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Selected Chronology of Political Protests and Events in Lawrence
SELECTED CHRONOLOGY OF POLITICAL PROTESTS AND EVENTS IN LAWRENCE 1960-1973 By Clark H. Coan January 1, 2001 LAV1tRE ~\JCE~ ~')lJ~3lj(~ ~~JGR§~~Frlt 707 Vf~ f·1~J1()NT .STFie~:T LA1JVi~f:NCE! i(At.. lSAG GG044 INTRODUCTION Civil Rights & Black Power Movements. Lawrence, the Free State or anti-slavery capital of Kansas during Bleeding Kansas, was dubbed the "Cradle of Liberty" by Abraham Lincoln. Partly due to this reputation, a vibrant Black community developed in the town in the years following the Civil War. White Lawrencians were fairly tolerant of Black people during this period, though three Black men were lynched from the Kaw River Bridge in 1882 during an economic depression in Lawrence. When the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 1894 that "separate but equal" was constitutional, racial attitudes hardened. Gradually Jim Crow segregation was instituted in the former bastion of freedom with many facilities becoming segregated around the time Black Poet Laureate Langston Hughes lived in the dty-asa child. Then in the 1920s a Ku Klux Klan rally with a burning cross was attended by 2,000 hooded participants near Centennial Park. Racial discrimination subsequently became rampant and segregation solidified. Change was in the air after World "vV ar II. The Lawrence League for the Practice of Democracy (LLPD) formed in 1945 and was in the vanguard of Post-war efforts to end racial segregation and discrimination. This was a bi-racial group composed of many KU faculty and Lawrence residents. A chapter of Congress on Racial Equality (CORE) formed in Lawrence in 1947 and on April 15 of the following year, 25 members held a sit-in at Brick's Cafe to force it to serve everyone equally. -
Student Protest Movements at University of Cape Town and University of California-Berkeley from 1960-1965 Brianna White [email protected]
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Wellesley College Wellesley College Wellesley College Digital Scholarship and Archive Honors Thesis Collection 2015 A Cross-Cultural Study: Student Protest Movements at University of Cape Town and University of California-Berkeley from 1960-1965 Brianna White [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.wellesley.edu/thesiscollection Recommended Citation White, Brianna, "A Cross-Cultural Study: Student Protest Movements at University of Cape Town and University of California- Berkeley from 1960-1965" (2015). Honors Thesis Collection. 252. https://repository.wellesley.edu/thesiscollection/252 This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Wellesley College Digital Scholarship and Archive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Thesis Collection by an authorized administrator of Wellesley College Digital Scholarship and Archive. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Cross-Cultural Study: Student Protest Movements at University of Cape Town and University of California-Berkeley from 1960-1965 Brianna White Department of American Studies [email protected] 1 Acknowledgements The student would like to thank my committee of advisors, including Dr. Michael Jeffries, Dr. Barbara Beatty, and Dr. Paul MacDonald. Thank you for your support and patience as I worked to solidify my ideas. I appreciate your feedback and understanding. I would also like to thank the Department of American Studies and Wellesley College for allowing me to pursue this project. Finally I would like to thank my parents and friends for their support. 2 Table of Contents Chapter I: University of Cape Town and University of California- Berkeley: A Comparative Study ........................................................... -
The Canadian Writer & the Iowa Experience
THE CANADIAN WRITER & THE IOWA EXPERIENCE Anthony Bukoski Τ PURPOSE OF THIS PAPER IS TWO-FOLD: to try to piece together from interviewlHsE and correspondence I have had with a number of Canadian authors — twenty-seven to be exact — a sort of general history, a chronological overview of their involvement in the Iowa Writers' Workshop, and to try to assess the significance of that involvement not only to the writers them- selves but to Canadian literature in general. I intend hedging a bit by including some writers who became Canadians only after leaving Iowa.1 Could so many writers have studied at the same institution in the United States without its having left some mark? What attitudes about teaching creative writing or the commitment to the writer's life and craft did they form? Given the method of Workshop investigation, the fragile egos of most young writers, and the fact that the Workshop is in another country, not all of them profited from the experi- ence of studying at Iowa. Speaking of her experiences there in the late 1950's, for instance, Carol Johnson, who teaches at the University of Victoria, noted, "Writ- ers on the whole seem notorious for their unhappiness. Legends of particularly unhappy types prevailed [though not necessarily Canadians]. Since writers are apparently predisposed to neurosis, it would be safe to assume that most of them would be unhappy anywhere."2 Those who were satisfied found the programme valuable, the atmosphere con- ducive to work — though perhaps neither so attractive nor congenial as the main character finds Iowa in W. -
