UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI

DATE: 05-19-2003

I, Donald Edward Clark II , hereby submit this as part of the requirements for the degree of: Master of Architecture in:

It is entitled: Public Design in Today’s Urban Society

Approved by: Michael McInturf Aarati Kanekar

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PUBLIC DESIGN IN TODAY'S URBAN SOCIETY

A THESIS PREPARED AND SUBMITTED BY

DONALD CLARK

TO THE

DIVISION OF RESEARCH AND ADVANCED STUDIES OF THE

UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI

AS ONE OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR

THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARCHITECTURE

IN THE SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE AND INTERIOR DESIGN

OF THE COLLEGE OF DESIGN, ARCHITECTURE, ART,

AND PLANNING

COMMITTEE CHAIR MICHAEL MCINTURF

2003

PREVIOUS DEGREE

B.S. ARCH, UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI, 2001 Clark

ABSTRACT

Today people no longer interact socially as they previously did—the television is a social outlet for many, while others interact with strangers while using the drive-through. Urban public design has not changed enough to allow for a meaningful exchange that generates a bonding interaction. However, the way people interact with each other is still governed by the same set of primal sociologic principles. These along with an analysis of a select number of historical spaces and cultures—focusing primarily on how the people built, interacted in, and were manipulated by their public spaces will establish a baseline for a comparison of today’s society.

Finally, an exploration into social theory and the current socio-economic-political circumstances will help to show reasons for the change/loss of interaction in today’s society. These paths of exploration have led to a generic design solution applicable to most urban situations and a specific application in Cincinnati. Clark

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

"No more sadness, no more sorrow. No more bad times, everyday coming sunshine. Everyday everybody laughing . . . good times, good times."

(The Guess Who)

I would like to express my enormous gratitude to my fiancée, and soon to be wife, Liz whom without I could not have done this. She has provided me with inspiration, help, and support when I needed it the most and for that and so much more I love her more than words can describe.

I would like to extend my gratitude to my thesis committee, Professors Jeff Tilman, Aarati Kanekar, and chair Michael McInturf who have all pushed me towards avenues I would never have found on my own.

I would also like to that my friends who kept me going through it all.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ii THESIS INTRODUCTION 1 COMPONENTS OF SOCIETY AND SOCIETAL INTERACTION 7 SOCIOLOGIC/PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS 8 PUBLIC DOMAIN 11 SOCIAL INTERACTION AND THE CONSTRUCT OF SPACE 12 ENABLERS 15 CHANGES IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY 16 HISTORICAL CITY MODELS 21 ATHENS-CA 400 BC 22 PARIS-CA. 1250 AD 24 LONDON-CA. 1700 AD 26 CINCINNATI, OH-CA. CURRENT DAY 28 PRECEDENTS 31 COFFEEHOUSES AS THEY APPEARED IN ENGLAND AND FRANCE 32 BEER GARDENS 34 DEPARTMENT STORES/BAZAARS/MALLS 35 METREON, SAN FRANCISCO 37 CAREW TOWER, CINCINNATI 39 RED HOOK CENTER FOR THE ARTS, BROOKLYN 40 LAWRENCE-DOUGLAS COMMUNITY HEALTH CENTER 42 ISSUES FOR CONSIDERATION 41 ASSUMPTIONS AND CONCLUSIONS FROM DATA 44 SOLUTIONS FOR PUBLIC SPACES TO PROMOTE INTERACTION 50 USER GROUPS 55 PROPOSED FACILITY FOR CINCINNATI 58 SITE AND CITY HISTORY 61 SITE ANALYSIS 64 PROGRAMMATIC SPACES 71 CONCLUSIONS 85 BIBLIOGRAPHY 91 SELECT ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY 95

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS fig. 1—Conceptual drawing (author) fig. 2—A form of interaction (Curran, 40) fig. 3—Another form of interaction (Hajer Reijndorp, 78) fig. 4—"dead" public space (Curran, 10) fig. 5—temporary housing (Cuff, 195) fig. 6—the post WW II suburb (Cuff, 242) fig. 7—Natural enabler (author) fig. 8—Defensive enabler (author) fig. 9—Economic enabler (author) fig. 10—Economic layer (author) fig. 11—Information layer (author) fig. 12—Social Interaction layer (author) fig. 13—Schema diagram (author) fig. 14—Cellular interaction (author) fig. 15—groups interacting (author) fig. 16—The Public Domain (author) fig. 17—The Public Domain (Hajer Reijndorp, 19) fig. 18—The Public Domain (Curran, 36) fig. 19—The built and natural (author) fig. 20—Economy and interaction (author) fig. 21—Transport and interaction (author) fig. 22—Transportation layer (author) fig. 23—Information layer (author) fig. 24—Natural enabler (Chapman, 239) fig. 25—Economic enabler (author) fig. 26—The post WWII suburb (Lofland, 219) fig. 27—The automobile & highway (Hajer Reijndorp, 90) fig. 28—Housing shortage (Cuff, 24) fig. 29—Mass production (Cuff, 260) fig. 30—The new American home (Cuff, 261) fig.31—The isolation of society (Cuff, 263) fig. 32—McDonaldization (Hajer Reijndorp, 50)

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fig. 33—Athenian Agora (Sennett, 53) fig. 34—Athenian Stoa (Sennett, 54) fig. 35—Parisian street shop (Sennett, 194) fig. 36—Parisian shop (Sennett, 195) fig. 37—Growth of London (Sennett, 318) fig. 38—Cincinnati, Ohio (Ford, 79) fig. 39—The Metreon (Architectural Record) fig. 40—The Metreon (Architectural Record) fig. 41—Carew Tower (author) fig. 42—Netherland Hotel (author) fig. 43—Carew Tower (author) fig. 44—Red Hook (Architectural Record) fig. 45—Red Hook (Architectural Record) fig. 46—Health Center (Architectural Record) fig. 47—Health Center (Architectural Record) fig. 48—Health Center (Architectural Record) fig. 49—Overlap of groups and systems necessary to produce interaction (author) fig. 50—Program space interaction and attraction (author) fig. 51—Site (www.terraserver.com) fig. 52—Site (author) fig. 53—Site (author) fig. 54—Site (author) fig. 55—Fountain Square (author) fig. 56—Cincinnati market (Cincinnati Enquirer) fig. 57—Skywalk system (Motour) fig. 58—Sixth Street market (Cincinnati Enquirer) fig. 59—Lazarus (author) fig. 60—Carew Tower (author) fig. 61—Terrace Hilton (Cincinnati Enquirer) fig. 62—Regional Map/Analysis (Cincinnati Bell Yellow Pages and author) fig. 63—Area Analysis (Cincinnati Bell Yellow Pages and author) fig. 64—Visual Integration (author) fig. 65—Transportation Integration (author) fig. 66—Extension Integration (author)

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fig. 67—Diagrams showing movement from group interaction to public space generation (author) fig. 68—Sectional Diagram (author) fig. 69—Diagrammatic model showing integration of transportation routes and program spaces (author)

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"What are we talking about? Not just a shopping center where people come to buy one sheet, one shirt, or one shoe, but a place where lingering, staying, dawdling, socializing are a way of life. A refuge from the big city, or sometimes worse, your own parlor. A place so incredibly right that mobs will rush to it crying "Sanctuary!" and be allowed in forever. A place, in sum, where people can come to be people. The idea is as old as Athens at high noon, Rome soon after supper, Paris at dawn, Alexandria at dusk."

(Oldenburg, 209)

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THESIS INTRODUCTION

fig. 1—Conceptual drawing showing societal layers, group domains, transportation systems, and interaction.

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"A man whose birthday was in 1829 . . . had been born into a world in which President Andrew Jackson traveled no faster than Julius Caesar, a world in which no thought or information could be transmitted any faster than in Alexander the Great's time. In 1860, with the railroad and the telegraph that was beside it, a man could move at sixty miles per hour and transmit an idea or statistic from coast to coast almost instantly" (Ambrose 357). Stephen Ambrose here notes the changes the generation that built the Transcontinental Railroad experienced, but the changes in the last sixty years have similarly resulted in a rapid transformation. Except now changes have allowed the individual to act largely on without the aid of others. A person now can get in her car (or even airplane), move across any part of the country at will and in any direction, and then call anyone in the world to tell them about it from the phone she keeps in her pocket. Changes in the last fifty years has not only revolutionized the world, it has empowered the individual and allowed them to become an autonomous being not often forced to rely on anyone for help. These changes have had a great impact on the level of interaction in society and social situations. The term "interaction" goes beyond the simple exchange of a few words with the exchange of information, even if the parties are not willing participants in the exchange. Tom Douglas simply defines interaction as occurring when two people are aware of each other, going on to say, "Even ignoring others is a form of interaction in the sense that it is a conscious behaviour motivated by a recognition of the presence of another" (Douglas 64). Watching others and listening to them, while it is not necessarily direct communication, is a valuable means of interaction. Interaction is fundamental to society functioning well and people peacefully and understandingly existing with one another. It helps define social order and is the foundation of the communication that allows varied pieces of society to coexist. Interaction acts as a basis for understanding, helping to make people more aware of not only others around them, but also about themselves. Interaction can also act as a mediator to effect social change. The way people interact with each other today is still governed by the same set of primal sociologic principles that governed them 5000 years ago, and this allows for an fig. 2—A form of interaction analysis of historic situations compared to today. Maslov's hierarchy of needs, ranging from basic survival to self-actualization, is an invaluable tool to understand the motives of others. In any given situation different people are involved with activities to satisfy different needs. A valuable way in which people interact with others is through the use

