IN CEREMO NIAL DRESS c. 2316 B.C. This figure is one of a file of high officials or guardsmen who Ire shown accompanyin, Sargon on his stela_ They carry large, wide·bladed axes resting on their left shoulden, the tOP of the curved shaft above each bl3de Mving decoration in the form of a snarling li on's mask.

The 'lr.aunakes' of the guardsmen differs from the king's in having several fleecy tiers and a very wide fringe over the left arm. This form of dress rapidly replaces the ol der 'lr.aunues' in the A1r.kad ian period. When dressed for battle however, Aklr.adian guardsmen appear as figures 69 and 70 from the time of Manishtushu. Earlier, in Sargon's reign, they probably resembled figu re 61, though armed with axes.

High Akkadian officials, and possibly guardsmen, might wea r a round'brimmed flat ha t as shown in figure 62.

67 . AKKADIAN SOWIER e. 2270-2218 B.C. This man is one of several lMt Ippcar on a fragmentary Akkadian uell which is probably 10 be dated to the re ign of Manishtushu (2269-2255 B.C.).

He wears a fringed, wrap-around kilt with a narrow belt, one end of which hangs loose at the back. he is prolected by Ullittu, and wears I copper helmet with a leather ncek-guard or avenlll!.

67a ilIu5lrates the form of quiver carried by archers whose appearance is otherwise idmticalto figs. 70b and 7Oc. The wscl or tail attached to the base of the quiver is shown on painted panery as earty as 5000 B.C. and is also depicted on several Early Dynutic cylinder seals.

125 65

68 a

67

68. AKKADIAN AUXILIARY ARCHER c. 2250 B.C. Based upon representations on the cylinder- scal of an Akkadian governor, which depict him on a tour of his pro­ vince esconed by his bodyguard of awciliary archers.

Allhough his hair is plaited about his head in Akkadian fashion. his shon boots with up-turned toes (which actually make hill-climbing easier becau5C of the loe's springiness) are typical of highland costume throughout the Near East during the period of this book, and mark this man out as an easterner from the Zagros foothills.

He is armed with an Akkadian bow and quiver and wears a si mple:, wrB!l"around kilt.

Warriors such as these appear on Mesopotamian \erracoua plaques of the Ur III pe riod and $Cern oflen 10 ha ve been used as mercenaries.

126 69

d

70

a b c

69 & 70. NARAM·SUEN AND SOLDIERS c. 2254·2218 B.C. The source for these figures is the famous and oflen illustrated 'Victory Stcla' Oflhc Akbdian king. Naram-Sucn (or Naram-Sin), which ~ lebr:l!cd the dcfe:lt of S:iluni, chief of the Lullubi.

69 is Naram·Sucn, depicted al the head of his troops on the stela. He wears a bowl-shaped helmet decorated wilh a triple row of horns to symbolize and proclaim his divinity (most Akkadia n kings aflu Sargon assumed divine honours in their lifetime). His neck is prou:clI:d by a wide avcmail, probably of lea ther, attached 10 the rur rim of the: helmet; while about his neck is worn a distinClivt, double-s tranded necklace:.

The king wcars a metal bell Dt the waist and a baldric over his right sboulder, both of which pus beneath I fringed shawl that is carried over the left shoulder and tied at the hip. Otherwise the king appears he roically naked, a.rmed with a single-curve composite bow and a long-handled, chisel-bladed axe.

127 70a is one of several spearmen thaI are represe nt ed on Ihe slda ad\'~ncing behind tbe king. He is armed with a long spear (Gl D.DA) carried, in a manner fits! apparent in the Early Dynastic period, \'enically and resting in the crook of the righl arm. The spearhead (EM£) was generally of poo r-quality, wrought copper behind which could be filled a melal collar (GU) weighi ng 250g. In his left hand he carries a long- hand.led, wide·bladed, alIe.

None of Ihe spearmen on the s td~ is depicted with a shield, probably because they were tOO cumbersome to use in the wooded, mountainous, bnds oflhe Lullubi. Howeve r, shields are attested in Old Babylonian co pies of Akka· dian textS where they are desc ribed as made orlea ther, and of a type that 'reached down to the graund'. Clearly such shields (E. lB. UR.ME) were very similar to Early Dynastic examples (fig. 61).

70b and d show the twO sacred standards depicted on the stela. 70b represents a divine weapon in the fonn of a GAMLU axe su rmounted by a scorpion.man or a win ged bull. 70d is a standard in the fonn of a sacred u c:c: .

Bmh standards are crowned wilh twO groups of Streamers or ribbons and are carried by dean-shaven priesl5, who wear long kilts lied with an extensively fringed waistband. Each is armed with an oe.

10e. The archers are dressed identically 10 tbe spearmen, with wrap.around k.i1tS secu red with a wide waistband. They are anned with single-cur\"C composite bows, the arrows being carried in a large quiller ove r the right shoulder.

All the soldiers wear domed copper he lmel5 (SAGSHU) which M\"c la rge integral cheek'pieces, the nape of the neck. being protected by a leather aventail.

1 1. AKKADIAN SOLDIER c. 2270·2218 B.C. Based on a fragme ntary Akkadian stda from Nasriyah, Ihis soldier wean a helmet of plaited leather or retd, to which is attached a long leather aventail. Eblaite soldiers appear 10 have worn similar hdmels.

For prOlection he wea rs an early version of tutillu, wrapped around the body, but otherwise similar to fig . 62. He has both a long.handled axe, and a dagger (o f which only the pommel is visible) thrust Ihrough his belt, and appears on the stel~ presenting a captured dagger to the king.

His long, fringed kilt and distinctive armament may indica te that he is a royal guardsman, like the earlier fig. 66.

Other soldiers on Ihe stela carry objecrs wbi c.h could be reed shields with shoulder stra ps (7Ia) though this is uno:rtain.

71

128 72. ANNUBAN INI, CHIEF OF iHS LULLtJBJ e. 2200 B.C. This Lul1ubi chieftain had himself represented in a rock -carving at Sar·i·pul in the central Zagros region, in a man· ncr reminiscent of Akkadian royal iconography.

He ...·ears II hat or turban ovc:r his coiled hai r and a shon, sheepskin kilt. His weapons are II composite bow and a he:il\'Y axe or GlL\fL U, a weapon so effective tMt it became increasingly usociated with the might of divine vtn~C't.

a

72 73

73. LULLUBI WARRIOR c. 2254-22 18 B.C. This W1Irr10r wean the l)'Pied garment of II mountaineer; II goatskin tied at Ihe righl shoulder, which probably afforded some prolection in battle (nole, for example, figs. 102, 103 and 167).

The cruar.tCleriSlic long piguil and shaved scalp appear to hll\'e b«n features ofse\'eral highland peoples, It well as Ihe Elamiles, al Ihis time and laler.

73a shows 1'01'0 Lullubi e:ilpli\'CS in an Akkadian necksu)Cx. Foreign male prisoners w~re usually massacred or lransponed to form forced-labour camps.

73b with his pigtail and side-lock is probably a Gutian, who, to the Mesopotamian mind, were nOI distinguishable, from the mass of barbarian highlanders.

Early Hurrian wa rriors, dose neighbours of the lullubi, probably dressed very si milarly 10 figu re 73. l ullubi, Gutians and Hurrians were probably employed as mercenaries and subject troops in large numbers by the Akbdian kings and the later kings of the Third Dynasty of Ur (Shulgi Ttalrds victories against the Lullubi and numerous nonherl"' campaigns in Hurrian territory).

The l ullubi warriors on Nanm-Suen's 'ViclOry Slda' are shown armed with ei lher spears or bows.

129 74. SHULGI, KING OF UR c. 2094·2047 B.C. Although this figure is derived from a rock·relief of Shulgi, the second king of the Third Dynasty of Ur, it is in fact representative of Mesopotamian royal dress from the end of the Dynasty of Akkad to the fall of the First Dynasty of Babylon.

The king wears a triple·stranded belt, the 'badge' of heroes since the Early Dynastic period, and carries an axe and composite bow. Over his plaited and coiled hair he wears a turban or hat. Unlike the Akkadian kings his long beard is CUt square, though his necklace seems to have been closely worked after Akkadian originals.

Soldiers of the Nco-Sumerian empire probably differed very linle from later Akkadians in dress (fig. 70). A Sumerian literary to::t, which imagines Ur·Nammu, the first king of the Third Dynasty ofUT, arriving in the Netherworld (following his death in battle), lists tv.'0 complete setS of rontemporary military equipment. The first set is of a mace, a powe rful bow (BAN. GAL), a quiver, arrows, knife, and a dy ed leather waterbonlej the second comprises a long spear (GlD.DA), a leather shield 'reaching down to the ground' (E./B.UR.LV. US.SA) and a battle·axe. The former set is clearly that of a fully equipped archer, the latter that of a spearman.

By the end of the Neo-Sumerian Empire the large Sumerian shield seems to have fallen out of use in favour of a smaller more manageable shield of Amorite origin. Such a shield, made from a single animal skin stretched over two crossed formers, is shown on a cylinder·seal ofSilulu, a king of Ashur ofc. 2000 B.C., and illustrat~ by 74a. Other than replaci ng figure 74's bow with the shield, Silulu appears dressed identically to the earlier king ofUr.

a

74

75. MOUNTED MESSENGER c. 2300·1600 B.C. Figures, essentially similar to that illuSlfated, depicting the riding of equids (hemiones, asses and, eventually, horses) occur frequently in early second millennium B.C. an throughout the Near East.

Throughout this period riders adopted the so-called 'donkey·seat ', necessary because of the slight, sharp withers of asses and hemiones which, for reasons of comfon and securit y of seat, forced the rider to sit on the rump of the animal.

13{) The donkey-seal conlinued in use for horse riding, which, Ihough al firsl rare (and considered rather undignified - a chariol, or mule as mounl sccms 10 have been preferred) became increasingly common after aboul 1700 B.C., falling out of use in the laic ninth cenfU ry B.C. (d. fig. 121). That it took over 800 YC1l rs 10 appreciate the un­ suitability of the donkey-seat for use with the horse, which has more ample witheu for a comfortable forward seat, and ),CI has kidneys vulncrable 10 a rear-mounled rider's bouncing when moving al speed, si resses Ihe IOllllacil of any desi re :al Ihal lime 10 improve mounted wufare beyond the capabilities of Ihe chariot.

This rider, derived from a McsopOl:amian lenacona plaque ofthc: Third Dynasty of Ur, uses a plaited leather belly. band on his mount 10 help keep his scat, eithe r by holding OntO it, or by pushing his knees betv.'een it and the animal's na nk s. A nose- ring and rope serve 10 regulate the animal '5 speed, the rider's stick being used for directional conlrol.

Only rarely arc riders shown carrying weapons al this date, and tex tu al sources make it dear thai Ihey funCiioned in mililary co ntuls only as KOUIS or messengers.

76 & 77. INFANTRYM.EN, FlRST DYNASTY OF ISIN c. 2017·1794 B.C. 76 is a rcconstruCiion oflhe appearance of spearmen ofthe laiC U r HI and early Isin Dynasties, based on representa­ tional, lextual and archaeological sou rccs.

He wears a pl:ailed cord, lealher, or reed helmel (described in luter lUIS of the Old Babylonian period as: lIubiJU Jhll lIJhlim, 'hc.lmels ofro pt'), similar to that worn by figure 71. This type ofhellT!el is shown being worn by mounted messengers or officers of the Isin Dynasty and probably indicates a shortage of bronze in Mesopotamia during this unsenled period. The helmet's crest is possibly formed by leaving the loose ends of the plaited material uncut. Bot h helmel and cresl were probably dyed either green or red, though it is possible that they were left a natural colour - yellowish·brown in Ihe CUt of goat lealhtr.

1)1 This soldier is equipped with the t)opt of Amorite shield adopted in Mesopotamia at this time. Texts from isin, dealing with the manufacture ofleather goods in pal~ce works.hop5, usc an Akkadian loanword, kaboblllll, to describe shields of this kind. The materials used to make them included gOOt and sheep leather, often desc ribed u 'hairy', so if undyed the finished product would most probably be black, or monIed black and white in colour. The usc: of oxh ido; and 'wild' oxhides for the construction of some shields possibly suggests that [he traditional large Sumerian shield WliIIS still made in small numbers.

T he ma n's spear is of the long·shafted type which was probably known as slrllkurgalllllll , or 'big needle', known since the Early Dynastic period but now gndually going out of usc.

Texts from Isin also mention the produetion of leather b3gs for bows, and reed quh'ers for arrows.

77 is a light·armed soldier and is possibly an Amorite auxiliury.

He c:mies an I\ morite shield and is armed with twO javelins and a bron1.t sickle·sword. The sickle·sword was a f:wouriu:, though expensh'e, weapon used widdy in the Near EaSt following its invention during the third millen· nium B.C. By the Ur III period the weapon's blade was in general longer and deeper in rel3tion to the shaft, produc· ing an ex tremely efficient, balanced, slashing sword.

18. AAMU OR MARTU B EDOUIN The nomadic peoples who lived in southern Palestine, Sinai, and the euttro destrt of Egypt were known to the Egyptians by such vague terms as 'Sand·Dwcllcu' , Attn/jill ('witd-onu'), IUJlltru, ('pillar·folk', a reference to the SlOnes used to mark their routes), and Aamlt or 'lhrow-5tick people'.

T hese people are Aamu as depicted on the walls of the Middle Kingdom tomb of Khnumhotep at Beni· Hasan. T hey are shown visiting the nomarch with their familit5 in order to trade. The leading warrior he re is dressed in a characteristic 'coat or many colours', a highly decorated, p3l1erned, slee\'eless woollen garme nt . The second warrior wears a pallerncd, wrap-around kilt instead. Colours used were red, blue nnd while. The people were lighl' skinned with bl~ ck w~vy hait ~nd thin, pointed beards. Over his shoulder the leading warrior carries that necessity of desen lire, a waterskin.

Weapons incl uded short , bronze·headed spears, axes, daggers, slings, throw5ticks, and the 5IU\'e, or simple bow, Arro ..... s were carried in tubular leather quivers.

