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The Contribution of Parenting to Ethnic and Racial Gaps in School Readiness

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The Contribution of Parenting to Ethnic and Racial Gaps in School Readiness The Contribution of Parenting to Ethnic and Racial Gaps in School Readiness Jeanne Brooks-Gunn and Lisa B. Markman Summary The authors describe various parenting behaviors, such as nurturance, discipline, teaching, and language use, and explain how researchers measure them. They note racial and ethnic varia- tions in several behaviors. Most striking are differences in language use. Black and Hispanic mothers talk less with their young children than do white mothers and are less likely to read to them daily. They also note some differences in harshness. When researchers measuring school readiness gaps control for parenting differences, the racial and ethnic gaps narrow by 25–50 percent. And it is possible to alter parenting behavior to im- prove readiness. The authors examine programs that serve poor families—and thus dispropor- tionately serve minority families—and find that home- and center-based programs with a par- enting component improve parental nurturance and discipline. Programs that target families with children with behavior problems improve parents’ skills in dealing with such children. And certain family literacy programs improve parents’ skills in talking with their children. Several interventions have significantly reduced gaps in the parenting behavior of black and white mothers. Not all improvements in parenting translate to improved school readiness. Home-based pro- grams affect the mother but do not appear to affect the child, at least in the short term. But center-based programs with a parenting component enhance both parenting and school readi- ness. And some family literacy programs also improve readiness. Because these successful interventions serve a greater share of minority than nonminority fam- ilies and have more positive effects for blacks than for whites, they offer promise for closing the ethnic and racial gaps in school readiness. www.future of children.org Jeanne Brooks-Gunn is Virginia and Leonard Marx Professor of Child Development and Education at Teachers College and the College of Physicians and Surgeons, Columbia University. Lisa B. Markman is associate director of the Education Research Section, Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University. They thank Eleanor Maccoby, the NICHD Research Network on Child and Family Wellbeing, and graduate fellows at the National Center for Children and Families at Teachers College, Columbia University. VOL. 15 / NO. 1 / SPRING 2005 139 Jeanne Brooks-Gunn and Lisa B. Markman veryone knows” that parenting What Is Parenting? powerfully influences a child’s Parenting encompasses the literally hundreds well-being. And volumes of re- of activities that parents engage in either with search confirm that intuitive or for their children. Often, researchers di- link.1 Could parenting behav- vide parenting into categories of behavior. In Eior also play a role in the ethnic and racial this article we use seven: nurturance, disci- gaps in school readiness found by social sci- pline, teaching, language, monitoring, man- entists? Just as there are stark differences in agement, and materials.2 the economic, educational, and demographic conditions in the homes of white children Nurturance and of black and Hispanic children, as other Nurturing behavior involves ways of express- articles in this issue report, there may also be ing love, affection, and care. High nurturing racial and ethnic variation in parenting be- behaviors include expressing warmth, being haviors. If so, such differences may con- responsive to a child’s needs, and being sensi- tribute to the gaps in achievement and readi- tive to changes in a child’s behavior. Low nur- ness that show up when children reach turing behaviors include detachment, intru- elementary school. To explore these possibili- siveness, and negative regard.3 ties, we first describe parenting behaviors, as well as the ways in which researchers often Researchers measure nurturance by observ- assess parenting. Then, we ask to what extent ing a parent interacting with her child (par- parents matter. That question may come as a ents are not particularly good or accurate re- surprise, because parenting is so universally porters of their own warmth, detachment, or regarded as important. But social scientists intrusiveness). They observe naturally occur- have raised questions about the extent to ring interactions during a two- or three-hour which parents matter (does their behavior home visit or during structured tasks that can matter at all, and if so does it matter a little or be set up at home, at a preschool center, or at a lot?), and we pursue them here. a pediatric clinic. For home visits, the Home Observation for the Measurement of the En- Next we turn our attention to possible racial vironment (HOME) Inventory, for example, and ethnic differences in parenting