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of schemas, devices used by the brain to help interpret the world. Each time a person sees someone (or something) they are not familiar with they rely on this set of assumptions about the person instead of trying to analyze the person in full. Doing so allows the brain to not be overloaded with the volume of sensory information being given to it. It also means that people may interpret others differently upon a brief glance or a long meeting. People also associate themselves with others most like them in terms of the cultural, economic, social, and educational backgrounds and form loosely associated groups called cells. People are most likely to interact with others within their own cells and also with people from similar cells. Schemas and cellular interaction, while valuable to the safety and survival of the individual, can be barriers to free interaction and fig. 3—Another form of interaction socialization in a public forum if not incorporated properly. Social networks before World War II were smaller, neighborhoods were in large part more self-sustaining and supportive, and as a result interaction and socialization was more intricate than today. People were more aware of their neighbors and the environment around them and it can be argued the bonds of community were greater. At the least, people were more aware of their neighbors and the people around them. Today these networks have been largely destroyed and/or altered. People are not given the opportunity to interact as they did and are not as aware of their neighbors and fellow citizens that results in weaker communal bonds. They have been weakened because fig. 4—"dead" public space social space has been removed from the places of residence, work, entertainment, and consumerism. Since World War II these elements have been so much that in many places they are not near each other. An increased level of interaction in the urban setting can foster understanding of all members of the community and lead to a more compassionate environment. Public space design has not kept up with the changes in society during the past sixty years. Moreover, people have sought other venues to interact in at the same time that that interaction has lessened in both intensity and quality. Public space now is little more than an area for individuals to move about with as limited contact—spoken, visual, or physical—as possible. The post World War II urban environment is largely different than the pre War environment. Changes resulting both directly from the war and through happenstance combined to alter the organization of society. fig. 5—temporary housing Millions of returning GIs chose to move to new homes that did not exist in the urban core. World War II and the Great Depression before it created a decade and a half halt on the construction of new housing and that housing crisis in the city became

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startlingly apparent. It was dealt with in the short term in cities such as Los Angeles with temporary housing but they in turn created problems of their own (Cuff 183). Enterprising developers and businesspeople saw the opportunity around the country and helped give birth to the modern American suburb. The movement of people from the city to the suburb highlighted the neglect of many neighborhoods. Federal subsidies sponsoring urban renewal programs fueled the destruction of those neighborhoods and replaced them with large public housing units. Within a small number of years after World War II movement of people away from the city and destruction of many neighborhoods tore apart layers of social networks that had taken decades, even centuries, fig. 6—the post WW II suburb to form. Urban renewal programs, that so many thought would save and revitalize the American urban core, only helped to speed its decay. New methods of communication have been introduced since the war. The telephone is by now in virtually every home in the United States, and many people have cell phones that allow a person to communicate with anyone wherever they may be. It allows connections to be formed over thousands of miles. The Internet in recent years has shown to be potentially even more life altering than the television was, However, these recent changes are only some of the more recent series of enablers, or catalysts for change, which have permitted or forced the structure of society to change. Enablers are catalysts for change, but they only offer a choice for that change. Enablers change the opportunities and choices that people living in a particular environment have. The term “enabler” describes three categories of systems that fig. 7—Natural enabler manipulate the growth and/or development of a city: Natural, Defensive, and Economic. Natural enablers can be rivers, mountains, oceans, etc. The growth of downtown Boston and Manhattan Island were constrained by the water that surrounds them. The defensive classification is composed primarily of walls, but also includes fortifications, castles, and the proximity or situation of cities in relation to them. Economic enablers encompass the most factors and have a great impact on the built environment. Different elements of society: roads, banks, hospitals, street signs, department stores, trees, and people to name a few are grouped into different layers. Analyzing society in terms of layers helps to greater understand its complexity and the interaction that occurs within it. The layers for this model are: The built environment, The natural environment, economy, transportation, information, and the social environment. People fig. 8—Defensive enabler move through and occupy different layers simultaneously, while layers also overlap and interact with other layers. As layers overlap and interact more in a particular place then

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the possibility of social interaction in the place increases. Successful public spaces that promote social interaction have a much greater overlap of these elements and layers than do less successful spaces. Since World War II society and the public forum in which people interact has been witness to many changes. New transportation methods allow the individual to move independently of others. New methods of communication and entertainment help to make face-to-face contact with others almost unnecessary. The built environment in which people live has also undergone drastic changes and altered the way in which people live their lives. While the environment has changed the way people interact, the psychological principles, schemas, cellular interaction, and hierarchal needs, governing fig. 9—Economic enabler those interactions have remained the same. The way in which society is layered and composed has not changed and so can be used to examine both pre and post-World War II societies. All of this data can be combined and examined collectively to determine how to increase public interaction in today's society. A more holistic understanding of people, their needs, and environments both current and historical, along with an understanding of socializing and interaction can develop solutions to encourage socialization in the urban setting of a level and quality that existed before World War II. It is important that new social spaces work with existing networks—social, transportation, entertainment, and economic—in the area. This will do two things: ensure that it is not in direct competition with other facilities and draw from existing populations and groups of people making the filling of the space easier. A social space should fit in as seamlessly as possible with what already exists in the city. Program fig. 10—Economic layer spaces within the public facility will vary according to the facilities that surround the proposed site. Above all the program inclusions into the facility will depend on what will specifically attract the widest mix of people in the area in order to create a more dynamic and meaningful interaction. No longer are these pieces of society connected to form a cohesive whole. Society in this sense has become atomized, or spread out into different subsystems. Social interaction, let alone relationships, is hard to establish in this environment. People engage the landscape and those around them through the steering wheel of their car. A person is not in one place long enough to interact with others because each stop at a parking lot only serves one economic master. The atomization of society prompted by ease and economy is bad for both the individual and the collective whole in terms of the fig. 11—Information layer lack of socialization and interaction it sponsors. Without a diverse range of individuals

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the collective whole is not gathered together and as a result there is limited or no social interaction. When there is no social interaction there is no society. The individual is dependent on the collective whole not only for the goods and services necessary to sustain him or herself, but also as a means to evaluate their skills and abilities and to aid their self-esteem. Social space has not responded to the changes in society and the quality of social interaction, as a result, has declined. I purpose to design a public space/facility, that will incorporate the reasoning developed through the assembled research and case studies in as unbiased a method as possible, located in a urban setting that will not only promote public interaction and understanding, but also attempt to mediate cultural, racial, and economic differences that can foster social change through commonalities of experience, needs, and desires brought fig. 12—Social Interaction layer together in an integrated programmatic system of retail, educational, service, commercial, residential, and entertainment spaces that are bound through a central circulation system which in turn is connected to the surrounding area and region through a number of transportation systems and means of information exchange.

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COMPONENTS OF SOCIETY AND SOCIETAL INTERACTION

"Public domain is thus not so much a place as an experience." (Hajer, Maarten, and Reijndorp 88)

"When we treat someone else as a 'type,' we are taking a kind of mental shortcut, helping us to decide (however automatically, or even incorrectly) which mental models [schemas] to activate in various situations and how to organize our cognitions to make sense of our surroundings. This prevents us from having to approach every individual and every situation as wholly unique and from being so 'flooded' with information that we cannot make decisions about what to do and how to think." (Chako 53)

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SOCIOLOGIC/PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS

Certain sociologic and psychological issues are critical to the understanding of human interaction. If a person does not know how to use a set of tools then they will not be able to repair an automobile, for example. The same principle is true here. Without an understanding of the motivating factors of group behavior it is impossible to analyze public interaction. I have identified Abraham Maslov's Hierarchy of Needs, Schemas, and Cellular interaction as an important base of understanding and exploration. There are a number of needs that have to be satisfied for both the physical and mental health of a person to be fit. Abraham Maslov defined these needs and ranked them according to the most essential to physical health to those for fit mental well-being. The range of human needs as defined by Abraham Maslov from the most basic is: Physiological, Safety, Love and Belongingness, Esteem, Cognitive Needs, Aesthetic Needs, and self-actualization (Santrock, 44). The ordering of the needs is arguable, but the principle that some needs of people are more important and widespread than others is not. Food and shelter must come before happiness. Without food the body dies and without shelter a person’s health is drastically reduced. Once a person has a full stomach and roof over their head, so to speak, they can pursue activities they find enjoyable. Therefore, in any given environment there are a number of different groups and individuals each seeking to satisfy different needs. Some are concerned with making themselves a better person while some are just trying to find a place to sleep. Schemas are a classification system that allows the brain to quickly place anyone a person sees into a particular category. This allows the brain not to go into overdrive calculating everything sensed. Schemas are based on observation and not inborn, thus constantly changing. Cities today are so varied that this is a valuable tool maybe even more so than one thousand years ago. There is much more that a person is not familiar with than that they are familiar with and of all the people an individual interacts with daily only a fraction of a percentage are known to them. A person cannot determine whether or not each new face poses a threat to them. When someone sees a stranger they fig. 13—Schema diagram make assumptions based on appearance in comparison to what they person already know. It is possible that the assumptions made are wrong, but they are necessary to keep the brain from becoming overworked and to allow the person to make quick decisions that may be vital to safety. The fact that schemas are learned over time further emphasizes the need for a social space that allows a person to interaction with those they are not