132 On its saddle of plaited sticks the ass is loaded with a simple leather bellows, (used for the smelting of bronze - this panicular group ue obviously smiths or 'tinken'), a waterskin, and a pair of javdins.

These figures are also representative of the nomadic tribesmen who migrated in large numbers from the Syrian steppe and into the fenile cre$(ent during the late second millennium B.C. (20th· 18th centuries B.C.)

These western nomads were ca lled MARTU, or AMURRIM, 'westerners', by the Mesopotamians, though they are generally known now by the Biblical 'Amorites'.

Haled and despised by the settled Mesopotamians, the MARTUwcre nevertheless employed as agrieulrurallabourers and merctnarics from the late Ea rly Dynastic period. By the Third Dynasty ofUr, however, Amorile raiding and plundering Iud become so serious lhat a great waU, named: Muriq-Tidllllm, 'which kecps out the Tidnum' (an Amorite tribal group), was constructed in the reign of Shu-Suen. It was 270 km. long, and crossed over both the Tigris and the Euphrates rivers, on the desert fringe of the empire. The wall was finally penetrated in the reign of Ibbi-Sin, and the widespread Amorite incursions contributed to the coilapse of the kingdom of Ur,

79 80

79, 80 &: 81. INFANTRY: FIRST DYNASTY OF BABYLON e. 1850-1595 B.C. These arc based on the numerous representations of soldiers and military scenes on terraconu of the Old Babylo­ nian period. A.s such they illustrate the soldiers of Babylon, Eshnunna, Larsa, and A$bur_

19 is based on a terraCOlla plaque from Ur, lmd resembles the earlier figure 77, 5ugg"ting that the laller figure is indeed an Amorill!. He wtllTS • simple wrap-around kilt with a triple·stranded btll. The btlt passing over the right shoulder is probably a baldric for his sickle-sword.

His shield, of Amorite type. features tWO additional, venical, supporting Struts between the crossed fonners orthe typical 'X' framework. This produces a shield with straight, rather than concave, sides. The animal's tail has bten retained on the hide for decorative effect .

Two short javelins are carried behind the shield.

133 80 is derived rrom a terracotta discovered at Kish and sho~ a well-equipped soldier or Hammulllpi's kingdom, a sabllm Jdbitum.

His head is protected by a conical helmet, which could either be or bronze. or plaited cord (cf. fig. 76). On his chest he wears a new rorm or tutiUIl which ambits two sets or double straps supporting, D nd subordinate in protect..i\'t value to, a round, bronze, breastplate or irtllm.

An early Old Babylonian ttxt provides the inrorm.alion that 32 shields, lIaiHlbu, could be made rrom 8 oxhides, and 2 small shields made rrom the left-overs. Clearly the larger shields are or the Amorite type, as carried by this figure, though the small shields would be 1m than hair this siu, and were probably carried by the light troops like figure 79. Leather items in Babylonia had to be regularly rubbed with vegetable oil to preve nt their drying and cracking in the intense heat or summer, and administrative talS record the issue or oil to soldiers 'ror rubbing shields'. This practice is also mentioned in the Bible, where Saul's leather shield is left 'unanointed' with oil.

He is armed with a heavy,long·handled axe, or GAMLU, which WIIS the usual weapon orthe fully-equipped ba 'irom, or sabum kibitum. Other :u:e types aHested at Mari were the P'Ullu, agowltlkhum, and the khtlssil1l1um - which had a bronze blade weighing 650g. The la uer weapon occurs in pre-Sargonic contexts as the haubll1u and was clear· Iy a common weapon, and is possibly to be identified with the chiseJ·bladed type or socketed·axe.

BOa illustrates several differenltypes or equipment an d weaponry, or which either some, or all, could be carried by soldiers like figure SO. These include large military thrownicks, tilpanum or Jhub, shon thrusting·spears or javelins, and abdomen protectors, kUTbisi usll, or woven reed which increased the coverage or the tmittu.

81 is a wcll-equipped archer. He is armed with a simple, Am orile, bow or qasnlUm, and wears a tubular leather or bronu quiver slung over his shoulder on two straps. The other pair or mllps form a simple tllrittu and probably suppons a side·arm, either a dagger or a sickle·sword.

He is drcucd in an elaborate, wrap-around kilt, which is panly edged with a multi-coloured, woollen trim that becomes V1:ry popular rrom this time on. A leather or metal belt is wom about the waist, and a decorated linen shin. The man 's hair is CUt shon and secured al the back with a metal hairband.

813 shows the headgear common al Mari. Obviously derived rrom the typical flat h:n orthe Early Dynaslic and Akkadian periods the hal was made orsort, while or brovro material and secured on the head with a cord above the brow.

a

81

134 82. A KING OF MARl IN CEREMONIAL DRESS c. 1760 B.C. This figure is taken from wall·paintings deooraling the palace of King Zimri·Lim at Mari. Zimri·Lim's palace was renowned for ils splendour and many travelled to Mari just to see it. Unfortunately for Zimri·Lim, one of these: sightseers WlIS Shamshi·Adad, king of Ashur, and he rather overstayed his welcome! The palace WlIS eventually burnt [0 the ground by Hammurapi, King of Babylon.

Although the king wears constricling, ceremonial robes he appears armed, with a dagger and a throwstick thrust through his belt. In battle, the king would probably ride in a platform-car or an early chariot.

The robe could be of green, brown or white cloth, with green, brown, red and white muhi-coloured trim. The double belt has a narrower, centnll StnlP tied at the back, the loose end of which (clasped in a silver fmial) may be $ten al the right hip.

On his head the king wears I lall, white crown or hat which is to be compared with the lower crowns or turbans of Mesopotamian kings (fig. 74). A long ribbon hangs from the brim of the crown down the king's back. Ham· mUnlpi, on his monuments, appears wearing long, rAther plain, ceremonial robes, but is olherv.·i5t very similar to figure 74, who is actually dressed for war. Shamshi·Adad I, on a damaged figured relief, wears very si milar robes to Zi mri·Lim, though he wields a chisel-bladed axe.

83. OLD BABYLONIAN PERIOD INFANTRY: MARl c. 1760 B.C. This warrior i.s also derived from wall-paintings discovered al the palace of Zimri- Lim.

His head is protected by a while, padded, turban with a double neckguard, wrule a long ye llow cape, possibly of goat leather, protects his body. The shon kilt is white wit h multi-coloured blue trim and a black sash or belt. Similar soldiers appear wearing shon-sleeved, 'y'· necktd lunics similar 10 figure 81.

He is armed with I socketed bronzc-headed speat. known as Jhinnum (a name attested only at Mari) or Jh uiekurum. These spears are depicted as slightly taller than a standing man, the much longer shuiekurg(ll/um is only rarely men­ tioned, and falls Ollt of use completely by [he end of this period. His other weapon is a [hrowstick, rilpanum. A governor of Terqa sent 30 of these: weapons ~s a gift to [he pala~ .

Shields possibly occur at Mari in the written record as Jinnaru, though they are nowhere illustrated. Goli;th's shield is referred 10 in the Bible using a Hebrew loan-word derived from sinn(l/u. Arrows are mentioned in large numbers in Mari ttxlS. Shamshi·Adad I requtsltd 10,000 10 be made at Mari's palace workshops. The sling, WGspum, 11so occurs, a tablel from Shemshanl lists 500 slings.

8]a shows an allern;tive type of helmet worn at Mari. This version appears (0 hu'e:a bronze bowl with wide leather ch«:kpieces Ind a double padded-leather browband.

, a

Il5 84. OLD BABYLONIAN PERIOD INFANTRY: EBLA c. 1900 H. C.

Several warriors, dressed identically to this, appear on \I stone ritual libation trough discovered at Tell Mardikh, the ancient city of Ebla. Following the sack of Ebla by Nar:lm·Suen, Ebla dwindled in importance (though earlier, c. 2500 B.C., both Mari and Ashur seem to have bten subject to the kings ofEbla) only to bt revived as the c:lpital of an Amorite kingdom in the early second millennium S.c. This Amorite city was destroyed in c. 1600 B.C. by ei ther Hanusilis I, or Mursilis I, during a Syrian campaign of the Hittite kings.

This warrior carries an Amorite shield and is armed wit h a shon spear or javelin, although other warriors on the trough are armed with javelins and throwsticks, and do not carry shields.

He wears a knee·length, fleecy, woollen ga rment, which was probably na tural off·white: in colour.

Like figures 77 and 78 this man is representative of the mass of early Amorite wa rrio rs.

85. EARLY CHARIOTRY c. 1800·1600 B.C.

This is based on representat ions ofa horse·drawn chariot from II Syrian cylinder-seal of the: 18th-17th centuri es B.C.

The warrior's long pigtail suggeSts that he is a nonh Syrian, possibly even a Hillitc. He wears a long, shon-sleeved coat with decorated hem and edges reminiscent of the later Syrian mail coats which also overlapped and fastened at the front (cf. fig. 115). His waist belt, which supportS a tubular bronze quiver, ties at the front, the loose end hanging down to the knee. A shon sword is carried through the waistbch, and a bronze helmet protects the war­ rior's head.

A second crewman, identically dressed and equipped with a quiver, is depicted on the seal climbing into the back of the chariot.

85

a

136 T he true chariot, ~ light vehicle ..... ith two, spoked, wheels and drown by t..... o or more horses, appears to h~\' e been developed in the Near East from the earlier platform-car during the early second millennium B.C. It docs not seem to have bee n introduced from oUlSide the art'll, and llithough various Indo-European and other, non-Semitic speaking, peoples c:ame to be su ongly associllted ..... ith it, they did not invem it.

Pla tform-ca rs are shown with cross·bar wheels, disc wheels ..... ith Cl::ntral cut-outs, late in the third millennium, and spoked wheel, (a logial developmem [0 produce yet lighter and Ill rger wheels) appear soon ~rter in the early second millennium B.C. Though four·spoked wheels are the commonest types, six· and eight·spoked wheels occur quite freq uently (ten. to twentyc::igh t-spoked wheels are attesled in T ranscaucasia) alibis time. Early spoked whttls oRen have small re inforcing strutS where the spoke enters the felloe in order to evenly distribute the pressure at this point.

85m shows the from ofa modified pilltform Cllr shown on a terraeolta from Uruk of the Old Babylonian period. This vehicle, shown in typical, distoned perspective, has four-spoked wheels ide ntical to those of 85, and the same double-curved draught-pole. Its single crewman is similar to the rider of figure 75. Unlike earlier platform cars, the front frame has no backing.

Early chariots il!usuated in Mesopotamia, Syria and Anatolia seem to show thaI the wheels revolved on centraUy. plae«! axles. Though this impression may only be the result of the ratber crude represemations of early cbarion extan1; a Cl::mral axle on II fut-moving vehicle would result in the cab rocking backwa rds and fOf'A'lIrds, esj)«ially if the crew tried to move about in iI. Unless wc accept that euly ch~riots were unbalane«!, rather slow vehicles, il seems probable that the axle was fixed al the rear of the cab.

A slightly earlier, Old Babylonian, rep resentation of a chariot shows a type which is even closer in form to the platform-car, even to the extent ofa rear seat for the single, noble, crewman. Ho ..... ever, both this vehick, and figure 85, ahibit a significant changt in harnessing practice. Instead of the inefficitm haltcrs orfigurc 56, which probably had a choking effect on the draught-team when mov ing Dt speed, ~ 'yoke"\Saddle' was used 50 thai the m~in elTort of traction was t~ken on the horse's shoulders, across which the yoke-saddle lay.

In sh~pe the yoke·saddle resembled an invened 'Y', the top of which was fo rmed by a aleite reel on later Egypli~n examples. T he finial this lopped, and the legs of the saddle, were formed from le:lther-covered wood. Near the end of each kg was a hole through which were taken the ends of the ncckstrap which ke pt the yoke·saddk in place, the legs lying across the horse's shoulders. Some representa tions seem to indicate that a backing clement was also present (see figure 119b). In the early second millennium the finial of each yoke-saddle was decorated with horsehair or woollen tufts.

T he yokes at this time appear to have been form ed from a simple, genlly curved, pole. Since the chariot noor was de liberately kept low to facilitate mounting and to keep the cemre of gravity of the vehicle as low as possible, the dnught pole comprised a sballow 'S' shape, running beneath the cab noor for extra strength.

Sevenl designs of cMriot ab are apparent in this early period; a type of open, square, fra mework is shown on Anatolian 5Cll1 impressions. Syrian representations show a sim il ar, 5Olid-sided cab, as well as the advanced, heat-bem framework of 85 thai became standard unl il fifteenth century B.C. (cr. fig . 86a). The curving element joining the cab is a wooden cab-front and draught-pole su pport.

T he horse, possibly known in " I.esopotamia from the Early Dynastic period under the name ANSHE.zI.ZI or ANSHE.SHUL.GI, is used increasingly during Ihe second millennium as a draught animal. AI that time the horse was called ANSHE.K UR.RU, or 'foreign ass' in Sumeria n; in Akkadian the horse WlIS ailed sisum. The chariot itse.lf was still c:alled GI GIR.

Horse re mains of the 17th/16th centuries B.C. from Bogau.oy (the sile of the ancient Hinile capital of Hauusu), and Buhen in Egypt, indic:ate that the average height, measured allhe withers, was 1.40-1.50m., in modern teuns about the height or a big pony.

South-cutern Anatolia WlIIS • noted source for horses during this period.

137 86. HYKSOS WARRIORS, l ITH AND 16TH CENTURIES B .C. There is hardly any evidence for the appearance of real Hyksos warriors (much later Canaanite and Mitannian figures often being mis·interpreted as Hyksos). Graves of foreign soldiers excavated at Katana·Qantir in the eastern Nile Delta, the probable site of Avaris, produced weapons of Canaanite type. The wrap-around garment worn by the right·hand figure is derived from Hyksos engnlved SClnlb!i. It is a shon and simple variant of a typical Levantine ga rb. The left arm has been tucked inside. Weapons consisted of short spears, composite bows, daggers and small battle·axes. Daggers differed from the older Egyptian types in having. long handle instead of II ball·like grip. The nonnal axe type of the New Kingdom (shown in 13) was introduced during the Hyksos period along with the khopah. The axe shown here, however, hu a longer and narrower blade.