An End to History
AN END TO HISTORY Mario Savio Mario Savio, a leader of the Free Speech Movement, seemed to articulate the pentup feelings and frustrations of many students. In one of the most famous speeches of the early new left, Savio told a huge campus rally to resist the Berkeley administration: "There's a time when the operation of the machine becomes so odious, makes you so sick at heart, that you can't take part, you can't even tacitly take part. And you've Got to put your bodies upon the Gears and upon the wheels, upon the levers, upon all the apparatus and you've Got to make it stop. And you've Got to indicate to the people who run it, to the people who own it, that unless you're free, the machine will be prevented from workinG at all." In the essay that follows, written in 1964, Savio enunciates many new left themes: the hierarchical and bureaucratic nature of American society and of the University of California, the alienation of students, the limitation of speech to that which is not critical political speech, the existence of racial injustice, and the links between the civil rights movement and the student movement Last summer I went to Mississippi to join the struGGle there for civil riGhts. This fall I am enGaGed in another phase of the same struGGle, this time in Berkeley. The two battlefields may seem quite different to some observers, but this is not the case. The same riGhts are at stake in both places‐the riGht to participate as citizens in democratic society and the riGht to due process of law. -
Bogdan Denitch
Bogdan Denitch Perhaps ironically, shortly after writing the following memorial for Arthur Lipow, longtime New Politics sponsor Bogdan Denitch died on March 28 at the age of 86. Bogdan’s association with NP reaches back to the first issue of our current series in 1986, for which he penned a piece making the case for the American left to provide critical support for the Nicaraguan Sandinistas, then engaged in a civil war with the U.S.-backed right-wing Contra army. Born a Kosovar Serb, Bogdan became a steelworker and later a professor of sociology at two City University of New York (CUNY) schools, Queens College and the CUNY Graduate Center, and wrote a number of books about Yugoslavia under Marshall Tito and its dissolution, most famously Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia (University of Minnesota Press, 1994). He was also very active in the civil rights movement in the 1950s and early 1960s. For most of his adult life Bogdan identified with the third- camp democratic socialist tradition promoted by NP, even as he joined the editorial board of Irving Howe’s less radical journal Dissent. He was a founding member of the Young Socialist League (YSL) in 1954, bringing the not-yet-famous Michael Harrington with him. Both Harrington and Bogdan went along with the merger of the YSL and its “parent organization,” the Independent Socialist League, into the more politically moderate Socialist Party (SP) of Norman Thomas and its Young People’s Socialist League. But while Harrington became an SP leader and remained so until the early 1970s, Bogdan left the SP milieu in the early 1960s, disgusted by the conversion of many of his erstwhile comrades into Cold War social democrats who supported not only the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba but, soon afterward, the escalation of the Vietnam War. -
Berkeley-In-The-60S-Transcript.Pdf
l..J:J __J -- '-' ... BERKELEY IN THE SIXITES Transcript House n-American Activities Committee Demonstration, May 196(J (Music. "Ke a Knockin") T Narrator: y In the 1960s y generation set out on a journey of change. Coming out of an atmosphere f conformity a new spirit began to appear. One of the first signs was a demo tration, organized by Berkeley students in May of 1960 against .;')~u.P -'- the House -American Activities Committee. Archival/Co gressman Willis, HUAC Chairman: \ ' .., iJ' ,o-, «\' What we are ere to do is to gather information as we are ordered to by an act of Congress ith respect to the general operation of the communist conspiracy. Chairman W lis (off camera): Proceed to th next question. Archival/Un entified Witness: I'm not in the habit of being intimidated and I don't expect to start now. Now what was yo_ question? "{/\Thatwas your question. C Lawyer (off camera): Are you now n this instant a member of the communist party. BITS TRAN RIPT 2 t,...J-,,i._l-.. } 'Li..- Narrator: We came out 0 protest because we were against HUAC's suppression of political free m. In the 50s HUAC created a climate of fear by putting people on trial for t ir political beliefs. Any views left of center were labeled subversive. e refused to go back to McCarthyism. Archival/Wi liam Mandel: )/",'; 0 ~ If you think am going to cooperate with this collection of Judases, of men who sit ther in violation of the United States Constitution, if you think I will cooperat with you in any way, you are insane. -
Social Movements and Political Action