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familiar with to build upon schemas and correct mistakes and in doing so grow more aware of their environment. All of these reasons make schemas very important. It is also important for an individual to be able to observe a variety of people and groups to challenge their schemas. Schemas that are not readily challenged become beliefs, become accepted as truth, and eventually are no longer questioned by the individual (Chako, 25). These long held beliefs can be accepted as truth regardless if they are or not—without a basis for comparison the individual cannot challenge them. Stereotypes and prejudice can arise from this lack of information gathering. Therefore, observation is not only important to establish schemas, but also to modify existing schemas in an effort to be sure one accurately perceives the world. People also make assumptions about themselves based on how they perceive others based on their schemas. Schemas help to establish the way that a person views reality and how they interpret the environment around them. Douglas says, "Comfort and security reside in the ability to predict, or more accurately, in the belief that prediction is possible" (Douglas, 15). Schemas then become a tool with which to navigate foreign situations, allowing the individual to remain comfortable. Also, G.A. Kelly's (1955) Personal Construct Theory emphasizes the point that "because of this belief in the accuracy of our perception based upon past experience, our worlds are significantly different (Douglas, 213)." Our experiences provide the basis for understanding our current situation and the means through which to navigate it. Cellular interaction is a process of group formation whereby they associate and interact with others who share similar ethnic, social, economic, educational, and political backgrounds/affiliations. People will interact with those who are not like them, but most often only when necessary such as in an emergency or as requirements of a job, for example. However, when given a choice an individual will associate with others like themselves. Once grouped, these cells will willingly interact with similar cells, but rarely fig. 14—Cellular interaction with cells different than them. These cells are not rigid units, and will change and reform as the people that compose them do change. Once groups are together they are more unlikely to admit others or interact with groups of others. If multiple cells and groups are to interact in the same social space consideration must be given to this grouping of people. Program spaces must be placed in the social space that attract the specific individual groups and spaces that appeal to the all the groups. The esteem and self-worth of a group is formed in part through comparisons with other groups. Rupert Brown cites H. Tajfel and J.C. Turner's examination of Festinger's

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social comparison theory to "suggest that our group's worth or prestige [is determined] by comparing it to other groups" (Brown, 239). Therefore, it is necessary for a group to at least interact rudimentarily with other groups while means of hierarchal establishment arise through this. Without knowledge of the skills and makeup of others it becomes impossible to rank the group and the individual. We also place ourselves, in terms of these skills, in relation to groups we see (Brown, 239). Groups assess their worth in relation to others and this also contributes to our self-esteem. Quoting Brown, "If our own group can be perceived as clearly superior on some dimension of value (like skill or sociability) then we, too, can bask in that reflected glory." However, comparison to others can lower self-esteem if the person being compared to is of higher ability. Comparing to persons of lower ability only raises self-esteem if the person is convinced fig. 15—groups interacting the other was giving full effort (Brown, 63). It is therefore important for purposes of comparison, self-esteem, and societal placement that a range of people is available to an individual to observe and evaluate him or herself. This again further emphasizes the need for a social space to be full of many types of people. This comparison also has very practical values. Without these bases for comparison an individual will not be able to judge his or her own ability, and Brown cites as an example a person driving a car. A person with little skill in operating automobiles, but without knowledge of other's ability and hens no baseline for comparison, are more likely to feel confident in their ability and thus hurt other people. This is also why intoxicated people are so dangerous—they are not able to evaluate their own abilities correctly (Brown, 60). Apart from physical appearance groups distinguish themselves through language (Brown, 243). Communication within a group is particular to each group even though they may speak the same language as another group. Each group places their own meanings to words and phrases. Language is also prime means of communication between groups. "So language is both an expression of and a mediator of inter-group behavior" (Brown, 243). Different groups and cells use varied forms of communication, but there is a level at which cells can understand those from outside their cells. Brown cites studies that show when groups feel threatened they will turn to language to "establish distinctiveness" and create an identity. Language aids the connections between and the individualization of groups. The use of multiple forms language and communication then is essential in any social environment.

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An understanding of any given social space must begin with these concepts. Not only are there different "groups" and "types" of people, but a host of people seeking different goals from life. The homeless man asking for spare changes is primarily concerned with food and shelter for that day while the businesswoman who gives the man a quarter is thinking about getting her expensive car out of the shop. These people are focused on their own concerns, not necessarily the concerns of those around them. This adds a boundary that must be understood for people to manage and occupy the same social space. It is important to consider the way in which people interact and the psychological and sociologic principles that drive their actions in order to create a successful public fig. 16—The Public Domain space. Without this understanding, and then application of the principles that drive human interaction, the space cannot hope to truly be a place for interaction. Program spaces must be placed within the facility to allow for individuals and groups to identify with as their own, but at the same time these spaces must not isolate those groups or place any group in a place of power or authority over others. At the same time, these spaces should be incorporated to bring other groups together.

PUBLIC DOMAIN

The term "Public Domain" has a number of definitions. While most differ in the exact makeup and chemistry, they agree that it goes well beyond the few designated public squares and parks within a city that people commonly think of as public domain. fig. 17—The Public Domain Curran classifies Public Domain as a wide range of functions and activities and a means of movement through them, or as a "glues that bonds people together" (Curran 3). Hajer, Maarten, and Reijndorp say that in the public domain an exchange takes place and that the public domain is where society is formed (Hajer, Maarten, and Reijndorp 2). But the public domain moves beyond these definitions to someplace that speaks to the hearts of the people. It is where people together grieved the loss of John Lennon and Kurt Cobain. It is where tickertape parades have honored explorers of the Moon and the Antarctic. The public domain has seen the violent upheaval of government in countries around the world and through time. Moreover public domain throughout time has given a common home to the masses—a place where everyone can dwell. Over history both public domain and the city as a whole have changed in both fig. 18—The Public Domain their organizational pattern and their function. Curran identifies four main city forms in

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the past thousand years. The Closed system, through the 10th and 15th centuries, responded to local environmental conditions and was full of dense and spontaneous spaces. The public space that existed there was small, the resultant of "leftover space", and served in part as an extension of the private domain. The Structured system, through the 15th and 18th centuries, paralleled the developments in intercity trade and the Renaissance ideas of classic order and thought. The geometry of the city was organized to serve the rapid movement of the carriage. Public space became less personal and more rigid as the city came to express a greater control over nature. The Pragmatic, in the 18th and 19th centuries, came with the growth of the industrial city. Mass production of worker housing led to rigid grids. The city and the public spaces it contained became much less personal. The Open system, of the 20th century, stresses mobility, personal isolation, and a separation from communal spaces. The system caters to the automobile and as a result social spaces are isolated and often unused. If a public space is to be successful it must both enclose elements to be connected and in turn connect itself to other elements of society. It must become part of the public domain. For a public space to be successful it must not be seen as being a separate piece, instead it must flow though the public domain. By doing so the public space will go beyond classifications and labels to become a space that cannot be summed up with words, one where people feel a connection and bond with others.