These figures represent the foreign retainers of the Hyksos chieftains. The infantry would be dressed and equipped like this while the cha rioteus would probably be beneT equipptd. Scale corslets pe rhaps similar to that in 15, could not be ruled out. A large proponion of Hyksos forces within Egypt would be provided by Egyptian provincial trOOPS supplied by nalive vassals, as indica ted by the account of Kamose.

86a sho",-., the probable appearance of a H yksos chariot cab. The fnme is taken from an aample found in Egypt and now in the florence Museum. This is the earliest example of an Egyptian chariOt eJTWU, and must be close to, if not ide nt ical with, the Hyksos originals.

The simple four·spoked wheels are derived from representations on contemporary Syrian cylinder·seals (the florence chuiot's whttls lack the rei nforcing struts at the junction hetwttn spoke and felloe).

Identical light chariots appear on seal impressions from Nuzi of th e same date.

138 87,88,89, 90,91 &- 92. HURRI·MITANNIAN C HARIOTEE RS, 15TH CENTURY B.C. The$C figures are derived from Egyplian represenlal.ions of Hurri-Milannian warriors and equipmenc, and from delailed descriplions of armour lypeS found in Ihe textual sources of Ihe Micannian vassal.kingdom of Arrapha. The appeal1l nce of Kassice, A!.$}'Tia n, Elamite, Canaanicc, and, to a leuer excent, Egyptian cha r ioc~rs would be very similar as they all uscd forms of armour of Hurrian origin.

87 is an elile charioteer wearing the exceptionally complete and heavy armour known at Nun lIS the 'armour of Hanigalbal' (H anigalbat Wl$ Ihe name used for the kingdom of Milanni in Mcsopotamia).

Scale and lamellar annour appears [0 have ~ n a Hurrian invention ofaboul the 17th century B.C. Certainly all the terms used for armour in the Near East were derived from the Hurrian slraryalli, or 'coat of mail'. This ap~rs in Akkadian 1$ san·am, as saryalllli in Hittite, slliryall in Hebrew and Arabic, and as riryana in Ugarilic and Egyp­ tian. Therefore. although the chariot itself was not of Hurri- Milllnnian origin, one may say that the 'chariot·system', the C(lmbinalion of\'ehide wilh a heavily-a rmoured warrior-clus, was. This revolutionary C(lncept enabled the Hurri· Mitannians 10 establish a large and powerful kingdom in nonhern Me~pot3mia and Syria in the 16th century B.C.

This man's armour, as described in the Nuti lexlS, comprises 500 large bronze scales for Ihe body, 500 smaller bronze scales for Ihe long s l~v es, aklru, protecting the arms, and 200 small bronze scales for Ihe helmet or gurpifll. A complete armour of this type weighed over 24 kg. It is dear ,h.atthey C(luld be made ofsca1c, sewn on a leather base, or of true, interlaced, lamellae.

Individual armour plates we re called kurs;mru, afte r the Akkadian for a snake, kursilldu, an analogy no doubt sug· gested by the latter's scales. The painting and tinning of alternate ba nds of armour scales at this lime may even have been suggested by the highly patlerned skins of wild s nake ~ .

The warrior's neck is protected by a high bronze likku, or collar, 3 typical feature of Ihe suits of armour of ' his period (ef. figs. 15 and 197).

He carries a composite bow and a highly-decoratcd leathn quiver identical 10 those of figure IS, which are probably of Milannian origin. His wrist is protected from the chafing of the bowstring by a leather wristguarti or bracer.

88. This man is shown in the type of armour known as the 'armour of Arrapha'. SuilSoflhis Iype were less com­ plete than that of 87, com prising 420 scales or lamellae for the body. only 130 for the sleeves, and 170 for the helmet. The total weight of a set of armour such as this was abeul 22 kg. In some cases the mail coat could be slightly longer.

139 Like figure 87. thl: great weighl of (he armour is supponcd at the ""aiS! by a leather belt .

ikneath their armour, both 87 and 88 wear 11 long sltt\·cd garment (cf. fig. 98) d«e>tlucd IJld edged with coloured trim.

~ ~.•.•~. . A a b c 90 f;t d e

89

89 shows the variety of armour worn by the majority of Hurri·Mitannian mariyomla, or militia-cha riotttrs as op­ posed 10 mariYOIIM of the royal, or noble, households.

He ....'ears I shon lamellar or scale tunic with shon sleeva of ICluhcr lamellae. Suil5 of armour, being of COUrK indhoidually made by specialist cnfumm, \'afkd considtrably in materials and cmrall design. 1bey could be slet\"tless, or wilhom. back. with or without a collar; ofleathcr or bronze $Cales or lamellae, ofiuther with slcc\'cs ofbronzc, or even leather wilh I bronze back. This aqn tw; large ItalAlI, pu::ruges. or nips suspended from the wlisl btll 10 protect the lower body. Ka/ltu could be used to CO\'cr the front or back only or bOlh.

Under a shoner rob(: than 87's or 88's this man wears clostAiuing trouscn.

At Nuzi, all armour was issued in scts from the paJ:a~ ancnal and wu mlde in the pala~ workshops there. Arter usc the armour WilS returned for store if nOI needed, though mOlt men seem to have retained their issues of armour, sloring il ready for use at their homes. Each wurior seems to have betn obliged to It<

87 and 92 wear the type: orlong dirk or parru commonly issued to chariolccn. One found at Nuzi had a decor:llive iron grip. 'Grelll swords' were much len common.

Weapons were also of palace issue. Old or warped bows lire described as being changed for new ones lIIthe palace. Some bows had bronze 'arms'. G reat quantities of arrows we re Siored at the palace for use in emergencies. Batches of 20,000 an: mentioned in texu from Nuzi.

90 illustrafes fhe grell vniety ofhelmelS current in the Near East during the second millennium B.C. Ma,.,~nn(l usually seem to ha\'C shaved their heads in order to wear the tight-filling helmets, as sho..... n by 9Oa. This probably also made the wearing ofbronu helmets more IOlerable in the heat of summer.

90b is a prpislI mal".i, i1h15trlted on the decorative covering or a chariOi or Tuthmosis IV, Ind described in the: Nuzi texts. Leather helmets were only inrrequently worn by chariOh~ers but were probably the sliIndatd headgear orlhe inrantry. Seven gOltskins were nceded to make three such helmets, the hides being CUt into several triangular strips which were llced together It the edges, alternate strips seem to have betn dyed different colou rs, in thr« or more layen. This panicular helmet has. crest or plaited leather. Crested htlmeu ....-ere described u tqiptu or suppuru.

140 90c i3 a sim pl ~ , high-crowned, bronze helmet or gurpisu sifXJrri, by far the commonest type of helmet used throughout the Near EaSt by chariot~rs (~r. figs. 15, 89·91). Helmets of this type: are frequently iIIustr:ned in Egyptian sources as tribute from Canaan, Mitanni and Karduniuh (Babylonia). Typically, these helmets have textile creSIS dyed red or blue.

90d is a bronze helmel with a plaited leather crest and separate bronze cheek·pieces and aventail, as described in a Nuzi text, issued to a charioteer together with a suit ofbronze·sl~\·ed leather armour. It is almost identical 10 the helmet worn by Hitt ite guardsmen (~ f. fig . 107).

90e is a simple gurpifll siparri kllrsimelu, or 'bronze sc:ale helmel', of which 87 and 88 wear more el aborate examples, probably called 'great helmets'. These helmets were always iuued in conjunction with the complete suits of mail of the household charioteers or royal mariyonna. The simpler versions consisted of less than 20 very long, curved scales, while 'great helmets' had from 140-2{)O sc:ales. BOlh types were based on a woollen, felted liner weighing 0.75kg. Thc 100ai \I.·eights of such helmets va ried from 2.72·3.56kg.

Though expe:nsh'c and exceedingly complex in const ru ct ion, sca.le helmets of this type would offer mu~h greatcr protection against bloW5 and missiles than the leather or sheet bronze: examples .

... ~ .,!, (9.: ·HIIII

a 0 0 . 0 .0 . 0 . 0 .0 g0.----.L-g0

92

91 and 92 arc chariot-drivers. T eXIS from Nuzi make it clear thai both crewmen ofa chariot were issued with suits of armour offering the same levels of protection, though chariot-drivers were in addition pro\·ided with shields, aritu.

9 1 wears a medium· length bronze corslet with the usuall:rlkhaltl, or belt. His helmet is of a tall, bronze: va riety iIlustrat~d in Egyptian sources as having a blue· painted reinforcing rib on the aown to which is allached a red textile or horsehair cresl .

In hi3 righl hand he c:arries :II whip or ishwkhkhll, the tOP of which is decoraled with a round ba ll of lapis lazuli.

92 is t:lken from the gold, deconlive chariot cab of TUlhmosis IV, on whi~h 3re sce nes of the Phuaoh pUlling 10 flight Canaanite and Syrian chariOIS. Only a few of the warriors ..... ear coats of ma il, Ihough several wear helmets, indiClting that Mitanni's ..... estern vusals could nO( always match tne generally high standards ofequipment prevalent further east.

141 This driver h:is only a pair of tUfiuu, known in NUli as fUfiwa, though these are covered with numerous bronze discs. Nuz;an texts describe as tarllumazi the set of armour issued to the household charioteers of the kingdom of Arrapha, This comprised a coat of mail with sleeves o\'er which were worn both Italltu and fU fima, together with a collar, dirk, and helmet. These selcet warriors would look like figure 88, though also having 89'5 Ita.!ku and Ihis figure's lUliwa. Other texIS suggest thaI futiwa we re frequently worn over other armours for added protection.

This man wears a highly decorated kilt over trousers. Around his neck he wears a common ornament, a melal disc decorated with a cross, sometimes described as a 'Kassite Cross',

91a shows types of shidd (aritu) used by charioteers.

93. HURRI·MITANNIAN CHARIOT The chariot, or /UJrltabw, and horses, or SiH, were often as well·armoured as the charioteers who dro\'e them, Inven· tories from Nuzi list large numbers and various types of horse and chariOt armour. This is supponed by Ihe pic­ torial representations from the chariot body ofThutmose IV. Textile protection offeh or h:iir about Jcm. in thickness, and extending from the withers of the horse to the loin, was known as a paras/ullamll_ This was also provided with a neck piece or ", ifu, Sometimes men could be equipped wilh similar lexlile armour. A ppa~ntly 22 minas ofh:iir were required to make two sc tS of horse armour. The parashshamu could be used on its own or as an undergarment for a lea ther. copper or bronze sca le sariam and lirpisu for the harK. The o:hariot body could also be equipped with a scale soriam. One inventory me ntions over 100 chariots with scale prOteC1jon. The ch:iriot shown in 93, derived from the chariot body ofThutmose IV, h3S such a scale coveting on the CIlb, with a hole for the qui~r . The scales on the coat orthe horse seem to be rather stylised. Archaeological evidence exists for rectangular scales, weighing 80 grammes elich, as shown on the fully armoured horsc in 9Ja. ChariolS could also be provided with simple dyed cloth covers, or pliralll. 12 goatskins with thongs were required 10 cover a chariOt. Chariots we re drawn by I span, simiI/O, oftwo horses, which need nOI alwa)'ll be the same colour. Red, black, white and chestnut horses are known.

93

142 Chariot wheels of 4, 6 (93b) and 8 spokes are known from seals, and wheels were oiled to prevem wa rping in tht hot climate. Between 9 and II sheepskins were required to cover the floor, I1Qruqqa, of the chariot and the yokes wtre padded with wool. Tht equipment of a c.hariot included two bows, twO quivers, a 'chariol·shield' and a ,IIukudu or 'lance'.

Invent ories also refer to wagons an d possibly even a 4·wheeltd III.-agon.

Assyrian and Kmite chariots would have been similar and there is ample evidence that Mitannian ideas sp rea d as far as Canaan, Egypt, Haui and even the Aegean.

94 & 95. KASSITE BABYLONIANS 17TH TO 13TH CENTURY B.C. There are few represtntations of uoops known from this period in Babylon ia, a period which is gcnmlly poor in most forms of representational an. Thest figures are taken from representations on inscribed boundary stones, known as kudurru. 94 is a Kassite king. The crossed ba nds on his chest may be textile armour of the tutnoa type. His headdress seems to be an early form of the type later worn by Assyrian and Babylonian kings. The archer shown in 95 is taken from an unfi nished kudurTu, dating to around 1200 B.C., found in SUS3, where it had been uken as booty by the plundering Elamites ofShutruk·Nahunte. Chariots probably owed much ofthelr design and equip­ ment to Mitannian models. The chariot was called I1QrkablQ, and Kassite seals depict vehicles with a box·like cab, crossed quivers on the sides, spoked wheels, the axle positioned beneath the centre of the cab, a horizontal suppor­ ting pole joining the cab to the end of the dnIught·pole and drawn by tWO horses. Representations of Assyrian chariots dating to Ihe end oflhis period show vehicles quite different 10 the 9th century Assyrian type, but perhaps similar to that of the Kassites. The cab consisted of an open framework which does not appear to hav" been covered, although covers, like those used by the Milanni, would perhaps have been available. The draught-polt is braced by a sbon supporting pole as well as a long horizontal pole. Light, six-spoktd wheels were positioned It the rear of the cab. Crossed quivers were moumed on the sidC1 of the cab and g spear was held in a holSter mounted diagonally on the sid" in a si milar manner to 96 and most laler Assyrian and Nco-Hittite chariots, (possibly originating with h.-\itannian chariots). One Assyrian seal shows a chariot with I fla t· topped cab which appears to have 'fenestrations' in the sides. The form of some of these chariots is shown in 95a.

94

95 '" 96 & 91. CANAANITE AND SYRIAN CHARIOTRY, 1STH TO 13TH CENTURY B.C.