behavior. asks the observer to record whether she saw When we find ethnic or racial differences in certain behaviors, such as a parent sponta- parenting—and we do—we provide examples neously praising a child’s qualities twice; ca- of how specific parenting behavior translates ressing, kissing, or cuddling a child; or using a into specific child behavior. We also consider term of endearment.4 The structured tasks the issue of equivalence in parenting meas- range from free play with a specific set of ures across racial and ethnic groups. Then we toys to problem solving with unique materials investigate possible programmatic ap- (for example, getting a toy from a box using a proaches to altering parenting behavior and rake or another utensil) to copying a puzzle ask how effective parenting programs are. Fi- or design. Often, researchers videotape the nally, we explore both how much parenting interactions so that they can code them later. programs can enhance the school readiness Sometimes they code very detailed behaviors of minority children and how much they can (marking the presence or absence of up to close the ethnic and racial gaps in school fifteen parent and child behaviors every five readiness. to ten seconds); other systems involve more 140 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN The Contribution of Parenting to Ethnic and Racial Gaps in School Readiness global coding of a number of constructs, such child during the visit.9 Because parents may as sensitivity to a child’s cues, expressed be less likely to spank a child with an ob- warmth, intrusiveness, and detachment. server in the home, observers often ask par- Training of coders is intensive (often for as ents about frequency of spanking. They also long as six weeks) to ensure their reliability. ask about their use of other discipline strate- gies, such as time out, explanations, and tak- In semistructured videotaped free play ses- ing away toys or food. In a few studies, they sions, the observer gives parents and young give parents a scenario. For example, they children toys to play with, leaving instruc- ask what a mother would do if her child had a tions deliberately vague. In several studies, temper tantrum in the market; or, if her child she places three toys in separate bags, so that had had a tantrum, what she did in response. the mother uses one toy at a time, and ob- Sometimes they calculate a severity-of- serves the parent and child for ten to fifteen punishment score or a use-of-reason score.10 minutes.5 The observer rates the session after repeatedly viewing videotapes of behaviors, Teaching including detachment (low involvement with Teaching typically includes didactic strategies and lack of attention to the child), intrusive- for conveying information or skills to the ness (over-control and over-involvement in child. Observers set up interaction situations the child’s play), negative regard (anger, re- such as putting together a puzzle that is jection), sensitivity (extent to which the par- slightly difficult for the child; drawing a com- ent perceives the child’s signals and responds plex figure; learning a skill such as tying a appropriately), and positive regard (demon- shoe or buttoning a coat; or sorting building stration of love, respect, and admiration).6 blocks by shape or color, and then observe teaching behaviors. Often, they rate the Sometimes, these behaviors are treated sepa- strategies in terms of quality of assistance. rately, because they measure different as- For example, when helping her child with a pects of nurturance. At other times, they are puzzle, a mother might do any of the follow- clustered together to identify different ing: take over and put most of the pieces in groups of parents. For example, we have the puzzle; wait until the child runs into diffi- identified several groups of parents—we culty and then take over; not assist the child term them sensitive, directive, uninvolved, at all; provide cues or prompts (“What would and harsh—based on the coding of behaviors happen if you turned that puzzle piece in the three-bag free play.7 around?”) to help the child find the right place for a piece; provide an overall strategy Discipline (“Can you find all the pieces that go on the Discipline involves parents’ responses to edges of the puzzle?”). Observers would code child behaviors that they consider appropri- the latter two examples as high in quality of ate or inappropriate, depending on the child’s assistance.11 age and gender and on parental beliefs, up- bringing, and culture.8 Observers sometimes The HOME Inventory includes items related measure discipline from what they see during to teaching—does the parent encourage the the course of a home visit. They would de- child to learn colors, songs, or numbers or to scribe discipline as harsh or punitive if the read a few words—that can be used to create a parent spanked, slapped, or yelled at the scale called Provision of Learning or Learning VOL. 15 / NO. 1 / SPRING 2005 141 Jeanne Brooks-Gunn and Lisa B.
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