SOCIAL INTERACTION AND THE CONSTRUCT OF SPACE

Hajer, Maarten, and Reijndorp note that in recent years the layers of space and social interaction do not necessarily overlap due to a number of reasons. Layers have been pulled apart, as the elements of society no longer are needed to be in close proximity to others. While man lives, works, and plays within the built environment, that built environment cannot exist independently of other layers. Instead these layers interact and form relationships and ties with other layers and in total form the construct of society in which we all live. Each is tied to the other through countless means. The model for this layering system defines six layers: the natural environment, the built environment, economy, transportation, information, and social fabric. More overlap of these layers results in a greater occurrence of social space. The landscape, rivers hills swamps lakes arid plains driving winds and oceans, always dictates initially what will be built. Over time nature's influence diminishes and

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the built environment dictates more to nature. Once this construct is formed with the building of layers man's choices are limited, the built environment and greater construct then is in control of man. The natural is present everywhere, including the air we breathe. Man has the greatest control in constructing the built environment. However, once in place, the built environment places constraints on both what else can be built and how man will interact and use that space. In the earlier form of a city it will be defined in large part by the natural, but as time passes the built environment will come to control the form of the city in greater detail. However, the natural environment can never be obliterated and will always be visible, especially when viewing the whole form of the fig. 19—The built and natural city. The natural and built environments are the easiest to identify, while the other layers are much more fluid. This can be illustrated in greater detail with an example of the act of delivering a pizza. While it may seem simple the process involves moving through every layer countless times as each crosses over into the others. A hungry individual places a call on a cell phone to order a pizza. The pizza is made in a restaurant, delivered by a delivery person, paid for, and then eaten by the individual. Finally after the pizza has been eaten the box is thrown in the trash. Through the process each layer constantly overlaps and intertwines with the others. The economic layer includes production, distribution, and consumption. The economic layer is arguably the originator of form for the built work. There are almost no fig. 20—Economy and interaction buildings that do not serve a function in the economic system. Each structure that is built costs money and many buildings in turn are used to earn money. The cell phone used to order the pizza was purchased long before the event and built even before that in processes that all involved that transfer of money for goods and services. The restaurant that made the pizza was built specifically to earn money and the workers are there to earn money so they may buy goods and services of for their own consumption. The delivery person drives a car purchased in another economic subsystem that the driver uses in this case to earn money for him or herself. The paying for the pizza and that exchange of money (earned by the individual while working in another economic subsystem) is the most visible sign of economic system. A person paid to dispose of the trash then moves that box to a landfill. Each sequence in the chain of events affects different sectors of the economy. fig. 21—Transport and interaction

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Systems of transport move both people and products through a variety of means. Different systems have different outcomes on both the individual using them and the socialization around them. The bus, while slower than the car, provides more chances for interaction than if the individual used a car for a means of movement. The pizza delivery person used a vehicle to move a product from the point of creation to the point of consumption. Before the pizza was even made a delivery truck delivered the ingredients to make the pizza and other vehicles moved workers to the restaurant to assemble those ingredients into a pizza. The building to house the pizza making process was built using materials delivered to that site by workers who similarly arrived at the site through another means of transport. In the end the sanitation worker then removed the empty box fig. 22—Transportation layer from the residential area to an area specifically built for the storage of garbage through another system of transport, the garbage truck. Information moves through several layers interacting with and binding many simultaneously. Information is a guide for people as they navigate through the construct as a whole and through individual layers. The pizza delivery person interacts with the information layer at countless points. First, a slip was read that contained information about the address for delivery, what items should be delivered, and their cost. The delivery person was unfamiliar with the destination and consulted a map to find information on how to get to the address listed on the slip. They then got in their car and read the gauges that gave the person information about the status of the automobile. On the way street signs, car horns, traffic lights, the lights of other cars, and the radio all gave the driver information about the conditions of the road, the actions of the other cars, and how to navigate through the system of streets. Upon arriving at the destination the fig. 23—Information layer driver looked for a building number to find the specific house and used visual clues that gave him information about where the front door was. Moreover, the whole time the driver was driving with a sign attached to the top of the car advertising the pizza restaurant, giving others information about its location and menu items. Individuals interacting with others and a multitude of overlapping layers form social interaction. Social layers interact intimately with other layers while at the same time their existence is the most tenuous and fluid. The overlap of the built environment (containing the pizza restaurant and the house where the person lived), economy (the transfer of money allowing the sale to take place, the employment of the driver, the employment of the cook, the construction of the restaurant, and the employment of the purchaser), transportation (the car the moving the delivery person to the house, the

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movement of the garbage truck, and the movement of raw product to the restaurant), and information (allowing the driver to navigate his or her way to the house and allowing the purchaser to use the phonebook to locate the number of the restaurant) all overlapped for a few seconds when the exchange of both pizza and money occurred that created this particular instance of social interaction.

ENABLERS

Throughout time societies have been altered by a series of changes, defined here as enablers. Enablers alter the choices, by either limiting or expanding the possibilities, available to and individual. Often enablers are thought of in negative of positive light, but it is the circumstances surrounding the enabler that people interpret as such. For the purposes of this model enablers have been classified into three categories: Natural, Defensive, and Economic. Natural enablers can be any number of elements, but most often are rivers, lakes, mountains, or the sea. The island of Manhattan in New York City was limited in its growth by the bodies of water that surround it. This environmental enabler heavily fig. 24—Natural enabler influenced the built form by limiting the decisions people were able to make within their environment. It also allowed for choices different from an open and less constrained site. Land became so valuable that artificial extensions to the island were created to provide more space for construction. As property values and rents increased there, the areas around the island took on new importance and they too experienced increases in values, due in part to the environmental constraint of the bodies of water around the island. Defensive enablers are primarily walls and fortifications: castles, forts, and bastions as examples. In today's society they do not play much of a role in the formation of environments, but were highly influential throughout history. Much of Paris was built inside a wall, or other protective device and until the advent of the canon the wall was a definite barrier not only to potential invaders, but also to the people within the city. To build outside the walls was to risk one's life, so as the city grew from within the built environment changed according the constrictions placed upon it by the wall. Building fig. 25—Economic enabler inside meant building on land that was of high value. Outside the medieval city the only safety lay behind the thick walls of monasteries. Economic enablers are the most numerous and include coffeehouses, department stores, newspapers, cell phones, trains, and airplanes to name a few. Economic enablers

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as they relate to social spaces in many cases have changed the way communication and interaction occurs. After the telegraph was introduced and became common it allowed people to communicate over distances of thousands of miles almost instantly. The department store, for instance, first appeared in the mid 19th century and offered fixed prices and ease of access to the store. No longer was the customer required to haggle with the salesperson (or even allowed!). The customer could enter the store, browse a wide range of items, select one or more or even one, and then pay for it and leave with little communication. The variety also allowed the customer to visit only a few locations as opposed to several in the city. The radio and the automobile are current examples of economic enablers in our society. The car does not limit as much as it provides a wide range of choices; so wide, that the car and thee interstate system allowed, along with systems of mass production, for the development of the post-World War II suburb. When the radio was introduced in large numbers in the twentieth century it forever changed the way in which people were entertained. With this the individual or family no longer had to travel outside the home to receive entertainment. The radio did not force people to remain at home more—it only offered the option.

CHANGES IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY

Changes in society since World War II are due to a number of reasons. As the built environment has been manipulated and changed and so has the way in which people interact in that environment. Through a series of enabling factors society has been altered, but it is not for any one reason—there are too many to identify with certainty. However, broad contributing factors can be identified that are not the only reasons but that have had some of the greater impact. The suburb and in turn the factors that rendered the construction of them possible began the movement that would isolate individual elements of society from others. The suburbs define the post World War II society and were made possible largely because of two reasons. The interstate system and the mass production of cars that accompanied it allowed people to move from these new homes to places of work and social environments. Also, new building techniques using mass production and assembly fig. 26—The post WWII suburb line type methods allowed for the economic building of the suburbs.

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The car gave the individual a great freedom, and allowed for a major hurdle to be over come in the creation of the suburban environment. The individual after the widespread use of the car post-World War II did not have to depend on others for transport. Mass transit along with its limited range and schedule was gone. The person could now experience their surroundings independently of others. The car allowed the individual to move from the urban environment where he worked to the new sites of the suburbs, built on open land and far removed from the urban centers. Instead of increased density in existing urban areas, the car allowed expansion into more of the American wilderness. Without the automobile (or perhaps the technological might to produce them in large numbers) the sprawl that occurred would not have been possible. fig. 27—The automobile & highway After World War II the fifteen-year moratorium on house construction became startlingly apparent. GI's arriving in Los Angeles, for example, sought housing in the area that for the most part did not exist. Advances and new techniques in construction allowed William Levitt and his sons to turn into fruition the possibility to get rich while providing an affordable home for everyone. They transferred the idea of the economic assembly line, developed by Henry Ford but more importantly perfected in production of the billions of tons of material for the war, to the construction market, naming two towns after themselves in the process. Taking a stripped lot, previously farmland, they built thousands of new homes, each with the same amount (or lack thereof as some would claim) of character and craftsmanship. Workers were trained in a specific task and performed that same task on every house that was built. The house did not become a fig. 28—Housing shortage piece of craftsmanship and quality, but rather a product of economy built for profit and purchased for comfort and ease. The process is summed by Lefebvre, "Repetitious spaces are the outcome of repetitive gestures (those of the workers) associated with the instruments which are both duplicatable and designed to duplicate: machines, bulldozers, concrete-mixers, cranes, pneumatic drills, and so on" (Lefebvre, 75). Though he was not speaking directly of Levittown in Long Island or Pennsylvania, but Lefebvre might as well have been. The suburbs created a transition between the density of the city and the openness of the rural landscape. While at first the suburbs created a solution to the lack of housing in the late forties/early fifties, they soon created problems of their own. By removing the individual from the social environment. Many had no sidewalks and the focus of the house was on the garage. The car, not the pedestrian, dominates the post-World War II fig. 29—Mass production suburb. The pedestrian is not given a space to move through that is specifically for them.