The chariot is base:d on a vehicle depicted on an ivory plaque from Megiddo d~fing to the 13th century B.C .. The scene shows 11 returning ",o')Gnnu aecomp~nied by runners and leading two bound Shaasu Btdouin or 'Apiru'.

The weapon eases contain a herty spear and a wooden club as well as arrows. In battle the horse would be protected by a textile trapper, which could be covered with scales in the ease of wealthy or elite ",oryan"a. The term for a chariot was merkht!btl. Canaanite and Syrian military organisation was mongly influenced by Alitanni, especially in the case: of chariotry. Many eharioteen would resemble figures 87-92 in appearance and chariots similar to 93 wou ld be known.

Ret jennu charioteen dressed as figure 97 arc shown bring If1I.mpled by Tutankhamun in scenes from a painted box from his 10mb. His richly-coloured and embroidered robes would in reality be concealed by armour, and the Egyptian artiSi may simply have copied the dress of visiting dignitaries. Clothing colours included white (most com­ mon), blue, green, crimson and purple. The las t twO colours. kno~-n as argamonnu and rokiltu. we re dyes obtained from shdlfish. The dye produced was known as kinaJcltka, and would be u5t'd only by the wealthiest and most im­ pOTlant "'0I)",nllO, madder provided a cheap substitute.

This charioteer carries a painted wickerwork shield. A type ofcrMs·band armour and tuselltd kilt worn by an Vgaritic king is shown in 971. Textual sources indicate that this type of armour known as 'Ulima or ruti"". was sometimes worn over scale or lamellar armour.

98. SYRIAN INFANTRY, ISTH TO 13TH CENTURY B.C. These troops represe nt the supporting infantry of the Syrian chariony. They we re usually equipped with welpons best suited to skirmishing, such as javelins, throw-sticks and the bow. Shields were not very common, but would be simi1.ar to that of 97. T he right hand figure wears a long-sleeved robe which faste ned at the front and which is often shown being worn by tribute· bearers in Egyptian tomb scencs. It was usually white with coloured hem-bands.

99. CANAANITE INFANTRY, 1STH TO 13TH CENTURY B.C. These would be typieal of the majority of hupsh", or peasant soldiers. T he left h:.md warrior appears in reliefs of the Rarncs.side period in Egypt. while the righ t hand figure comes from an ivory plaque from Megiddo. These troops supplied their own equipment so there could be great variation. NOI all possessed shields, and many would only have bows or slings, Armour would be very rare Cltcepl ro r si mple leJUile Iype$ su(h as webbing or kalher bands, Various types of turban or hc:adc101h could be wom. Figure 99a shows the held of a Shaasu Bedouin with dl4lracteristic swept-back hair, otherwise, his appearance corresponds closely to figure 111. The style oftassclled kilt favoured by the Sea-I'eoples was in fact long, common along the coast of Can~3n and Phoenicia. 99b is an example of the huge ~i l - like standards that flew abo\'e the battlements of Canaanite cities, as depicted in Egyptian reliefs.

100. EARLY HATTIAN WARRIOR, c. 2400 B.C. Later Hittite reliefs depicting axe·wielding gods (often considered as evidence for Hittite axemen). arc most pro­ bably archaising representations reflecting dress lind equipment of the pre-Hittite inhabitants of the Haiti-land. Reliefs at Malatya show the rather archaic type of chariot iIIustl"3tcd by 100c, which is dearly not contemporary with the types in use in the 1st millennium B.C., the dote of the reliefs. This is a god's vehicle, pulled by oxen, probably deri\'ed from a vehicle like the Sumeria n 'stnddle-car'. P resumably onagers wou ld be used in baltle. Hattian seals depict four-wheeled vehicles as well, nOI unlike the Sumerian Iypes. A representation of an Early Hattian charioteer shows him wearing a conical helme!.

Two types ofaxe-hcad arc shown in lOOa, and there 3rc very many variants from different parts of Anatolia during the Early Bronze Age. The spcarhelds shown in lOOb arc long and narrow, perru.ps suitable for long, thrusting·spean.

The dagger is derived from a type found in the princely tombs of Allca Huyuk, U is the bronze stag shown in IOOd. This could ~ 3 5t3nd3rd, 513ff-head or simply a lerminal from a piece of furniture. Other bronze objects which are likely to have been standards were flat, ci rcular, grille-like solar symbols. Weapon finds from tombs at Dom included shon spean, shon swords and daggen, small axes and maces.

Anatolia was rich in metals and wn astride the trade roul~ from Mesopotamia to the sources of tin and copper further west. The Assyrians se:t up special trading colonies among the Hanian city-states to co mer this trade. Even iron w~ s not unknown to the Haitians, but it was rare and far more valuable than gold. It remained a symbol of wealth and prcstige until well after this period, and was used occasionally for princely weapons. It was no practical substitute for bronze.

144 a

99

145 d 100 a b

101 . HIlTITE CHARIOTRY, 14TH TO 13TH CENTURY B.C. The chariots illustrated hen arc taken from the Egyptian reliefs depicting the bailIe of Kadesh. The varicly of designs probably reflws the vuious regions oflhe Hini!e Empire from which contingents we re drawn. 101 and lOla seem (0 be constructed with slats or wood. IOlb, it possibly covered with laminated hide, and 10Ic is similar to the typical Canaanite or Syrian t)'PC and probably belongs 10 allies from this region. The mort robust examples have the axles SC:t funhcr forward than was normal in Syria, Canaan and Egypt. They represent Annolian types crewed by three men. The Hittite chariotrY:1( K.:Idesh would have represented a wide range of chariot lactics, vary­ ing from the skirmishing tactics of Syria to the close-combat tedmiques of the Aegean area. How to respond to these different types of chariot tactics must have added somewhat to the Egyptian confusion at Kadcsh.

The horses in the K~desh reliefs are usually shown as unarmoured bUI a sce ne from the temple of Abu Simbtl shows armour as i1lust:-ated here. The Hinile chariot horses in this scene are clearly armoured with a scale lariam worn over a textile tr~pper, as used by their Mitanni2n counterpans, ~nd a studded fabric girpiJU.

102, 103 & 104.HITTITE CHARIOT CREWMEN, 14TH TO 13TH CENTURY B.C. The crew of a Hillite three·man chariot consisted of a shieldless driver, shiddless spearman and a shield·btarer who doubled as a spearman. It is possible that the three·man crew developed from a laclic of allowing a chariot runner 10 ride in the chariot. All the crew could bt dressed as 102 and 103, but many were equipped with long, sale (();Its as 104, (I04a is an example of a scale). All the figures here have: bet" given shields 10 iIIuslI1l1e Ippc1lrance Ind va rielY. The long scale coats are colou red alternately red and bl ue in the Ramesseum reliefs giving a striped effect. This is probably intended to represent rows of sales, alternating with stitching, or alternate rows of painted sales.

The sleeveless garments worn by 102 and 103 are probably a form oftcxtile armour. The fact that both arnn arc left free suggests thIn it was Ihid and inflexible. Beneath this was worn long robts in plain colours or with em· broidered patterns.

146 ..

' ...... ' ....

101

~ a

. .' .. 102 rn a

103 104

147 Hinile soldiers were norm~lIy dean·shnen and wore their hair in long pigtails or scalp·locks (102a). 11 has betn often suggested that ~ memory of these vr.lfriors lIl2y have given risc to the legend of the Amazons and it is interesting 10 note that in the Egyplian K~desh inscriptions, R~m esses II displiragingly refers to the Hittite charioteers 8sltumty, literally meaning 'woman·warriors'.

Many Hittites wore helmets of Mitannian designs surmounted by plumes. There were tWO types of shidd, both made of wickerwork covered by le~ther. The concave-sided type could be equipped with a boss. Spears were usuall)' over 2m. long and up to four were carried in each vehicle. In the casc of chariotry from Nonhem Syria a few mwmen substituted a bow.

The Hittite charioteers depicted in a scene at Abu Simbel carr)' the..ir spears o\'tr the shoulder and at an angle poi",ing backwards with the shaft pressed into the hip and pit of the arm. This answers to the description of the wJultuIQ7l, or 'at ease' position in Hittite drill manu als.

105 & 1&6. HITTITE INFANTRY Hittite infantry included native Hittites and allies from Central AnDlolia, dressed as 105, and allies from North· Western and South·Western Anatolia who usually wore short kilts and headge:lt linking them to the lale r Sea-Ptoples. 106 illustrates allied infanlry from Syria.

T he Anatolian infantry were Hrmed with short spears and daggcoTS, while some Syrians wcore archers. Thco Anatolians carried a shield likc that shown in 105 although not all soldiers possessed one. Syrians appear 10 ha ve been usually shiddless.

Clothing, especially that of the Syrians, would be gaudily embroidered. Glazed tiles, depicting captives, from the si te of Pi-Ramesses in Egypt, indicate the range of colours and patterns. Colours included black, while, red, blue, green and ye llow.

These troops, together wil h those described under 108-111, arc somet imes refcrred to as tuhuyeru in Egyptian records.

105 106

o

107

148 107. HlTfITE GUARDSMAN This is taken from numerous small figurines and sculptures found at Boghaz.koy, the ancient Hill ite capital ofHallUS2S, which represent gods in the ceremonial dress ofa roya l guardsman. In battle this man would almost cenainly appear as a fully armoured charioteer. He has, however, retained his helmet from his war panoply. This type of helmet is de$Cribed in texts from Nuzi and is associated with the expensive protec1ive equipment of the elite maryll""u, (cr. figure 90(1). The hdmel was &rolred. under the dUn with a leather strap.

Hittite royal gua rds were known as malwli, and it seems quite reasonable 10 suppose that they were elite chariotry.

In battle the Hitlit e king would have appeared as a panicularly well-cquipped chariOietr.

This guardsman is dr($Sed for palace or parllde duties.

108, 109, 110, JJI & 112. SEA PEOPLES

The 'SelI·People' was a collective name given by the Egyplians 10 various displaced peoples and sea·raiders, consisting oflhe Sherden, Lukka, Ekwesh, Teresh, Sheklesh, Pelesel, Tjeklter, Denyen and Weshwesh. It is nOI possible to establish for certain the appearance of many of these, especi.ally the Ekwesh, Luklta and Weshwesh. The Olhers can be identified in Egyptian reliefs depicting captives, and some may be com pared to representations of Hittite allies in eadier reliefs.

A common fealu re of dress was the tasselled kilt, nalive to Soulhern Anatolia and the Levanl. The Tercsh and Shck!esh wore banded linen or leather armour in addition, while the Sherden, Pcleset, (and probably Denyen and Tjeklter) wore a leather or metal cuirass. The homed helmel wn charllcteristic of Ihe Sherden, and also occurs on bro nze statues orwarrio('gods from Cyprus and Sa rdinia (sec also 203). The Sherden were armed with long swords (over I m.), javelins and round bucklers.

The 'tall-crown' worn by the Peleset, Denyen and T jekker was not made with feathe rs as often thought, but was prob~bly a circlet of reeds, stiffened hai r, horsehair, linen or leather strips. It wu held in place by a decorated fillet and chin·strap. This headgear is also found on anthropomorphic coffins from Palestine. It may be relaled to a son of swepl-back headdress like that of the Shaasu (99a) and some of the Hittite allies (Illb). This headdress distinguished the Sheklcsh, while III could represent either a Sheklesh or Tercsh. The headcloth shown in lila is also associned with the Te.resh and occurs among some Hiuilt allies, as does a type of turban shown in l l lc, which is associa ted with the PelCSCI and T jekker.

The cuirass worn by 108 and 110 could be bronze or lealher. It appea rs to be similar in conception 10 the Dendra armour but with the abdominal plates reduced in size to give lorso protection only, and without. ne<:k-guard. The studs on the shoulder plates aTe not rivets but an imitation of hum~n anatomy_ This might also explain the rib-li.ke markings on the lower part of the cuirllss instead of plates. 108 109

149 The buckler was pro~bly leather with moulded boucs or bronze bosscs attached, many or the helmets were pro­ bably also lealhef.

The kilt may be reinrorced with leather st rips. T he Medinet Ha bu scenes show clothing brightly coloured in green, blue, red and white.

Most w.:llrriors were inrantry. but some chariots crewed by three men took pan in the land attack on Egypt. Egyptian­ style charims arc depicted, but they may in reality have been an An atolian type. Illustration 112 shows one orthe cans drawn by fou r oxen c:lrrying the families and belongings of the Sea-Peoples which rormed a large proponion or their land rorces. T he Egyptian reliers show fighting laking place among the cans.

a '*b c

112

113. HEBREW INFANTRYMAN, 11TH CENTURY B.C. There arc hardly any reprcscmalions of Hebrew warriOR and their appearance has to be aummised wilh evidence gleaned from neighbouring stalcs. This figu re is an attempt to reconstruct the dress and equipment or an il hayi/, a 'valiant man', or an ish ballllf, 'picked man' during the rei gns or Saul and Dayid (c. 1025-1006 B.C. and 1006-968 s.c.). His equipment is a mixture orc..naanite and Philistine items and includes a shield, mtlgtn, a thrusting spear, romaA, an d a bronze helmet or kobha'. D.:IIvid's 'Mighty Men' or gibborim may have .:IIlso worn a sca le or lamellar corslet, shiryon, similar to that worn by fig. 91 . The grea t mass or Israel's militiamen would be: much more lighdy· eq uipped, the majority being armed with the javelin, hani/h, or sling.

ISO The equipmem of troops such as this would probably be: in a constant process of change u his original 10C11 11y made possessions we re replaced by booI:y from the battlefield and items obtained by trade.

a 114

.. ". 113

114. AMMONITE RULER Ammon, Edom and Moab wert kingdoms located ta5t of the Jordan ri ver. Edom was al ready an organised Slate with a king befort the Hebrtws entered Cannn under Joshua. A large pan of their populations were settled and lived in tOWIll.

Their military organisation was similar to that ofthe early Hebrews and based on a uibal levy. Their forces were mainly infinity, and on one occasion the king of Ammon is said to have had to hire chariotry from Mesopotamia, Syril and Anm·Zobeh 10 m~t In Israelite threat.