SOC 141: Social Movements and Political Action SOCIAL MOVEMENTS University of California, Berkeley FALL 2020 Laleh Behbehanian, Ph.D. Tuesday/Thursday 11:00–12:30 Email: [email protected] Office Hours: wejoinin.com/LalehBehbehanian Monday 3:00-4:00 & Tuesday 2:00-3:00 While this course introduces students to sociological scholarship on social movements, it aims to do so from the perspective of movements themselves. We explore a variety of social movements in 20th and 21st century U.S. history, including: the Movement of the Unemployed; the Civil Rights and Black Power Movements; The Free Speech Movement; the Chicano Movement; the Gay Liberation Movement; the Occupy Movement; Black Lives Matter; and Standing Rock. Focusing on questions and concerns that emanate from the experiences of these movements, we turn to sociological and social science scholarship to develop analytic and theoretical approaches that enable us to pursue those questions. What are the conditions that allow for (or obstruct) the emergence of a movement, and how can we recognize and fully exploit those conditions when they arise? What forms of organization have facilitated movements, and which have endangered them? What different kinds of strategies and tactics have various movements adopted and how effective have they been in different contexts? What strategic and tactical innovations have been introduced in the contemporary period? What challenges and forms of repression have movements faced historically and how have they adapted? Finally, how can we fully assess the impacts of movements, even accounting for their unintended reverberations? INTRODUCTION – Social Movements & Sociology 8/27 COURSE INTRODUCTION: Social Movements & Sociology The Power of Disruption – The Movement of the Unemployed 9/1 The Structuring of Protest Piven, Frances Fox and Richard A. -
2015–16 (Full PDF)
Bulletin 2015–16 Bulletin The Graduate Center The City University of New York 2015–16 Volume Thirty-Eight / Number ONe 365 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10016-4309 www.gc.cuny.edu General: 1.212.817.7000 Admissions Office: 1.212.817.7470 (TDD users should call the New York Relay Center at 1.800.662.1220.) 2015–16 Bulletin, The Graduate Center, City University of New York NOtice Of POssible chaNges The City University of New York reserves the right, because of changing conditions, to make modifications of any nature in the academic programs and requirements of the University and its constituent colleges without advance notice. Tuition and fees set forth in this publication are similarly subject to change by the Board of Trustees of the City University of New York. The Uni- versity regrets any inconvenience this may cause. accreditatiON The City University of New York is registered by the New York State Department of Education: Office of Higher Education and the Professions, Cultural Education Center, Room 5B28, Albany, NY 12230; Telephone: 1.518.474.5851; http://www.nysed.gov/heds/IRPSL1.html. The Graduate Center has been accredited by the Commission on Higher Education of the Middle States As- sociation of Colleges and Schools since 1961, last reaffirmed in 2010. Seehttp://www.gc.cuny. edu/CUNY_GC/media/CUNY-Graduate-Center/PDF/Policies/General/Accreditation.pdf. 2 the graduate ceNter caleNdar / 2015–16 fall 2015 August 6 (Thurs.) ....................... Deadline for filing readmission and last day for non- matriculated, auditor and permit students to file an application for the Fall 2015 semester. -
Spring 1965 an Analytic and Autobiographical Account (2008)
one Spring 1965 An Analytic and Autobiographical Account (2008) in january 1965, in the wake of the turbulent Free Speech Movement on the Berkeley campus and the demise of its chancellor, Edward Strong, the new acting chancellor, Martin Meyerson, asked me to join his staff as a special assistant in the area of student political activity. This was the hottest seat in the chancellor’s offi ce at that moment, given the political fragility of the campus. I served eight months in that capacity until a new chancellor, Roger Heyns, was appointed and I took a scheduled sabbatical leave. Those months were a tense and uncertain period that resulted in an unsteady but palpable restoration of authority on the Berkeley campus and a few steps toward campus “normalcy.” They also constituted a period of rapid and mandatory political learning on my part and one of the most demanding seasons of my life. Over the years many colleagues have asked me to write about this important transitional period, both because it has received less attention than the historic Free Speech Movement days of late 1964 and because I had an “insider’s” point of view; now, in 2008, I have fi nally acceded to those requests. I have returned to the archives of the chancellor’s offi ce, to accounts of the events in the press, and to my personal recollections. The staff of the Bancroft Library were very helpful in supplying materials relevant to the Meyerson administration from the fi les of the chancellor’s offi ce. I also benefi ted from the research assistance of Ziza Delgado and Catherine Shepard-Haier. -
Free Speech at Berkeley:" University As Factory," an Argument From