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The typical suburb is devoid of any building type except for the house, or occasionally a school. Consequently, there is no reason for the pedestrian to move beyond his or her lawn. The typical house in the suburb has a garage that fronts the street and often acts as the primary entrance to the house. In most cases the walk to the front door is off of the driveway, since there is no sidewalk. This in turn helped lead to an environment where the individual acts largely as such. The collective of individuals does not produce a group, instead only a collection of isolated individuals each living in their mass-produced houses separated from all other functions of society. The suburban home was quickly joined by an individual entertainment and theater experience—the television. Television is not "real life", but it has created a reality fig. 30—The new American home unique to itself. The experiences of seeing the White House on television and in person are each different events. Glenn Cheney, commenting on television says, "What you see and hear on television seems a lot like what you experience in life, so it's easy to unconsciously assume that what is on TV is real, true, or normal" (Cheney, 3). What we see with our physical eye is life. Reality is different and can be anything a person accepts as the truth. Television is different from any other descriptive device, moving beyond merely relaying information to become a transportation medium. The television has replaced the theater as a source of entertainment, and in doing so has made entertainment an individual experience. The theater requires the individual to move outside the home and share in the company of others, while the television allows the individual to remain at home. The choice still lay with the person and in doing so empowers them, but at the price of the removal of that individual from the communal experience. The Internet is another new technology that threatens to separate society. However the Internet, unlike television, threatens to create a new class division amongst the population. Those with the skills and resources to use the new technology have an advantage over those who do not, even if they are in the same socio-economic group (Chako 133). Mary Chako shows this is different than the class divisions created by the television and print media, because now the class division is coming from within. Before a privileged class was telling the masses what they should know, but now the masses are dividing themselves, based on whether or not a person posses the skill to use these new technologies. This could potentially drastically alter social relationships as divisions can occur in small areas and within defined groups. George Ritzer writes extensively on the topic of repetition and economy in his book The McDonaldization of Society. Ritzer uses the term McDonaldization as a

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generic term for the "economic" and "efficient" conversion of a "cumbersome society" filled with Five and Dime Stores and Family Diners to one filled with "efficient" and "easy" Home Depots and McDonalds. As the economy changed and the landscape grew in the post-World War II environment people like Ray Kroc, orchastrater of the McDonalds franchise, saw an opportunity to sell a concept to people. Kroc marketed the efficiency of the restaurant, which resulted in higher profits, as "easy" and "convenient" to people. Even though, as Ritzer points out, it was neither easy nor efficient. The public bought it and nothing has been the same since. The concept of McDonaldization has spread, Ritzer argues, throughout modern society. People today want whatever is quickest and easiest. The problem when fig.31—The isolation of society speaking of social interaction is that this method of economic consumption greatly reduces the need for people to interact with others. This is nothing new and can be seen in Paris with the opening of the Bon Marche in 1852. The Bon Marché became one of the first department stores to assemble a wide variety of goods under one roof and render much of the communication that took place in the atmosphere of the small shop unnecessary. When economic transaction becomes easy people are not required to rely on personal interaction, they simply do not need to. The ease of the drive through reduces the interaction even less. Communication takes place through a speaker, the only face-to-face contact occurring with an exchange of money and food. Even that transaction does not exist with some restaurants where money and food are moved through a small elevator. fig. 32—McDonaldization Society in part is defined by the landscape in which a person must move through to obtain what they seek from life. Today the mall and the big box stores are removed from the urban environment and the pedestrian experience. The residence and place of work have likewise been separated. The individual now has to move separately from place to place. A person drives from their home to the mall to shop. Advertisements of sales on the television have brought everybody and their brother there also. Kids have no respect. Back to the car and a trip to Walmart to buy bottled water where its cheaper than at the CVS in the mall. Never thought water would cost money, but they say it's better for you. Then back into their car to a restaurant to eat. Poor service. After that, on to a movie to be "entertained". Annoying people kept talking. All the meanwhile the person fights the traffic that swarms around the places like vultures over a sick and dying animal. Turn you idiot! Finally the "fun" day is over and it is off to home to sleep. The walk to and from the car at each stop has tired the person enough that they decide to skip the

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eleven o'clock showing of the latest syndicated sit-com du jour. Need batteries for the remote. An early rise the next morning takes the person to another place entirely to work. Monday. Each place, representing an element of society, is removed from one other and is typically surrounded by its own sea of parking that, in turn, is approached by high volume lanes of traffic. Society has become isolated. No longer are these pieces of society connected to form a cohesive whole. Society in this sense has become atomized, or spread out into different subsystems. Social interaction, let alone relationships, is hard to establish in this environment. People engage the landscape and those around them through the steering wheel of their car. A person is not in one place long enough to interact with others because each stop at a parking lot only serves one economic master. The atomization of society prompted by ease and economy is bad for both the individual and the collective whole in terms of the lack of socialization and interaction it sponsors. Without a diverse range of individuals the collective whole is not gathered together and as a result there is limited or no social interaction. When there is no social interaction there is no society. The individual is dependent on the collective whole not only for the goods and services necessary to sustain him or herself, but also as a means to evaluate their skills and abilities and to aid their self-esteem. Social space has not responded to the changes in society and the quality of social interaction, as a result, has declined.

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HISTORICAL CITY MODELS

"Each subsequent invention of communication technology has enhanced the ability of people to discover and explore commonalities with one another, even when they are very distant in space or time. Technological advances in transportation systems, such as the railroad and automobile, increased the opportunities for spatially separate people to know about one another." (Chako 13)

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The study of historical situations allows for an analysis of both the built and social environments that existed there. It is possible to examine both the changes that occurred within cities over time and how the people that lived there responded to them. It is possible then to look at the reactions and the reasoning behind those changes to better anticipate both what is necessary today and proper reactions to change in the future. It also must be kept in mind that the same set of sociologic factors governing people's actions are the same as in cities of the past.

ATHENS-CA 400BC

The wall controlled Athens. Not only did it provide safety to the inhabitants inside, it also protected the vital link to the open water. The original settlement was based around the Acropolis, which at the time of settlement was a fortification. Athens was not directly connected to the water from which it depended on for its trade; instead it sat fifteen miles inland. A fortification was built along the route to bind the city to the water. Athens was a city founded on slavery and only 15-20% of the population was composed of citizens, free men, who had rights to vote and participate in government. Women were not regarded as equals to men and their place in society was more domestic in nature (Sennett, 52). Furthermore, while not all were regarded as citizens or equals, all could view the workings of the law system. Juries were composed of hundreds of people at times and the walls enclosing the court area were low enough to allow passersby to view and listen to the proceedings. There was even the possibility to speak with a member of the jury and debate the merits of the particular case (Sennett, 55). In this way the non-citizen may not have been allowed the rights of the citizen, but at least would not be cut off from the workings of their government. The rule of democracy was also strong there. Once a year citizens met in the open to decide if a particular person was becoming too powerful and thus was a threat of rising to the place of a dictatorship. Many decisions involving the whole of Athens were thus accessible to everyone in the city. The Agora was the primary gathering space of the people of Athens. There people could commune with others, eat, be entertained, and participate in government. There was only a small number of the total population that could spend most of their time fig. 33—Athenian Agora in the space. Work was a concern for most, so only the wealthiest could afford to participate in the social environment of the Agora for the majority of the day. Much like modern America, a large percentage of the people lived away from the city center.

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Unlike modern America though, the physical city center was the social and economic center of the city. Forty percent of all citizens lived more than fifteen miles from the Agora, but still made the journey into the city over rough roads that defined most of the journey (Sennett, 46). They made the trip because to be an Athenian meant that one had to be a part of the Agora. In short, the Agora was Athens. The Agora in the Hellenistic Greek city arose from a need for a space for political and commercial interaction. In its most primal of forms the Agora existed as the widening of a major street. In particular the Agora in Athens existed first as burial site and later in the sixth century BC it was filled with housing (Zucker, 31). It then rose to become a center for commerce and politics. Interestingly until the fifth century BC the fig. 34—Athenian Stoa topography of the land controlled what was constructed on the site. Until then the natural environment was a clearly identifiable layer in the fabric of the space. The layout of the space until that date was very much haphazard and not clear, but after would become a space of clear order (Zucker, 32). Though Athens excluded many of the people living there from making decisions in the government and courts, they were not excluded from participating and being involved, at least having being informed. The built structures there also encouraged this, the openness of the Stoa being an example. Many people also came to the city center, the Agora, walking for hours over rough roads in each direction and in doing so showed the importance of the city and the space of the Agora as the center for of the social environment. The life of the city was there—the social, economic, and political systems were there. To be an Athenian citizen meant that a person had to be a part of those systems and move through the Agora. The Agora is a key point for consideration when thinking of social spaces today. The Agora worked well as a social space because of the overlap of layers, which is something that is still necessary today. The openness of the built forms, such as the Stoas and the court spaces, were important to the free open communication. The openness there did not exclude others, but instead included even those (non-citizens) who by law were told they were not equal to others (citizens). The built environment helped to create an exchange of information that in turn acted as a social leveler.