114a shows the head of the Moabite king, 8alua.

115

I" 11 5. LEVANTlNE CHARIOTRY, 12TH TO 10TH CENTURY B.C. These iIlustnllions are based on the numerous Syrian representations of chariotry in ivorywork and on a scene from an ivory box from Enkomi in Cyprus. The charioteers in this hunting scene are accompanied by runners wearing Peleset·style headgear.

T he chariot remained relatively unchanged from earlier Canaanite and Syrian types. The horse is protected with a scale or lamellar trapper and is provided with extra padding beneath the wooden yoke-saddle. The warrior's scale coat fastened at the front on most Syriall examples. and Solomon's charioteers would probably have appeared very similar. Since he obtained his chariots from Egypt they wou.ld presumably be similar to fig. 23. The lail of the horse has been plaited.

Elite Israelite charioteers were called nt"ar, a term obviously derived from the Canaanile Ile-arim. When Ahab was besieged in ~maria by Ben·Hedad II, the Syrians were rOUted by 232 ne'ars who we re pan of Ahab's retinue.

116, 117 &: 118. ASSYRIAN ROYAL DRESS, 9TH TO 7TH CENTURIES B.C. 116. These figures are taken fro m the massive stone throne dais found in the eAaf masMTli, or arscn3i, at the Assyrian military capital of Kalhu (modem Nimrod). Scenes on the dais depict the mccting of Shalmaneser Ill, the King of Assyria, with Marduk-z.akir-shumi, the King of Babylon, in about 850 B.C.

Both kings carry long staffs of office, and wear distinctive crowns_ The AS5yrian royal crown appears to have b«n derived from a simple while 'fez' or polos of Kassite origin (cf. fig. 94) which formed pan of Kassite ctlun dreS5. This sim ple polos was worn by both the king, high officials of the coun, and the nobility in Assyria until the tenth century B.c. At this time the king') polos was distinguished by a small cone placed on the top, and, later, by a long, red, brow·band around the base. By the reign of As.hllrnuirpal II, only high-ranking serV;1015 of the king'. household are de picted wearing the simple polos, and even thU restricted usage seems to have been forbidden as royal power and perogative increased during the ninth century. The nobility, however, were quick to usurp the privileges of royal dress when the power of the' monarchy was weak, as was the cue during the reign ofShalmanescr IV (782-773 B.C.).

Shalmane5C.T III wears a long, simple tunic, fringed at the hem, and a shawl thrown over one shoulder and seC\l~d al the waist with ~ broad, metal belt. Marduk,·z.akir-shumi, similarly dressed, wears a fringed double shawl, open at the front on the left side, the long fringe of which is ga thered ove r the right arm_ The sleeves of his long tunic are richly decorated with woven or applique panerns. The decoration on Assyrian royal robes of the time could be simila r, with either geometric designs and metal or fabric ap pliques of chariots and hunting scenes.

The Babylonian ki ng's hair is gathered in a distinctive, thick plait down his back. The Babylonian crown appears in a «mical form which wi ll remain more or less unchlmged for 400 years.

116

117

152 Both kings carry long swo rds, Shalmancser's being decorated at the hili mod the chape with images oftwistiog, snarling, lions; their interlocked paws grasping each other across the weapon. On tht tnrone dais attendants Sland behind tach king, carrying his bows and quivers.

117 is a reprtse ntation of Esarhaddon from the Zinjirli sttla showing the abject subminion of Tirharka of Egypt and Abdi·milki of Sidon. '

The Assyrian crown became progressively taller and more elaboratt during the eighth and seventh centuries, with decorative bands of metal rasellcs.

Tht king's ceremonial robes consist of a long, white robe, split at the front and deroroted with tiers of coloured trim and a rringed, tasse lled, hem. A shon, trimmed shawl is worn over tht shoulders, both robe and shawl being secured with a plaited bell at the waist. The trim and fringes could be coloured red, blue, or green, or mulli-coloured_ The entire robe could also be covered with applique rasellcs or stus.

Unlike earlier kings, Esarhaddon wears boots instead of sandals.

This type or ceremonial royal costume (aside from the crown) is allested from the thirteenth century until the end of the Nco-Assyrian period. The mace appears to have constituted part of this formal dress.

In his left hand the king carries a sweet-smelling flower, or a perfume.holder in the form of a lotus.

Before the laIc eighth ccnwry, Assyrian hair was long, faUing on the shoulders in a fan-shape.. Afier this time, Assyrians wore their hair bunched 'square' on the shoulders. Royal beards, cut square, are always shown as impressively long" and much longer than a co mmoner's bea rd.

118 shows King Ashurbanipal dressed for the hunting field, and as such probably cowes close to depicting the kind of garments wor!, by seventh century Assyrian kings when on campaign.

The long robe, richly derorated with metal plaques of stars (the symbol of IshtaT, the Assyrian goddess of 10l'e and war). is hitched up under the metal waistbelt. and is split at the rront for riding. On the breast of the robe is a large, applique panel, with melal plaques or the MorningoStar Oanking a winged disc (the symbol or Ashur) abo\le a sacred tree. The garment's short sleeves, which ha\le bands of intricate decoration, end beneath gold spiral arm·bands.

118

a

153 The king wears high, leather boots, which scem to nave been often dyed blue, with red trim and a brown heel­ reinforcement and sole. The boots' long laen are carried up to be tied belo ..... the kn~. The long, woollen soc ks, always worn wi th boots of this typc, have rows of zig·ug colour, either red, blue, green or white, (red, while and blue being the most common combination). The Assyrians ~dopled the wearing of boots ~nd soc:k$ (which end JUSt above the knct) from the highland Manneans during the late eight century.

Around his head the king wears a brow band, with a decoration of large metal rosettes. The long ends of the band tnil down the king 's back to his waist .

As he is hunting, the king carries a shon sword under his sword·belt (abo\'e the metal w:Ustbelt) and suspended from a wide baldric (lISa, omitted from liB for reasons of clarity). A long, composite bow is carried below his left arm, on which he wean a wrist-guard, or bracer, tied around his foreann and thumb.

The 1..... '0 rods carried below the waistbelt appear to be writing styli, since AshurbanipaJ, unlike most other oriental monarchs (and, indeed, the great mass of the population) was literate in Akkadian, and to a lesser atent, Sumerian - a feat of which the king was immensely proud. Much of our knowledge of Mesopotamian IiteI'lllure is derived from Assyrian tUtS copied for Ashurbanipal's library at Nineveh (the capital of Assyria in the seventh century B.C.).

The king is shown with dnwn sword about to face a wounded lion on foo t. Captions prepared, but never C2rved OntO, Ashurbanipal's palace rdiefs lell how, after a 5uccessful lion-hum, the ki ng and his bodyguard of young Elamite princes (NS the 'Kardakes', or youth·troop of the later Persian kings) had dismounted to collen the kill. One lion, however, was wounded and only shamming dead; as the king approached it leapt up and attacked the king, who managed to despatch it with his sword - his squires having run off in fright!

All Mesopotamian kings wore large amounts of jewellery. Here, the king we~rs large, lunate earrings and spiral arm bands.

118b shows the sha pe oflhe royal parasol in the ninth century; lISe the rather more angular eight h and seventh century version with a rearward sunshade. Mesopotamian parasols seem to ha\'e bee n identiC21 in construction to Chinese examples, the body being stiffened cloth stretched over supporting ribs. The ribs were tied to a ring on the pole, by which it could be o~ ned and closed. The edge of the parasol shade was decorated wi th dusters of tassels, the pole itself terminating in a large:, dccontive pomegranate.

Assyrian royal parasols we re generally C2rried by palace eunuchs, like figure 152. The parasol wu a mark of royalty.

119. ASSYRIAN CHARIOT, 9TH CENTURY B.C.

Assyrian cha riot design evolved rapidly in the 9th ~ntury due to innuences from Iran and the Transcaucasus.

In 91h ~ntury Assyrian art the chariot a.b is depicted as ~ 00. of slightly below hip-heigh.I, ilS solid sides sloping gemly down from the rounded up~ r rear co rners to the front. Although the cab framework is hidden by the solid sides we C2n assume, by analogy with ea rlier Egyptian chariots still e.tant, that a single wooden pole was heat-bent through steaming to roughly the shape of ~ 'C' to form the lower frame for the chariot floor. The open ends of the 'C' were joined with a mon iced spar, and the actual noor wu made from leather thongs passed through slots cut in the lower-frame and interwoven to provide a nexible, strong and supple surfa~ which would absorb the bumps ~nd jolts of navel on an otherwise unsprung 'Ie hide. T his nooring was usually covered by II woven rug in Near·Eastern chariOts and the tassels of such rugs are onen shown behind the whccls of Assyrian charlOIS (cf. fig. 126). The C2b's upper rail was similarly made from a heat-bent pole, its ends being joined to the rear of the lower frame and secured at the front by one or more straight wooden Struts. This frame was probably covered with oxhide, stitched and luhed around tbe upper rai l and lower frame.

It is dear that this construction was intended to produce a light but strong C2b. T he joints of the floor fnme were kepI tightly dosed by the weig ht of the ete:w on the interwoven thong floor, and the upper ra il made resilient by the use of as few joints IS possible by heat-bending. The ends of the {loor fnme were probably protected by calcite or bronze knobs, as on earlier Egyptiln chariots. With the change to a sqUire chariot cab in the 8th century these would have ceued to have any practical use, and indeed, later CypriOt chariots had & decorated oval disc secured with a bronze finial in this position.

119a shows a plan view of the C2b, and 119b, the underside revealing the subframe.

154 119

e

b

• • 11'" ow

155 It ls possible that, as with later Cypriot chariolS of si milar construction, 9th century Assyrian chariols had an upright partition dividing the cab down the C1: ntre and ~ t~l1 melal hoop si tuated behind this and above the axle. A paTtition would givt tht crtw an inttrnal support to bract thtmsdve$ againat during turns or to Itan on if ti rtd, whilst the hoop would havt been an aid to climb into Ihe cab and have funcliontd 2S the support for the round, spiktd, shield which is often shown closing the open r!!ar of the cab. Assyrian chariolS probabl)' had only a partial partition as a third crewman is often shown riding behind the other two and is always shown grasping a leather loop knotted to the iunction of the draught-pole supports and upper rail atlhe cab front. This extra handhold may have been necessary because the third crewman's movements were restricted by a partition Ihat kept him off balance whilst not being high enough to provide a handhold.

The cab front was probably aboul 0.80 metres high at the front, rising 10 0.90 metres at Ihe rear, with a depth of box from fro nt to back of 0.63 metres.

It is howe\'cr in the design of the chariot sub-frame and the draught-pole ,hat 9th century Assyrian chariots differ most signilicaOily from the cQnstruction Qf ellrlier Near·Easte,rn chariQIS, these: changes being mosl evident on I he highly-detailed ChariOiS frQm the bu·rdiefs of Ashurnasirpal II (883-859 B.C.). Earlier chariots, as exemplified by surviving Egyptian examples, had a simpl!! sub-frame with a single, heal·bent draught-pole sandwiched between the rear·mounted axle and the IWO grooved mountings that connected the axle to the sides of Ihe floor frame. The draught·pole thus ran beneath Ihe centre oftht cab floor, being secured by ltalhtf thongs to tht front of tht floor frame, befort curving up""':Irds IQ suppon the yoke, The chari Ots depicted on Ashurnasirpal's reliefs, howe"'tr, displayed several unusual features that one ""'QUId not expect if they were constructed in this ""':Iy. All save IWO of these: charims have draught-poles thai clearly pass acrosstht IQwer from of the cab tQ a ribbed clemen! situated on a wtdgt--shaptd spar that passes at the level of the cab floor, back, behind the wheel, to Ihe axle. In addition, several chariots arc shown with a second curved shafl below the draught·pole which ioins a simil ar ribbed clement and spar, below, and sometimes overlapped by, the first. These clear and consisltnt details can only mtan that these chariots had tWO draught-poles, no longtr htat-bem 10 pass under the floor frame, but socketed into two separatt spars pbced on either side Qf,he cab, the ribbed eltment being a metal clasp secu ring this vital joint. The twO draught-poles converged a shon distanct ahead of the cab to run together up to tht yoke. This 'Y-pole' construction was most probably derived from the two-wheeled 'A-framt' cans of the Transcaucasus and may possibly have been employed on 10th CCIUUry Ira nian chariots.

It is not as ytt clear when Ihis draught system was adopted in Assyria. HQVo'e\'er, Ashurnasirpalll campaigned IQ the non h of Assyria early in his reign and it is prQbable that he made his artists go lQ considerable trouble lQ show a lechnologicalldvance of which he WIllS proud. Cenainly his anisl! seem to hove been very unsure as 10 the btst way Qf portraying the twO draught·poles since Ihc representations ofttn difftr.

This change in construction will have given a much stronger sub-frame and a more secure cab for only a slight increase in weight. The draught-pole spus, taking tht place of the earlier moumings bc:twctn the floor frame and axle, would hayt supponed the noor fram t for a greater pan Qfitsltngth, whereas a longitudinal beam bc:tween Ihe spars and beneath the front of the cab would have provided more: support he re than the earlier, single draught­ pole. The dQuble draught·polt would be less susceptible IQ 1:l.[cral stressc:s during turns and would bt Q\'trall more rigid and have a greater resistance to accident and the rigours of campllign. It is also probable that the change from a rounded to a square: cab that took place at t.he end of the 9th century B.C. in Assyria was a by·product of these cha nges tQ the sub-frame. A more: economical and spacious cQnstruction could be achieved by omitting tht floor frame and basing the ClIb and floor directly on the rectangular sub-frame formed by the draught

In addition to the metal clasps at tht junctiQn with the sub-frame, tht 'Y·pole' ls shQwn IQ be supported at tWO other points; at the point whert the converging draught.poles meet, and at the end of the combined pole$. T he former suplXlrt is clurly derived from earlier pole-braces ofleathe r thongs which reinforced the connection bttwten pole and cab, or wooden struts, placed so as 10 apptaf IS a 'V' whtn vitwed from above, which also suengthened the cab front. On 9th cefl!ury Assyrian chariots thls combined cab and draught-pole support appears as a curved rod, branch.ing into twO at Ihe junction wilh the draught-polej where it joins a collar securing the fV,'Q elemenlS of the 'Y-pole'.