DOCUMENT RESUME E D 249 5V CS 504 705 AUTHOR Stoner, Mark R. TITLE Free Speech at Berkeley: "University as Factory," An ---- Argument from Analogy. PUB DATE No 84 N OTE 18p.; Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Speech Communication Association (70th, Chicago, IL, November 1-4,-1984). PUB TYPE Speeches/Conference Papers (150)-- Viewpoints (t0) *DRS PRICE 14701/PC01 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Activism;1 Civil Rights; *Discourse Analysis; Ethics; Evaluation Criteria; *Freedom of Speech; Higher Education; *Metaphors; *Persuasive Discourse; Speech Communication; *Student College Relationship; Student Rights IDENTIFIERS *Free Speech Movement; University of California Berkeley ABSTRACT Although many metaphorswere developed throughout the Free Speech Movement at the Berkeley campus of the University of California, the central metaphor of the movement was the university as a factory. The analogy was used to argue that trends in higher education were moving toward the dehumanisation of.students and was related to the national concern over lack of freedom by many to exercise their constitutionally mandated civil rights. Students argued that university involvement with industry was mercenary and that students were used, like raw materials, to be molded into Jprefabrioeted cogs to fit easily into the machinery of government and industry. The movement, by its use of the structural analogy -- university as factory--chose an extremely powerful argumentative tool and a useful image that lent itself to quick and wide dissemination among members of the movement. The continued development of metaphors allowed the leadership to control the analogy to a fairly high degree. However, when compared to the standards of ethics proposed by Richard Weaver, the Free Speech Movement--because of certain unwarranted uses of, words as "free speech", its desire to eradicate hierarchical distinctions at the university, and its failure to recognise the constraints placed upon the university--must be judged as ethically suspect with regard to rhetoric. -
E Pluribus Unum: the Berkeley Free Speech Movement of 1964 Madeleine Riskin-Kutz
E pluribus unum: The Berkeley Free Speech Movement of 1964 Madeleine Riskin-Kutz Free Speech Movement march through Sather Gate, Mona Hutchin on the extreme right (marchers’ perspective) and Mario Savio on the extreme left. From Warshaw p.56, photo credit: Ron Enfield, Nov. 20, 1964 Madeleine R-K, E pluribus unum, cont. During the academic year of 1964-65, a political movement took place at the University of California (UC), Berkeley bringing together students and faculty from across the political spectrum — from communists to campaigners for right-wing Republican presidential candidate Barry Goldwater. Members of the movement united in their demand for free speech on campus and specifically, to be allowed to set up tables on campus to campaign for political causes. Their movement took place through demonstrations and sit-ins, ultimately achieving success in December 1964, when the academic senate voted unanimously to approve a resolution that there would henceforth be no restrictions on the content of speech or political advocacy on campus, except in regard to time, place and manner. Histories of the Free Speech Movement (FSM) have represented it as left wing and have therefore overlooked one of its essential features: it was a broad coalition operating largely by consensus among people with widely differing political views. By restoring the center-to-right wing side of the history of the FSM, we can first of all recognize this broad coalition’s existence, then also understand it was possible because of a form of universalism among students. A universal principle united the members of the Free Speech Movement. -
'It Was Better When It Was Worse' : Blue-Collar Narratives of the Recent Past in Belgrade
SOCIAL HISTORY, 2018 VOL. 43, NO. 1, 30–55 https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2018.1393997 OPEN ACCESS ‘It was better when it was worse’: blue-collar narratives of the recent past in Belgrade Rory Archer School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London ABSTRACT KEYWORDS Based on oral history research conducted among networks of Belgrade; Serbia; Yugoslavia; blue-collar workers in Belgrade, Serbia, this article develops working class; blue-collar three interrelated arguments regarding workers’ appraisals of workers; oral history the recent past (1980–2014). Firstly, although the tumultuous years of late socialism and post-socialism in Serbia have been represented by scholars as a series of ruptures, I suggest that for blue-collar workers the boundaries between socialism and post-socialism and pre-conflict and wartime eras are blurry. Secondly, despite the conditions of war and economic collapse, blue-collar accounts of the 1990s in Serbia are not universally negative. Some individuals experienced upward social mobility, strongly influenced by class and gender positioning in late socialism. Female workers who had experienced hardship during the 1980s were often better equipped to navigate 1990s ‘economies of makeshift’. Thirdly, social dislocation associated with neoliberal economic reforms since 2000 disproportionally affects blue-collar workers, reshaping narratives of late socialism and the 1990s (sometimes inducing workers to overlook or downplay coercive aspects of the Milošević regime). The accounts of this diverse group of (former) workers highlight that social class, gender and generational cohort condition the rather divergent ways in which the last three decades were experienced, are remembered and continue to be reevaluated in Serbia.