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PARIS-CA. 1250 AD

Paris at this time was shifting from a medieval city recovering from the centuries of darkness after the fall of the Roman Empire to one filled with knowledge, craftsmanship, and economy. The Cathedral de Notre Dame was being completed and Paris was becoming a center for education. Economy in part detached a citizen from his city even though he may have felt a strong attraction to it as opportunities opened elsewhere. Religious revival centering on the imitation of Christ brought out more compassion for others. Economy and religion bonded the individual members of Paris in a way not possible under the stricter rules of the Feudal system. "The economy of the fig. 35—Parisian street shop city gave people a freedom of individual action they could not have in other places; the religion of the city made places where people cared about each other" (Sennett, 159). The growth and expansion of Paris in the 13th Century was controlled by the defensive perimeter inside the wall. The wall limited the growth of the city outwards and thus limited the choices of the people inside the wall. The safer land inside the wall, called a cité, became more valuable, and as the need for more built space increased with the increase in population, the density of the buildings increased. The area inside the wall of the city was not the only space that was protected. A bourg was an area owned by a large power(s) just as the cité was, but had no walls. This space was not protected as well as the walled part of the city, but the owning powers offered measurable protection just the same. The last type of space was the commune protected by no walls or definable power. Obviously the commune was the least protected of the three. No one person or group had an image for the city, a plan for development, or could even predict what would happen to the organization of the city. Economic forces shifted and demanded that space be flexible; the older more rigid system was changed. It became so flexible that separate groups developed different floors of the same building, for example. Laws governed construction, but "neighbors fought each other's constructions . . . brutally with hired gangs of thugs who ripped down a neighbor's work" (Sennett, 191). The freshly cleared space was then open to construction by the guilty party. The streets were twisted and mazelike. The wide tree-lined boulevards and public parks filling the Paris of today were not even a dream to the most influential Parisian of fig. 36—Parisian shop the time. However, clear roads were not a great concern to the Parisian citizen as carts and wheelbarrows were expensive and not common at the time.

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The tangled space between Parisian buildings generated the form of the street. The street was not created to be a public space, nor to be the public forum as the Agora was in Athens. However, the walls that fronted this space did not form a solid barrier, but instead were filled with openings and windows to create a space for the display and sale of goods. This transformed the public way of the street into an economic zone. Unfortunately the streets were also filled with violence, both verbal and physical. Even merchants were involved threatening physical harm to those refusing to conclude a sale. Municipal police were few so the streets were ruled by either violence or the small armed forces owned by private individuals or organizations. Charities opened their doors to nearly everyone and as a result the city became crowded with a class of poor people. The people who operated the charities in Paris viewed the city as a place for compassion; it was sheltered from the harshness of the outside world. The charities were part of the ever-increasing presence of the Christian church and the desire to serve the moral good. Unfortunately this desire to serve good attracted numerous destitute people with little attachment to the people around them or the city itself. As a result, the streets filled with violence as more people with a lack of compassion for the city arrived. The ideas of religious compassion and economic growth conflicted as violence interfered with the growing space of the economy. The social space of Paris became the twisted streets and quiet of the urban gardens. The streets were crowded and often violent. The gardens offered a respite from the violence, but were no less crowded than street. The Parisian, though, was accustomed to this as they lived in similarly crowded quarters (Sennett, 179). In the gardens though, as Sennett shows, the individual could find quiet and calm if it was only on a mental level. The density of the urban fabric defined the social space of medieval Paris at the same time it was being changed by new economies and religious thinking. Social interaction was changing with new ideas of viewing both the spiritual self and the economic collective of the city. As with the Agora, Paris of 1250 existed in social spaces as an overlap of systems of movement and economy. Social space design today can learn from the compassion of the charities in Paris who accepted all. Only by including all in the public forum can the individuals and groups who compose society begin to understand each other. While it is beyond the abilities of one group to solve the problems of inclusion by themselves a start can be made, and presented as an example for change to others. Clearly then an inclusion of all members of society is necessary to create a dynamic social environment.

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LONDON-CA. 1700 AD

The Great Fire of 1666 in London ripped apart the city both in terms of the physical environment and in terms of the number of lives that were lost. Many of the plans proposed after the fire for rebuilding would have created a London not unlike the Rome that Bernini was constructed (Sennett2, 54), but Charles II rejected many of these. The idea of incorporating great squares into the city was not lost, however. Many individuals moved into the city with the physical expansion of the built environment after the Great Fire and did not bring with them their existing identities. Without a family or friends from their former communities the person’s identity and personality in large part remained behind them. The individual moving into the city was just that, he or she had to establish their own social network since the new environment was alien to them. The city was in part rebuilt socially by a gathering of strangers both to themselves and the city at the same time the physical form of the city was being constructed. The growth of trade internationally spread the city and moved the economy beyond a local situation (Sennett2, 59, 60). This spread caused a lack of familiarity between the people operating within these markets. The small-scale relationships and regional relationships, as seen to have existed in medieval Paris, by 1700 had moved across continents. As the economy was expanding to a global scale the social networks that defined them did the same. As a result the individual was not as aware of his neighbor as before and familiarity was lost. In comparison, a modern example is the corner grocery store as compared to such mega stores as Meijers. The manager at the corner grocery store knows many of the customers by name and is familiar with their buying habits. The mega store of Meijers cannot become so familiar and for the sake of "convenience" and "economy" the supportive social network is destroyed. Public square design changed, and in the process it became no longer about interaction, but instead its primary purpose became one of a formal space. This idea was taken in part from Paris and the squares at Versailles where lingering was not the intention of the designers (Sennett2, 53). There was a great desire to keep the "undesirable" elements of society away from the public square. Not only did this include the prostitutes and other sordid individuals, but also the entertainers and performers. Incidentally, this sort of "grit" is what placed in a social space artificially now. By removing these varied elements of society the public square the square lost its reason for fig. 37—Growth of London being a social space. There were no longer the multiple reasons for different groups to

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occupy the same space. The square became a promenade, a space for the display of people. When the free zone of the public square came to an end the gathering of people became a special event instead of resulting from happenstance. Sennett argues the gathering of a crowd by then had become a specialized activity. The crowd was not to take part in the civic and social heart of the city, as did the Athenians. It did not gather out of compassion for others or to express a love for the city, as had been the case in medieval Paris. The diverse functions of society that had once been housed in the same spaces were being moved and pulled apart and were pulling the people apart as well. When there is no reason to compel people to go somewhere, either from civic pride or entertainment, they will not. Coffeehouses were prime information centers. If the fragmentation of the squares of the time is considered then it makes sense that people would seek another location to interact and commune with others. In this space class distinctions were suspended, as the transmission of speech was considered so primary that there was no need to muddy the communication with the display of class levels. Outside this space rank and social order were very important, but inside those distinctions were disregarded. The order, or lack thereof, inside the coffeehouse arose in part because of the strict social order outside of that space. The public square no longer was public in the fullest sense of the word. It had become a formal place where true public exchange was not possible and the void that the loss of that exchange left was filled for a time by the coffeehouse. The spaces in which people interacted in changed as well as the manner in which they interacted with each other. During the 1750s the body was viewed as a toy with which to display extravagances. In London and Paris laws described how people could dress according to their class or trade. These laws enforced a stratified society and broadcast it to everyone, but by 1700 were not enforced by the judicial system, but rather by the social system (Sennett, 65). In public society severely ridiculed and reprimanded those who tried to dress out of their social rank and were caught. In the private home though, it was considered very rude to reprimand someone for such an action where such a person was a guest and not a part of the collective whole of the public realm. The public realm flowed out of the public space in the strictest sense of the word and into private establishments and even the private home. As the public realm moved through these spaces the informal rules that controlled the interaction changed in accordance to the space. As the pieces of society and the environment surrounding the individual and group changed dramatically so did the way in which they interacted.

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Interaction and communication changed in part in response to the changes, but also due to new designs for interacting. London around this time period witnessed a change in the location and structure of the social environments. As the public square was reorganized into formal space the desire for interaction led people to gather in the coffeehouse, an economic space. This shows in part that ample social opportunities are needed so that people may create social spaces on their own. It shows that people will find places to interact. The changes that occurred in London help to illustrate the need for a flexible public space that can respond to shifts in society and allow for the individuals and groups to adapt.