The second draught·pole brace was probably designed to support its far end, and takes the fQnn Qf an d l iptic~l demenl, ofl en with a serrated upper tdge. running from the top of the cab front to the yoke. The serrated effect along the upper edgt of the support proliably represents either a series of metal rings or loops of leather used to fasten a decorative, elliptical, cloth over a wooden polt. This pole curved upwards from the upper rail of the cab bcfQre bending down to join Iht dnught·polc ntar the yoke. One end Qfthe decorative cloth was knQlled to tht top of the cab/draught-pole support, the other to the yoke· peg. A similar arrangement of a doth suspended rrom

156 an upJX' r pole is shown on some early conlemporary Nco- m illie OrthOSI:lU (cf. fig . 169) and on carlier M )'cen~e:m frescoes. Howe\'er, where t ri3ngul~ r , uther than elliplical, c10lhs appear it may be presumed Ih3t the cloth is hung not from :II pole, but from a taut thong supponing the pole·end_ The usc of II thong instead of a pole may be found on earlier, 121 h centu ry, Assyrian chariots, on chariots from Geometric Greek vases, and some Neo- Hmile rdiefs. The thong and pole braces funCliontd in a similar way to th ... thongs or StrulS between Ihe cab and draught·pole described previously, wit h the solid pole \'ariety pe rhaps preveming the draught·pole from moving venially :lind placing undue strain on the joints with the draught-pole spars.

This lype of chariot is depictcd in reliefs from the reigns of Ashurnasi rpal II al Nimrud and on the bronze gates of Balawat, daling to the reign of $halmancse:r III . T hese chari ots arc shown being drawn b)' two or thrce horses. It has been suggested thaI the third horse wu a rep lacement, harnessed to one side of the team as an outrigger. This would present problems in driving and incrtase the chances ofa horse being wounded. Should this occur at speed, lhe cruariOt would proh2bly be rendered usdess as n fighting unit, perhaps collapsing, wrecking the vchicle, Ih rowing the crew and inju ring the other horses; a situation unlikely 10 be reCli fi ed by a single spare horse, and an impraClicaltaClical 3rrangemen1. However Iranian and ot her sources ckarl)' depiClthree-horse choriots at this dale. Four·horse chllTiots appcar 10 have been reSlTic,,:d 10 elite units. The Iwo-horse ch3riot yoke ..... as adop ted 10 take four horses by Ihe outer ho rses being anached to the upturned ends of the yoke. Only the inner horses bad wooden yoke-saddles and the outer horses would thus exert no pull. This was funher improved later on to enable equal pull. The harnessing arrangemem is shown in 11 9c. T his is designed for a 2, 3, or 4·horsc cha riol and sho ..... s the breast-band 3nd backing dement.

Armament com prised bo ..... , axes, spear and dans. T ..... o crossed qui\,ers were anached 10 the sides of the cab; Ihe spear ..... as held in a separate holster. Sometimes standards w~ r e ca rried in the chariot, such as 11ge. They ..... ere disc·shaped, benring the image of the god Ashur or olher religious devices.

The horses in this illuslralion (based on a Nimrud relid ), we ar II dC(outed tex tile armour as shown on the king's chariot. Other cha riot hoT$CS have plain lextile armour, so me ..... ith lamellar trappers. Figure 119d shows an Assyrian brand. 120 a

121

151 120. ASS YRIAN C HARIOTEER , 9TH CENTURY B.C.

This chariot~ r is wearing II long, scale sanam, probably II development of the earlier H urri-Mit:l nnian ty~. It differs in being longer and being equip~d with a scale 'coif (girpisu). On his head he wears II conical Assyrian helmet (hu/iam). Iron (pardll,) was now coming into more general usc, but bronze was still the principle metal ustd for armour, iron being used as a cheap substitute and for weapons. Archers equip~d in this way are depicted in scenes on the bronze gates of Balawat, dating to the reign of Shalmaneser Ill, and on re liefs of Ashumasirpal ll, operating dismounted at seiges. The extra armour would probably be: pa n icularly useful in such exposed aCtivities as mining, and charioU')' coul d not be usefully employed mounted on such occasions.

Figure 120a shows the small round shield used by ch:lrioteers :It this time. T he boss is shaped in the form of a lion's ht'3d. It rould instead by tovered in spiked bosses (122b). C hariOH:rew consisted Qf two o r three: men, the third man atting as a shield·bearer to the archer, dressed as figu re 122.

121. ASSYR IAN C AVALRY T EAM, 9TH CENTURY B.C. The Assyrian use of ovalry, mounted warrio rs as opposed to scouts or messengeI"$, is fir:st recorded in the annals of the sixth regnal yea r of T ukulti-Ninun a II (890-884 B.C.) when it seems that the fi nt faltering steps in this dir«tion wert takm. It 5eCTnlI probable that the use of cavalry grtw naturally OUt of riding unbitthcd chariot outriggers, a process which gained impetus under the stimulus of Iranian, and possibly Aramacan, practic:c. In Assyria the e\'olving ovalry arm appears to have become formalised in the reign ofTukulti-Ninurta n, since this reign's style of chariot harness then beromes the 'traditional' form of cavalry harness until the mid-8lh cenrury B.C. These figures an: de rived from bas-reliefs of Asumasirpal II.

It is noticeable that cavalrymen were still ronsidercd as pan of the 'chariot-s)'Stem', oper.ning in pairs like charioteers without a t hariot. Here, the 'chariot-warrior' wears a highly dccornted runic lind wrap-around kilt with II wide waistband (cf. fig . 139) under a narrow belt. A tasselled quiver and long iron sword are carried on II single baldric over the rig ht shoulder. His head is protected by an iron conical helmet with inlaid bands of crook! of bronze. In contrast, the 'charioteer' wears an iron skullcap or pfgulla/u, and carries a shield and spear, both standard items of chariot equipment. He manages both horses, like a thariotc:t:r, enabling the :lrcher to concentrate on his shooting just as if he were in a chariot.

Though the riders of non-royal horses are still shown using the 'donkey·scat', and riding on the horse's rump without a saddledoth, the doth on the king'! horse (alwa~ shown in dose att endance on the royal chariot and managed by a cavalry 'charioteer') is in the correct position for a true horse sell. T his probably indicalC$ that the tnditional 'donkey-scat' was at lut seen to be unnt(essary on horseback, no doubt because of a greater exptrienc:c of riding in varying conditions due to cavalry warfare.

In ge neral, [he form ofhorsc-harness is identical to that of chariot horses on plnde. However, in using the breastplate as pan of the harness it seems that an earlie r element of harness, no longer \'cry common for chariot horses, is rttained as a ' u aditional' element by As hurnasirpal II 's cavalry, though not by Shalman~r Ill's ca\'alry horses. Ca\'alry horses are nOt shown wearing any fo rm ofprotecti\,e trapper, in common usc fo r chariot horses, until the mid-7th century B.C.

During the reign of Ashurnasirpai II's son, Shalmanescr Ill, both members of the ca\'IIlry 'team' were equipped with coniol belmtts. On occasion, when crossing rough tcrnin and bridges, the 'chariote(,r' is shown carrying the archer's bow and quiver, thereby gh'ing the impression that some 9th century cavalrymen were armed with both spear and bow, although this is not the (lISC.

Here, the cavalry arther is shown with an enemy's severed head slung from the bridle. While it was common for Assyrian warriors to colleCt heads to prove their wlour and gain shares of the C3.mpaign's booty, this practice is also att ested ror Iranian mounted nomads and may \lle11 be a result of their general influenc:c at this date. An alternative view would be that it was the Assyrians who introduced the lrani:ans to the pleasures of headhunting!

122, 123, 124 & 125. ASSYRIAN INFANTRY, 9TH CENTURY B.C. These figures are based on representations of Assyrian soldien from the reigns of AshurnasirpallJ (883-859 B.C.) and his son, Shalmaneser III (858-82>1 B.C.). From the reign of Ashumasi rpal ll until the collapse of the Nco-Assyrian empire, the kings of Assyria decorated their palatcs with large limestone bas-reliefs, which came increasingly to depict the military exploits of the king and the State. Due ro their large scale and detail these reliefs pro\'ide the most complete picture available of the appearance of a powerful Near-Eastern Slate at war.

158 a

b 122

12 3

124 125

122 is an infant ry spearman, probably an asJltJriltli. or elite soldier, since non-clitc troops would ve ry likely not be issued with heimets, or wear such richly decorated garmenn. He wears a plain woollen tunic with a wrap-around kil t having rnuticoloured trim, Ind stepped, zig.ng detontion of, probably. Aromacan inspiration (cf. fig. 175). For offence:, the warrior's main weapon is a javelin or short spear, a sword being carried suspended from a baldric. For protection he bears I rectangular com'a shield, made: of wooden slavu. or tetds, bound together with leather lhongs, "9 1223 and 122b show Ihe Iype of round, bronze-faced shields carried by ca\'~lry shieldbearers ~nd some UJlrurirw_ These: shields could tilher be plain, wilh a simple boss and turned-o\'er rim (a), or adorned with one or more conttmric ro ....'1 of metal spikes (b) intended for offensive use_ These shields are more frequently used by infantrymen during the reign of Shalmaneser III.

12] is probably an officer, as denoted by the mace he carries and his richly decorated garments. His fringed quiver strap is slightly unusual. He could be a rub kisri commanding archers or spearmen.

124 shows the more reprcstntative dress for Assyrian infamry archcrs oflhis dalt:, save he is vcry likely again an officer as his hdmel h:u a double row of 'crooks', or horns. The majority of archers 31 this time, apart from Ihe uslrurinu, would probably not be issued with hdmel5.

125 is an :1rI:her levied from the subjeo Aramaean Sillies of the lazirah and Syria, though native Assy rian peasam, or Iruprhu, bowmen would be very similar. The man's straighl hair, which hangs in lhick bunches, and the small end'lassd 9t the back of his headband suggest that thiSlilrcher is a Suhtan. Ashurnasirpal n claimed the submission of Suhi. The land ofSuhi, strategically silUaled on Ihe lower-middle Euphrates nonh of Babylonia, had cellscd paying tribute 10 Assyria in 882 B.C. and, with Babylonian help, had fought olTtwo Assyrian campaigns, in 818 and sometime after 811 B.C. The latter campaign, though not decisively in Assyria's favour, brought Suhi to terms, and numbers of Suheans we re settled in Kalhu.

126. NEO-ASSYRIAN C HARIOT 8T H CE"'TURV B.C_ This type first appears in the reign of Tiglath·Pileser 1II (145-121 B.C.). It is larger, heavier and rectangular in pbn. This design makes beller use of the sub-frame introduced in the previous century and described under 119. This chariot could now accommooale as many as four occupants. The crossed quivers were replaced by rued venical quivers althe front corners of the cab. /I. more efJicieOl harnessing arrangement enabled the elliplical duught-poJe suppon 10 be replaced by a thong, still supponing a decorated panel (126~) . Eventu311y Ihis w~s dispensed with altogCther. The wheels had become larger, now having eight spokes. The inner rim or felloe is seemingly separate from the oUler felloe, to which it is attached by four quadril31eral pieces of mel ai, nailed on 10 the side of the oUler rim. The na\'e and ends of the wheel spokes was melal sheathed. The OU ler rim was rectangular in section.

The actual body of the chariot, wheels, roke and dmught-pole were probably made from a variety of types of wood. The cab, especially thai of the king, was often highly-decot:lted with embossed bronze (or gold in lhe case of the king) strips, mellil rosettes, paim or inlay. This chariot, like one depicted in wall'paintings from Kar-Shalmaneser (Til-Banip), has its c:lb covered in reoanguillf metal plates, as have been found in excavations such as at Nimrud (see 42b and cf. 110). The horse is armoured in a similar manner. The Til-Barsip paintings show the following colours on chariotr},; cr~[s, tassels and fringes attached to the horse harness were coloured red and blue (usually in aitern3ting oonds), ch3riot horses were blue (i.e. grey), red, brown, black and white. The cab could have a red and blue border, while the wheels were coloured yellow or while (natural wood?). Reins and IC3ther equipment were reddish brown.

As with e3rlier ch3riots, four horses were probably used, although only two are shown. Apart from the evidence oflhe harnessing sys tem, some scenes showing chariots being ferried across rh'ers depict four unharnessed horses following behind, and more crests than horses are shown. This type of chariot continued, with minor modifications through Sargon II's reign.

127. NED-ASSYRIAN C HARIOT CREW, 8TH CENTURY B.C. (DISMOUNTED). Charioteers frequently fought on foot at sieges. Here the chariot drh'e r prOlettS the chariO! archer with the Iypical large siege-shield of plaited reed, while Ihe shield·bearer cominues his function of prolecting Ihe archer from high­ angle fire with his round shield. Both have drawn their swords sintt they arc emplaced close to Ihe besieged (own and are in danger of sallies from il.

The armour of charioleers became lighter throughout the 8th century, possibly due 10 changes in tactical function, but also probabl)' for reasons of expensc. Tiglat.h-Pi!eser Il l's reforms had resulted in the chariot corps losing much of its 'feudal', aristocr.uic :!.Spect and the stUle wu now bearing the COS I of its tquipmem to a far gTealct extent. HeN: the lamellar COOl extends 10 the upper thigh only.

160 126

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127

161 128. C AVALRY OF TIGLATH·PlLESER m, 8TH CENTURY B.C. Surviving representations from Tigllllh.Pilcscr lII 's reign do not depict mounted archen, but this is probably due to the chance of disco\'ery and survival of material . Though riders arc still shown in traditional pairs, both now control their own mounu. It is unclear if ClIvalry still aCtually fought in pairs or if this appearance is due to anistic convention alone, though it seems tactically probable that they did. Here the foreground rider lits on a uddlecloth of animal hide which relains its hoo\'cs for d«orative effect . The ncckNnd Iiso appears to be solely decorati\'e.