CINCINNATI, OH -CA. CURRENT DAY

Cincinnati is typical of the modern American city. The urban center is surrounded by a ring of incorporated communities dating from before the turn of the 20th century. Surrounding these are numerous suburbs that have been labeled sprawl by many because of their extensive consumption of the landscape and date after World War II. The suburbs define Cincinnati and act in large part as the social and entertainment centers, if not the economic center also. The suburbs are where the bulk of the population lives, works, and plays. The educational systems in the suburbs are much better than in the city, so many new families, if they are not already there, move to the fig. 38—Cincinnati, Ohio suburbs. If Cincinnati is analyzed in terms of nodes, areas of economic and social focus, then the nodes are for the most part on the periphery of the city as a whole. The defining problem of Cincinnati is racial divide that separates the population and economic disparity that helps to fuel the divide. In many ways it sadly has become a black and white issue. The higher income suburban dwellers, typically white, are generally not concerned with the poor urban population, largely a black minority, and their problems: a lack of educational opportunities, crime, substandard dwellings, and above all poverty. It is a problem that has not been effectively addressed by either governmental or social institutions. Governmental intervention has resulted in the demolition of existing communities, construction of block public housing, and the demolition of that public housing in favor of buildings that were there previously, all within the span of fifty years. Social institutions have primarily dealt with the issues of poverty with the construction of shelters and soup kitchens, which have certainly aided the people in the short term, but have not dealt with the problem in the long term.

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There is no forum that brings together these different groups that could facilitate any communication or interaction that might spur change or even understanding. The most notable showing of this lack of understanding or change came with the April 2001 riots that eventually resulted in a curfew imposed on the entire city. There was a lack of understanding by both sides. The problem of poverty in the urban core is viewed by many suburban dwellers as either a choice of those who live in it, or a problem that they can solve for themselves. The Central Business District (CBD) sits very close to Over the Rhine, one of the poorer neighborhoods in the city. The CBD not only is home to a number of large businesses, but also to many retail and commercial functions. The population (besides the comparatively small number of residents) who work and use the space for economic reasons, is transient and only occupies the space for a limited time. Those occupying the spaces for economic reasons, to shop or be entertained, operate on a sporadic schedule. The population that works in the area is the most permanent, occupying the space on a regular basis. There exists a potential mix that could help to bring more interaction or understanding in the city, but there is no great forum for it. That potential mix of both the impoverished and well to do could come together and through steady interaction create change through a simple process of understanding one another. The expressway systems divide the bulk of the downtown area from the surrounding neighborhoods and spaces especially so for the pedestrian. The river is the greatest natural enabler blocking movement between Kentucky and Ohio without boat or bridge. Traffic then must move through these limited areas. The areas around these transportation routes have become more established and have greater economic and social prominence. The I-275 loop that circles through Ohio, Indiana, and Kentucky runs through a number of the nodes in Cincinnati, and the loop is one of the primary reasons those nodes exist to begin with. The highway system provides quick access to those places from multiple points in the area. Whereas in other cities in the past the population occupying social spaces lived near them, in modern Cincinnati those populations live apart from the social spaces. Many of the neighborhoods these people live in were built over a short period of time with little thought given to the social organization of that space and so the people there must seek other spaces for socialization and entertainment. Compared with other cities in history there is a limited amount of spoken interaction in one given space. The mall provides a large interaction space for many, but the interaction that occurs is not as dynamic as it was in the Agora of Athens. The mall is

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also divorced from the urban fabric and primarily accessible only by the car. The car acts to separate the individual from their surroundings and that isolation carries into the environment of the mall. The individual moves through the mall for reasons all of his or her own, not to interact or socialize with others and certainly not to take part in the collective body of the city. Clearly Cincinnati is a city that is lacking a unified social forum. There are only individual social spaces occupied by limited groups. There is no one space that brings together the majority of the groups of the city for meaningful interaction. The results are clear. There is a lack of compassion for others and that has led to series of disconnected neighborhoods. While a unifying social space alone would not solve all the problems of the city, it could open a dialogue that could lead to such solutions.

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PRECEDENTS

"Shopping as a leisure activity, in contrast to the purposeful acquisition of goods, depended on many earlier innovations that were developed but the department store, above all the transformation of the personal relations between shopkeeper and customer into impersonal relations between strangers." (Crossick and Jaumain 29)

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COFFEEHOUSES AS THEY APPEARED IN ENGLAND AND FRANCE

Coffeehouses emerged in England and France in the mid eighteenth century as a prime space for socialization. In particular the major urban centers of Paris and London saw a quick emergence and expansion of the Coffeehouse. The public square was being rethought and reorganized in both cities in much the same way that had been done in Rome more than a century before, so instead of a vibrant social space filled with all sorts of people and entertainment the public square became anything but. "Undesirables" were removed from the squares in favor of creating formal arrangements in space. People as a result needed a place to communicate and interact with others. That void was filled, if only temporarily, by the coffeehouse. In the coffeehouse class distinctions were suspended because those distinctions were considered secondary to the transmission of speech. The voice and the information communicated through the space were considered so important that the lowest of the artisan class could communicate as an equal with the noblest of princes. To express social position in the space was considered in poor taste, while to do outside of that space was almost a social necessity. Laws were in place that regulated what social class could wear what particular clothing. The legal enforcement of these laws by the time of the emergence of the coffeehouse was almost nonexistent, but the social enforcement was. It was clear that class distinctions and social rank were very important to the people of that time, but in the space of the coffeehouse it was not. Instead, communication was so important that their belief in visible class order that was cherished outside of the coffeehouse was set aside inside. The coffeehouse declined as a social space and business for many reasons. For one, city planning in the 19th century sought to separate the individual from the whole (Sennett, 323). Richard Sennett argues that as the individual was removed form the group a sense that each was sharing in a common fate was also removed and the bond of community loosened. Streets were reorganized and squares created, all to give more order to the city. In Paris, for example, Napoleon III reorganized the city so the government could more easily suppress uprisings. Royal tea licenses, fast becoming the drink of choice by the 19th century, were not issued to coffeehouses. Many in power feared the coffeehouse as a breading ground for uprising and revolution, or at the least unrest among the masses. The newspaper and home mail delivery allowing information to be delivered directly to the home, argues Oldenburg, contributed also to the decline.

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However, some of the institutions of the coffeehouses survived in the form of businesses such as Lloyds of London. For years marine insurers operated inside the coffeehouse so they could hear the gossip of the sailors that frequented there and become better informed. Stockbrokers also operated out of these spaces, only moving out when the coffeehouse began to decline (Oldenburg, 189). Oldenburg makes a case that the coffeehouse also partly brought demise upon itself and lessons can be leaned as to the potential for application to new social spaces. The sale of alcohol became more common and shifted the focus from interaction to self- indulgence. Partitions began to separate the open space and large tables gave way to smaller ones, which made a distinction between classes to be made. Gaming replaced newspapers and literary works. Finally, different social classes began to separate themselves in the latter days of the coffeehouse, as it existed as a social forum. Eventually the exclusive club would rise to partly replace the coffeehouse as a social space, but it would not be successful at all. The exclusiveness of the club preempted any larger social gathering and especially limited depth and variety of the conversation (Oldenburg, 192). The coffeehouse provided a place for inclusiveness—in that all were welcome and able to participate according to the same set of rules. Before social leveling can occur rules must first be established for that leveling to occur. These rules existed in the coffeehouse, but were never posted, only understood. The architecture of the space itself did not convey it—there was a set of rules that were understood by everyone who entered. It was this understanding of the environment and adherence to the rules that allowed the coffeehouse to become the dynamic social space that it did. The lesson with the greatest impact on a social space of toady is the policies of the coffeehouse. The space provided for an accessibility and information exchange not common outside of the space. The 17th and 18th century coffeehouse shows it is possible to change social mores, if only for a limited time. The architectural construction of the space is not as important as the attitudes of the people that used the space are. The patrons of the coffeehouse where more concerned with learning than from whom they were learning. Any social space today must similarly be less concerned with the “types” of people than they are with the quality of exchange in the space. It is important to maximize the capacity of the space as a social environment by allowing all varieties of social groups into the space.

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BEER GARDENS

The socialization and interaction that occurred in the Beer Gardens goes well beyond any stereotypical notion of drunken Germans singing around a keg. Beer Gardens were primarily a social space for gathering of all social classes; the purpose of going to the Beer Garden was not to get drunk. The average person going to the place did not hold their drink and thus drink quickly, but instead the drink sat beside them. Conversation became the thing that was to be held (Oldenburg, 93). Unlike other drinking establishments that were poorly lit, the German Beer Garden was full of light and partly as a result full of life. The social order of the space was due to more than a set of understood rules, instead it was created and maintained by the owners of the places. Many provided free meals and two drinks for only five cents as late as the turn of twentieth century. Not only did the service provide a cheap meal, but the German Beer Garden also provided a valuable social outlet and area for interaction. The inexpensiveness of the space held despite social and economic changes around them. In Milwaukee the five-cent glass of bear only became difficult to find late in World War II in 1944 (Oldenburg, 94). This was because both the people that owned them and the community that surrounded the Beer Garden understood the importance of the space as a social forum. The social space of the Beer Garden became the public realm that not just bound the communities together, but also helped to establish the identity of the community. The beer garden provided such an atmosphere that even those who had moved away from the neighborhood would come back on a regular basis to socialize with those still living in the area. The beer garden provided a social space in a similar fashion that the coffeehouse did, with the possible exception that the beer garden was treated as a family place. While German families came there and spent great amounts of time, but it was also a family place in another sense. The Germans used the word Gemutlichkeit to describe the atmosphere of friendliness and inclusiveness. Gemutlichkeit celebrated an atmosphere of peacefulness, but more importantly one where community and compassion for one's neigherbor was of prime importance (Oldenburg 95). It is clear that the beer garden was so successful because of the way in which the places were run. The policies of the venues promoted a multitude of people to come and also to stay. The owners of such places were not concerned with turning large profit margins; instead they were concerned with the social atmosphere of the space.