Ar moured horsemen appear for the first time in the reign ofTiglath.Pilcscr lU, (128a). This rider appears 10 be an Aramaean from his uyle of beard, though his equipment is Assyrian.

a

J29. ARCHER OF TIGLATH·PILESER III . This archer would Ippear to be of the same rank as 123 and, possibly, 132. He is undoubtedly an offlctr and is probably a dismounted C3\'Ilryman. He wears a ribbl:d waist·belt, plain IUnic and plain wrap-3round kilt (sec figure 114). 129a shows I vuiant tasselled form of quivef--cover.

130 a

129

162 130. NEO-ASSYRIAN C HARIOT C REW, REIGN OF SARGON II

During the rtign ofTiglath-Pil~ r II, the chariot crew had consisted of three, and occasionally, four. During the reign ofSargon 1I it wu al so usually three men, but by the reign of Ashurbanipal at the latest, the standard crew comprised four men. The three-man crew consisted oflhe driver, or m~orrik, archer, or marn dllmqu and the 'third­ man', or roshlishu, who acted as a shield·bearer and no doubt a spearman. Grooms w~r e known as milia! appari. One reason for the increasc in number of crew, and c on s equ~nl l y slr~ngth in close-combat, may b~ th~ incr~3se in the effiei~ ncy of cavalry. Cavalry were making th~ cbariot ever mor~ redundant in all but shock action, in which the chariotry now specialised. This in itself might indicat~ som~whll the limitations of cavalry in this r~specl.

131, 132 & 133 . NEO·ASSYRIAN C AVALRY, REIGN OF SARGON II

These figures are based on the reli~fs from Dur·Sharrukin (Khorsabad; 'Sargon's city') and paintings from Til· Barsip. 131and 133 are spe arm~n , equipped additionally with the bow, and 132 is a mount~d archer. Th~ s p~ar was quite long and tbrust ovel'3rm, usually held near the bUll. The Til-Barsip paintings depict cavalry such as 133, dressc:d in wh ile or brown tunics, with a white fringe, red and blue banded socks, black and white pallerned kilts and blue boots. The blue helmelS probably represent iron. Bo ....'S arc yellow and spear·shaHs, red. Horse \tappings, crests and tassels 3re red and blue. The saddle of 133, which has an animal's paw still attached, could have a black sponed pattern indicating the use of exotic animal skins. Horses could be black, while, grey, reddish brown or darker brown, and texts mention bay horses. Different breeds of horses were known such as the 'kuscan' ('Kushite') and the '!-.tesean' (from Iran), which were yoke-horscs.

The qUI\-cr of 132, also served as a bow-case. l'he co\'ers of some were decorated with a bird's head instead ofa tassel.

132

133

163 134,135 & 136. INFANTRY, TlGLATH·PILESER m TO SARGON II

Figure 134 is an unannoured infantry speurman as they appeared in the reigns ofthese 1",'0 kings. l14a sho ....., variant types of helmet. At this time most infantry were Itillunarmoured, as were the cavalry. Figure 135 is an infantry guardsman ofSargon n . He ca rries a decorated ci rcular, conical shield. These shields were simply a cone ofleather, probably over a wicker base, with a sheet bron7.e central 'boss'. The T il·Barsip paintings show that dothing coloun were predominantly red, blue or white, and shields could be decorated with ahemate concentric bands afblue and red. Figure 136 is an armoured slinger ofTiglath·Pileser III. Like the other infantry, he is not yet equipped with socks and boots, later standard issue and coming inlO use at this time, together with lamellu armour.

There were several types of shield know n in the Auyri an army, though to which types the terms; arilu, shallalu, kabobu, sahu and lukslru refe r is nOI dta!. A large reed shield for archers was called Iffllslraiabolt (from the word for 'cover'). It was probably like thai in 127, and reeds were espeeially grown for its manufaclU re. Another ilem of soldiers' equipment ..... as the "IIUO'u, or WlIter·bottle .

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136 134

137. AUXILIARY TROOPS OF TIGLATH·PILESER m The reforms ofTiglath·Pileser III turned co nquered regions into provinCC!l, from which lTOOpS could be ailed up as sob sharTi, in the same way as Assyrians. These troops are from the Aramaean and Neo-Hittite pro\'inces, and, at this time, retain some of the ir distinctive equipment. The helmets are derived ultimately from Uranian designs, which we re used by the Neo-Hittites and, in Anatolia, by the Phrygian! (Mushki). Figures 137b and c wear Nco­ Hillite boots, and figu res 137a and b wea r ltIt/iw·baldrics and metal ir/II plates (discussed under 149). l73e, rand g show yet more types of helmet . Helmet crests appear for the first lime in Assyrian armies in the reign ofTiglath. Pileser m.

164 e

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a b c d 138 & 13" AUXILIARV TROOPS OF SARGON n

Figure 138 also ""cars a limit'" an d irlll, Uranian or Nto-Hittitt itylc of hclmci and a tunic deconted in I manner known in Uranu, and Nto-Hinite stllles. He carries a sword, (namwnI or patru). and the wickerwork consuuction on the inside of his shield is clearly vis ible.

The archer, 139, may be an Aramacan. [39a and b show other associated hairstyles ofthcsc auxiliuies, and 139d the type: of p:ulcming thaI occurs on their kilts. 139c is a long. narrow form of quiver used by these !toops, Arrows were known as mu/",ul/w, qallN, s/lI"//ali"" shukudu or 111111.

d

138 139 c

'65 Aumann lighl-troops, such as Gurrara, h u'ara and Ru'a, were much used as lookouts and for securing lines of communication. Troops from mountainous regions to the nonh-west of Assrria may have been naturally good at operating in difficult terrain .

Assyrian auxiliarie:, and other pe rsonnel, shown wearing feather ci rcl ets on some reliefs, arc nO! auxiliaries from Philistia, but Assyrian priests and soldiers panaking in a festival.

140. NEO-ASSYRIA N C HARIOT, 7TH CENTURV B.C. This illustmes the chariot as it appeared in the reigns of Sc:nnacherib and Ashurbanipal.

The dimensions of the cab were about 1.5m. in width, slighlly less than 1m. hi gh and about 1m. deep. 140b shows a plan of the chariot, and 140c shows a section of the whed which is still as described under 126 except that the diameter has increased yet again, and could now be as high as a man. The rim of the wheel was now often studded with the rounded heads of nails driven into it. This would im prove grip an d strengthen the attachment of the oUle r rim to the inner rim. The dimensions and the open back are confirmed by the reliefs of Ashurbanipal's lion·hulll, showing the: rear closed by :I la rge shield. secured by straps to the: cab sides. This is shown being carried on the back ofa servalll during the preparation for the hu nt. Ordinary wa r-chariols had dispensed with such rear protection at this time.

T he draught.pole disappears under the cab and probably continues to the end of the Clib for stre ngth of construction. T he pole is further reinforced by a curved rod connecting it 10 Ihe top of the front of the cab. The axle: was set at the extreme rear of the cab, under the floor .

The chariot was drawn by four horses as revuled by a frontal view of the yoke (140a) as it appears in rdiefs. The: horses arc: protected by a fo rm of textile armour. T he reliefs of the battle of the Ulai river from the South West palace at Nineveh sho w the armour in some de tail. Each j, equipped with a large cover upon his back, perhaps of thick fel t or leather. It is secured at the Tear and tOp, and lappets hanging down at each side give some protection to the legs while not impeding movement. The neck and chest are covered up to the car by a thick section secured to the back-cloth and along the back of the neck by a series of toggles. Other reliefs show the neck cloth scored with three lines, which could show that it was later made up ofthrc:c: overlapping seclions giving greater frc:c:dom of movement. Such textile armour would have given adequale protection against spent or stray missiles and lc:ssc:n the impact of direct hilS.

The horse wu secured to, and pulled the chariot by, a chest-band attached to the yoke. which had four curved :md padded half-collars. ElIch collar had an anached chest-bind. A second band passed under Ihe chest. behind the fore-legs, but is sometimes omilled from reliefs.

Around the neck of each horse went a SlTap for a bell, no doubt to add its \'oice 10 Ihe thunder of a charge for psychological elTecl.

Forward, and each side of the cab were positioned two quivers. apparently an integral pan of the frame and not detachable.

141. NEO·ASSYRIA N CHARIOT CRE W, 7TH CENTURY B.C.

The crew shown here date 10 the re.ign of Ashurbanipal. The archer uses a composite bow and the shield-bearen ca rry ribbed shields. The shields we re held high and tilted to cover both front and side of the dri\'er and archer when ad\'1Incing in the face of mis.s.iles. They also enable the rear to be: protmed in close: combat or when ..... ithdrawing while being shot al. One of the shield-bearers must therefore hold Ihe shield in his right hand. Each of the: crew wears a waisl-length lamellar corslet (often slc:c:vcless) over I short·sleeved tunic reaching 10 Ihe knc:c:. Socks and boots were worn as standard issue in the Assyrian army and somelimes a iOn of 'cummerbund' or sash was worn about the waist. under a thin leather belt.

The quivers contained not only urows but short weighted iavelins or dans known as sllitrakllu, or ,iflaM, (141b).

141a shows I bow-casc:, hung by means of Ihrc:c: st raps attached to a medallion, hanging from the cab.

The artistic record for Wilr chariotS is unfonunalely incomplete for the reigns ofSc:nnacherib and Esarhaddon. Ho_r, a recenlly discovered relieffragmem from Nine\'eh depicts a four-man crew from the reign of Sc:nnacherib. They arc on parade and therefore nOI in armour. There are tw o shield-bearers wilh con\'ex shields (see fig_ 145). 16' 140

\ a •

•

b

•

=DF'="W C a b

167 142. NEQ·ASSYRIAN GUARD CAVALRY LANCER, 7TH CENTURY B .C. T his figure depicts a qumbll/i sha pi/halli from the relief'cycle Set up in the Southern Palace of Sennacherib ('The Palace Without an Equal') representing the Assyrian siege of Lachish in 101 S.c.

He wears the now standardised equipment of' Assyrian' heavy units, comprisin g a helmet, short corslet, short·sleeved linen tunic, fringed wrap-around kill, and boots with long socks. His sleeveless lamellar corslet has a complete fringe of leather pteruges, and his pointed helmet of polished iron, which has large, hinged cheek-pieces, is adorned with a bronze strip around the rim :md a double row of crooks, possibly to indicate the wearer's ra nk.

For offence he is armed with both a hea vy thrusting·spear, azmarll, and a short composite angular bow, qash/u (later known as the 'Akkadian bow', qashw akkadu, to distinguish it from the Cimmeri an or Scythian bow). T he term azmaru, which first occurs during the se<:ond half of the second millenium, had by the time oftbe laler Sargonids come to describe a heavy spear issued to both infantry and some cavalry. It was made of e'm wood or mu"allU (cornel or dogwood), a native hardwood noted for its straight growth, and appears to have been produced in two sizes from 2.5·3.5 metres long. Infantry appear most frequently with shoner azmaru and cavalry lancers with the longer version. The bow, when not in use, was carried in the quiver. Assyrian quivers were usually tubular during the 7th century and made of sheet bronze decorated in repousee with horizontal bands and rosettes. This guardsman has a slightly unusual leather quiver which has clearly stretched to accommodate the bow. Quivers of this type arc sometimes shown with covers decorated with a coc kerel's head (no-doubt because of the similarity of a crowing cockerel's head and nec k to the long, stretched, cove r), fig. 142a.

A short iron sword is suspended from a wide baldric, decorated with metal rosettes, ove.r the right shoulder.

It would appear that all qll rubilli fha pi/halli were usually armed with both spear and bow.

The horse·harness is generally typical of that issued 10 Assyrian cavalry unilS during Ihe reign ofSennacherib, apart from the large, decorated collar which distinguished the horses of royalty and palace unitS. The horse's poll has been shaved for coolness and is protected from the sun by a bead brow cushion. A leather frontlet hangs from the browband and the top of the rrontlet 's point is decorated with a large, domed disc. Actual examples from Zinjirli were 5.2cm. in diameter.

The saddle of plaited leather is decorated at the corners with multi-coloured tassels. The breastband has banjo­ shaped appliques of brODze or bone and seems to hne secured the saddle in the abse nce of a girth, which is only rarely shown.

143. NEQ·ASSYRlAN CAVALRY LANCER, LATER ITH CENTURY B.C. The qurubuti sha pi/halli of Ashurbanipal's reign, and therefore presumably Esarhaddon's, differed very little in appearance from fig. 142, except that their helmets were more likely to have integral cheek·pieces. However, by 653 S.c. at the latest Assyrian cavalrymen arc always shown in baule riding fully·protected horses.

Rel iefs dating 10 the reign of Ashurbanipal show both cavalry lancers and archers riding horses prolected by textile armour similar to that worn by chariot horses. Two basic designs are shown and also a few minor variations. The main difference being in the number and arrangement of the textile sections and the method offastening. The type illustrated here is the most widely depicted in the reliefs. It consists either ofa single large backcloth, or twO halves, as suggested by the tOggles securing it across the horses' rump. The backcloth is also secured under the tai l and under the belly, the straps bei ng single or double. Four rounded lappets provide some protection for the legs. Another sec tion of cloth covering the ho rses' chest and throat is anached to the backcloth by toggles at the side of the neck. In what may be a later de\'elopmem, the backcloth cominues around the horse's chest with no visible join, suggesting a one·piece housing which joined on one side of the neck only. Sometimes the backcloth is shown decorated with parallel bands around the borders.

It is imeresting to nOle that the armoured crew, horses and weaponry of a four·man, four· horse chariOI would be equivalent to four of this type of cavalryman, while dispensing with the vehicle. The development of this advanced form of cavalry may thus have hastened the redundancy of the chariot, being more economic and tactically flexible.

168 142

169 144 . NEO·ASSYRlAN INFANTRY OFFICER, 7TH CENTURY B.C. Again derived from the: Ulai rc:lief

This man is 1I 1m OSl ctu ainly a rab k im ' or a rhiJlmu, as indicaled by his triple 'crooked' hetmel, the quantily of jewellery,lInd his distinctive , double·blllded axe. By the 7th century B.C. Assyrilln officers lIppelir to hllve regululy exchanged their small, ctremonial mliCtS (the tradition~1 insignia ofthcir rank) for this more practical battlefield weapon, possibly lIdopted through contact with the Scytho-Cimmerians. T his was the only type of axe used by lhe Assyrians in ba ule, although large, two-handed, single·bladed axes arc frequently shown being used by work· parties of soldiers engaged in wood-cuuing.

This office r has a gold, spiral arm·band and a single wrist·band. He wears a standard·issue lamellar corsLet, which has a complete fri nge of'pleruges' lit the wais!. Both hi s helmet and the lamellae of his armour could be of bronze rather than iron since bronze armour seems to hove been highly·regarded still, being both lighter, rust·proof and more attnctive when polished.

T he fringed wrnp-around kilt WO$ universally worn by the regular Assy rian military from the late 8th century 10 the end of lhe Neo·Assyrian Empire:. The partiol, muhi·coloured fringe seems 10 have b«n attached only to Ihe right-hand side of the kilt's hem. The poimed end was kept loose, being passed over the belt or waistband 10 hang down between the wearer's knees. T his detail is usually concealed by armour or wide metal belts worn over the waistband.

146 147

144

145, 146 & 147. NEO·ASSYRIAN ROYAL GUARDSMEN, 7TH CENTURY B.C. 145 is an infantry guardsman of the reign of Sennachetib (704-681 B.C.). He wears the stllndard issue: lamellar corslet, short·sleeved tunic, wflIp-around fringed kilt, and boolS with long pa tterned socks. His pointed iron helmet, derorated with bronze sirips and crooks, is t)'pial ofSennacherib's reign, having luge, sepafllte hinged chm-pieces.

The large coniCliI shield, mllde of bronze· coloured 1ellther edged and decofllted with large bossed rivelS, was only arried by guardsmen. From Ihis il appears that in Sen nacheri b's rei gn armoured spearmen did not exiST outside lhe guard or kisir SharTUl i.

170 146 is an infanlryman of the le is;, shamlti ofSennacherib's grandson, Ashurbanipal (668-627 B_G.). His appearance, although superficially similar to fig. 145, demonstrates several changes ofdelai!. The soldier's pointed iron he.l met has integral cheek-pica:s and a rim that is slighlly lower althe back in order to give some protection to the neck. The most obvious change, the tremendous increase in shield size, is sympto ma tic of an increasing preoccuplltion with protcetion oflhe later Neo-Assyrian military and reileen II desire to minimise casualties caused by missiles. The change to the larger shield probably came about following Esarhaddon's unsuccessful Egyptian expedition of 674 B.C.

Figure 147 is a guard officer in coun dress with II highly·pa mmed tunic, cord headband an d sy mbolic macc-of­ office. Such officers were referred to as sha hllla,i, or 'staff-bearers'.

148. NEQ·ASSYRIAN HEAVY INFANTRY SPEARMAN, ITH CENTURY B.C. Armoured infantry spearmen, apan from guards, do not appear until the reign of Esarhaddon, who gttatly ClI:panded the regular army. He wears a corslet with partia l pterugn and a helmet with integral check-pieces. He carries a la rge, curved, round-topped shield of leather, bound with bronze. The shield is shown painted blue in the source. The considerable variety of helmets which could be worn are shown by 148:1.

14 8

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149, ISO & 151. NEO·ASSYRIAN MEDIUM INFANTRY SPEARMEN, 7TH CENTURY B.C. These figures show the later slyies of dress and equipment ofthe Aramaean and Neo-Hittile soldiers first recru.ited intO the: Assyrian army by Tiglath-Pilcscr III and Sargon 11 during the 8th century B.C. All show strong Auyrianizing influences, and have to a great ClI:tem lost their regionll and national details of dress, probably liS D result of the issue of equipment from central 1110/ ma sharti, or arKnals, in metropolitan Auyria.

171 149 dau!s from Ihe reign ofSennacherib and Ihe bronze bowl-shaped helmet wi lh separate chcck-piCCC5 and upright 'pole' crest is I dislinnive feature of Ihis king's 'Iuxiliary' spearmen. This soldier wears a long tunic decor-ned wilh broad blue and ~ bands, as shown on :I late-phase NCO-Assyrian wa ll -])a in ting from the governor's palace al Til-Barslp in nonhern Syria. His helmel crest is similarly chequered red Ind blue. Over his mnic he wears a wide bronze belt II the wlisl, a IImitulbaldric 10 suppon his shon iron sword, and a large bronze irtu [0 protect the chcs:l . h is possible 10 identify $C\'eral forms of irtu, the simplest being a large, flll round plate, Ihe more elaborate cxamplcs, u shown here, having I prominenl central domed boss and curled-Q\'er rim. The min's round shield, carried by a central handgrip, was mlde of woven rteds tied with leather or reed binding on the inside and bound by a bronze rim. The: shidd's face, oftm shown with a central bronze boss. is shown in fig. 151 and has the eha.racterlstic 'building-block' effect which was produccd by tbe imerweaving of:l thick rm facing some Scm. thick. FaCC$ of such shields ....· ete usually plinted I solid colour, red being common.

150 & lSI arc soldiers of Ashurbanipil's army. Both soldiers' helmets ITe of iron inlaid with bronze and ha\'e in­ teg ral ch«k-picces and crest-holders. The pictorial sources of this king's reign indicate tbat mosl uniu of medium spearmen we re equipped with a reed-work ve rsion of the new, large body-shield (cf. fig . 148). Rccords of the later 7th «mury mention the large-scale. deliberate plaming of reeds along the Tigris for shield manufacture.

Some companies of spcarmen retained the older form of round shield, however, either because it was traditional to their arell of recruitmem or because of Ashurbanipal's particular rc ve ra nce for Sennacheri b's memory.

151 wears the boots and long socks of 'Assyrian' soldiers, and is either an officer, or more probably belongs to an elite company or the kirir Jlwrrrlti, os is possibly indicated by the double-crooked helmtt. All these warrion art armed with short iron swords slung from a baldric forming pari or their luttitu, 150

152

172 152. ASSYRIAN MILITARY SCRlBE

This scribe 3p~"rs in .:nun dr~, rhOllilh other.! are shown in more prnctiOll clothing like 147. H is long, friniled robe is belted al the WliIIisl and a multi-coloured, fringed shoulder·band is wrapped ~round the body. Such fringes could be coloured ahemately in blue and white, or be red overall. The basic garmtnt was white.

Scri bes are usu~lIy shown in pairs, making lists of caprured equipment lind other spoils of war, liS well as recording Ihe names of soldiers. One scribe wrOle in cuneiform on a day tablet, while the other wrote on either II. wax writing­ board usi ng a stylus, or in ink on papyrus. It is e\'en possible that some of these scribes He in faa war':lrIists, making skelches in preparation for the delailed battle-reliefs Ihat would be made for the kin g's palace.

All matters concerning Ihe preparation and condua of a campaign were aHended and rcrorded by sc ribes. Delailed repom were requirtd by rulers, and military organisation depended on wrinen !'«Ords in order to function effickntly. Such documents were Slored in archh'es together with diplomatic co"espondence. This arrangement applied in the Near East for most of the period covered in Ihis book. The durability of these tablm 3nd the fact that Ihey are devoid of the kind ofexaggtration and propaganda found in royal annals (which would be poimless and coumer' productive in bureaucratic records), make them invaluable sources for reconstructing military organisation.

Couriers carried messages wr ilfen on day tablets, one source mentions such a me!;S.lge being found in II. leather bag around the neck of a messenger who was apprehended.

Maps and plans on tablels were nOi unknown.

153

154

153 & 154 . NEO·ASSYRIAN ARMOURED MISSILE TROOPS, 6TH CENTURY B.C. The slinger is laken from reliefs of Scnnacherib, although those: of Ashurbanipal would be identical. He wears the standard issue equipment of an Assyrian sold ier, but some slingers are shown in reliefs with bare fecI.

The large, sphcrical Assyrian sling-stones, consistantly depicted in reliefs, \lre known from excavations at Lachish, :l Judc:ln stronghold Siormed by Sennocherib. Examples examined during rcse:a rch for Ihis book have an avenge diameter of6cm., and weigh from 193 to 270gm., which should be compared 10 an average weight of Hellenistic lead sling-shol of around 65gm. T hese: sling-stones had been roughed out of rectangular limestone cubes, with only limited smoothing and finishing, and some had clear ev idence of shanering impaclS.

The conlel of the archer is unusual in having shon sleeves but no pteruge~. Du ring the reign of Ashurhanipal, hC3vy archers and slingers commonly wore a headcloth, like that of figure 154, instead of the iron helmet.

173 155 & 156. NEO-ASSYRIAN LIGHT ARCHERS These soldiers are levies conscripted from subjm peoples, and were employed to fight in their nalive fashion. Figure ISS is a Neo-Hiuite from Carchemish doting to the reign of Sennacherib. Alternative headgear is shown in 156a. Figure 156 is an Aramaean \e\'Y of Ashurb3nipal. 156b shows the headgear ofChaldean levies who would otherwise appear similar to these.

156

155

157 & 158. BABYLONAIN ROYAL DRESS 8TH TO 7TH CENTURY B.C. Figure 157 represents the Chaldean rebel, and sometime king of Babylon, Merodach·Baladan (Marduk·apal.iddina 721·710 B.C.), Dnd 158 represents Nabonidu$ (Nabu Na 'id 556·539 B.C.) last of the Chaldea n dynasty ""'hich ruled the Nco-Babylonian Empire. He was an elderly man at the time of his defeat by Cyrus, and is shown here with a white beard. Both carry a staff of kingship and wear the conical Babylonian crown.

159 & 160. NEO·BABYLONIAN TROOPS 7TH TO 6TH CENTURY B.C.

Figure 159 represents :I Babylonian guardsman of the 7th century B.C., and like most nath'e Babylonians (trOOpS from Akkad, 3S opposed to Chaldeans and Arumaeans), is quite 'Assyrian' in his appearance. He wears a helmet and lameller co rslet of Assyrian type and a la rge, conical, leather shield as used by Assyrian royal guards (c. r: 146). He wea rs a simple, plain (Unic and does wit.hout the heavier, woollen gear, socks and boots fU\'ou red in Assyria, whe re the climate was colder.

The troops illust rated in 160 are Chaldeans, levied by the kings of the Neo-Babylonian Empire. They wore short (Unics, caps or he:ldclolhs ending in long tassels and simple fillets. 160a is an archer, representing the majority of Chaldean troops. These were available in large numbers, and in order to make them more effective in dose· combat some were equipped with spears and shields in addition to the bow, as shown in 160b. Figure 160c is purely a spearman, equipped with a large body·shield, possibly made of woven r~ds , similar 10 thaI used by Assyrian troops towards the end oflhe Assyrian Empire (c.f. 148 an d 150).

Babyloni~n cavalry, dtpiCled in Assyrian reliefs, appear to be very similar to 160b and c, but lack shields. Babyloni3n chariots would be similar 10 Assyrian Iypes. However, the captured Ba bylonian charims of Shamash·shuma·ukin have archaic crossed-qui\'ers al {heir sides, and yokes fo r only two horses, so they may have been slow to match Assyrian changes in design. '" 157 158

160

a b c

115 161, 162, 163 & 164 . ELAMrTe WARRIORS ITH CENTURY B.C. Thcse illustflltions are based on representations ofElamile troops depicted in thc reliefs from the palace of Ashurbanipal at Nincve.h, now in the British Museum. The reliefs conctrn the victory of Ashurbanipal over the Elamite king, Teumman, at the river Ulai. The Elamite chariot (161) consisted ofa luge, flat platform, which could have low, scmi-cirrular sides (16 1a and b). II had two large, 12·$poked wheels and the axle was positioned beneath the ctnue of the pl:uform. These chariots were dfllwn by two or fOUf mules or small horses. The reliefs depict chariots being swept away by the rive r Ulai, and show from views oflhe yoke. dearly designed for four horses or mules. Other, overturned chuiots show two or four animals. The crew consisted of a driver and up [0 three archers, who sal or knelt on the platform which was covered in a reed mat. The mobile, massed archers would be quite effective in themselves apart from any dose-combat ability these chariol5 may have possessed. They may have provided a son of ban Ie field transport for archers, and reliefs show large numbers making good their escape from the bailie in this way.

Figure 162 is an Elamile king or officer. He wears a long robe and a cloak into which he has tucked his right arm. There are two types of headgear which seems 10 distinguish officen or nobles; the cap worn by 162 has II feather hanging from the back, and 1623 shows a bulbous cap with fabric neck guard and ribbon. The ordinary soldiers wear only a doth headband.

The cavalry, 163, we re identical in dress 10 the infantry, but carried a spear and bow. They ride on a larger breed of horse than those shown harnessed 10 the chariots. Like the Assyrians. they probably made a distinction between riding and dnlught horses, and employed a smaller breed ofhorsc (attested later on in Iran) for dnught purposes. The quiver, which appears 10 be of a Siandard type, may have bee:n embossed lC1lther, stiffened fabric or even panly of bronze. It was tied on, with (he knOt resting on th~ soldier's che:s(.

The infantry archers appear 10 have made up the majority of the infantry, and were quite uniform in appeannce (164). Assyrian texts, however, menlion troops hearing bow and shield and 'heavily.armed archers'. Such trOOpS do not appear in the rdiefs and Iheir appearance is not known. Presumably the Assyrian anins did not have access 10 this informalion, while the scribes had verbal accounts and probably ballle·repons at their disposal. Assyrian accounlS also mention the nobles bed«ked in silver bangles and riding in chariots with gold and silver trappings.

Elamite armies were effective and numerous, defeating the Assy rians on seveflll occasions. They featured mobility, sound 13ctical sense. and reliably supponed Babylonian rebels against Assyria. Together with Uranu and Egypt, they were a serious rival to the Assyrian Empire.

a

161

b 176