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Inclusiveness was key there, the operators of the space sought to establish a leveling effect through the promotion of the meals and the invitation for all to come. The policy of the beer gardens attracted a variety of people. Some people certainly did not come to socialize, only coming for food, but socialization then occurred as happenstance. It is the policies of the beer garden that are important when considering social spaces for today. In the beer garden the owners of the space created the policy that encouraged so many to come and which resulted in a social space. Policies were designed to encourage interaction and that is exactly what is needed in new social spaces of today. If particular groups are not involved in the social environment, then the management and decision makers of the space need to devise methods to bring in those groups. This can include architectural interventions, but more easily, and as is the case with the beer gardens, through incentive means that appeal to a basic need.

DEPARTMENT STORES/BAZAARS/MALLS

Bazaars, malls, and the department store all offer a variety of goods and services to the customer. All three organize both the vendors offering items differently. And all three provide their version of "one-stop" shopping. The development of the European department store ushered in a new way of purchasing goods and added the new dimension of entertainment to the experience. Though the department store was not an innovation in terms of the separation of production and distribution of goods, it was innovative by bringing together such a range of goods. London shops in the 18th century already served as selling points for goods. The actual making of the object had been removed to another site and the shop served only to be in effect a display case (Crossick and Jaumain, 47). There is disagreement over the interactions of shopkeepers and costumers as to the degree to which the consumer was obligated to buy, but any pressure to buy disappeared with the department store. The social class of people frequenting the shops for more leisurely activity seems to have been more select than was the case with the department store. The department store was not a radical departure from the urban shops and stores that preceded it, but rather it exists on a continuum argues Carol Walsh. Though recent works argue that the department store was not revolutionary in specific terms of product placement and interior design, the department store offered to the nineteenth century costumer something they had not seen before. It brought together a host of innovations in

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the selling and displaying of goods and incorporated them into one whole unit. The volume of goods offered under one roof at set prices in an open atmosphere created a change in society, making in part shopping an entertaining event. There was a change from the personal relationships of the shop to impersonal relationships at the department store where one could mix with a variety of social classes. The European department store had the ability to reach a broad market from which to draw its customer base. Unlike the shops of the time, which relied on a limited advertising network, the department store was able to undertake regional and national advertising plans. For example, more than 15% of Paris' Bon Marche's catalogs in 1894 winter season were mailed to addresses outside of France (Crossick and Jaumain, 12). Not only did this impact sales, but it also brought together a much more diverse population than existed in the shops of the time. A greater variety of goods for sale and more physical space meant that the department store could offer a great variety of reasons for people to come and also be able to hold them in one space. The department store emerged at a time when urban environments where filling even more with monumental public spaces and buildings. The department store also arose in this manner, both on the exterior and interior. Interiors were filled with iron and glass allowing both a physical and visual openness designed to draw people inside. The placement of the department store in the city as a whole was not necessarily centered in a retail district. "As distribution was separated from production in an increasing range of consumer trades, and as consumption itself became a social activity associated with leisure and entertainment, so consumer institutions centered on those parts of the city close to theatres and bourgeois street life such as the West Ed of London . . ." (Crossick and Jaumain, 23). The bazaar has existed for thousands of years as a means for merchants, artisans, crafts persons, and the makers of goods to sell their wares. The bazaar also gives the patron an opportunity to see different merchants to find the best price for a particular item. It is an effective price control system, and one that has been incorporated to almost any facility housing different vendors. If one vendor is charging too much based on the quality of the goods and the prices of his or her competition, then that vendor will soon find himself or herself out of business. Though the bazaar as history knew it in Persia is quickly dying there are dozens of other facilities that offer similar amenities. The flea market and farmers market both bring together multiple vendors offering a variety of goods for a consuming public.

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The suburban mall can traces its roots to the department store and European arcade, but it is a product unique to the circumstances that created it. The suburban mall exists as a piece in modern atomized society and thrives on a system of highways to connect it to its patron base. The mall is a destination in itself, providing not only goods for sale, but entertainment from the act of shopping alone. Most malls have contained parking and food courts filled with a variety of fast food opportunities. The food court lies near the physical center of the mall so that it is convenient to the majority of the people there. Some malls also offer larger restaurants and movie theaters for more "traditional" forms of entertainment. Multiple groups of people are brought together in all of these spaces by attracting them through a variety of attractions. All of these retail environments offer up a number of goods and services that are needed by most, if not all, people. Everyone needs objects produced by others: food, clothing, tools, etc. What is doubly important is that these spaces offer a mixed economic range of goods so that they were attractive to various economic classes as well as social groups. It is important to do this in a social space today. Social and economic groups and their needs must be identified in order to select programmatic attractions. An appeal must be made to all so that there can a greater gathering and assembly of people in one space, which in turn creates a more meaningful and effective interaction.

THE METREON, SAN FRANCISCO

The Metreon development in San Francisco is a different take on the urban shopping experience. It sits within the Yerba Buena Center for the Arts, which includes a theater, art gallery, exhibition hall, garden, and children's museum. The Metreon introduces a retail environment, a counter-point to the spaces surrounding the facility. The Metreon brings in a crowd that might not otherwise visit the Arts Center and introduces the people going to the Arts Center to another environment and another mix of people. While the Metreon economically does not try to compete with the buildings around it (also complimenting them), the facility more importantly helps create a dynamic social environment fig. 39—The Metreon While the Metreon works with elements of the typical mall, it differs dramatically. Instead of having two or three anchors with infill, the project was approached in terms of its overall composition, not being viewed as a container with

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which to hold individual elements, but a stage in which the activities of elements of the facility to be played out. A clear attempt was made to blur distinctions between individual stores and spaces and it is possible to move between spaces without realizing the change. Finishes and treatments as opposed to physical barriers define the spaces. The typical food court filled with national fast-food restaurants has been replaced with scaled down versions of five local restaurants. It is felt that the businessperson will not be ashamed to bring their clients there and the casual mall visitor accustomed to a food court will still stop to eat. Additionally the existing traffic moving through the Arts Center should find the change appealing. The Metreon's program spaces center around a space referred to as the Gateway, viewed by Sony in effect as a web page. In this two-story space Sony showcases both what the company is about and what the facility has to offer. The Gateway contains information booths, where admission to paid program spaces is also sold, and ATM machines. In addition to subspaces flowing into each other they also flow into this central space, which in this way acts as a point of reference, and distribution space. Here diverse elements are brought together in a central core. Also distributed at the information booths are shopping and transit maps as the center relies heavily on public transit from which one third of patrons arrive. There is no parking provided and only one third arrive by that method as compared to the typical mall that could not exist without fig. 40—The Metreon, Gateway the car. The last third arrive are from foot traffic from conventions, hotels, and offices nearby. Success of the facility is due in part of the uniqueness of Metreon, in terms of program and its relation to the other facilities in the Yerba Buena Arts Center. Metreon fills a "void" in the Yerba Buena Arts Center, and acts as another node in a series of points. There is a lack of person-oriented retail and services. Metreon shows that a similarly oriented facility with different functions within can draw existing crowds from the area and also attract new crowds both to the building and surrounding area. Metreon uses a central core/circulation space both as an orientation device and unifier. The program encompasses a range of elements and the aversion to solidly defining the space helps to pull the building together. Metreon takes the typical suburban vocabulary and reworks it for the new urban environment. The Metreon works well with the art center and hotels in the surrounding area by complimenting their programmatic elements. This is a good example to use when considering placement of a social space in an existing urban environment. It is important

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not to compete with surrounding establishments, but instead work to provide different services that will in turn bring new social groups to the area. The Metreon also provides a mix for different age, income, and social groups and again this is an important point to consider. It is necessary in social spaces to not only provide a number of reasons for people to visit, but also a mix that appeals to different age groups. In this way the space appeals to families as well. The Metreon also utilizes a number of transportation systems to bring people to the space, instead of being solely dependent upon the automobile to bring people there and in doing so is not defined by its parking facilities. In sum, it is important for a social facility to work with the other facilities in the area, offer a variety of program spaces that appeal to the range of social groups in the area, and not rely solely on the car to bring people to the space.

CAREW TOWER, CINCINNATI

The Carew Tower and adjoining buildings, located in Cincinnati Ohio, has been a landmark in the city since its completion in 1931 and hailed at the time of building as revolutionary. The complex showed a new way of program integration and construction as a “city within a city” as other buildings, such as the Rockefeller Center, would be based on it (as a side note the form of the Empire State building was taken directly from Carew). The Carew Tower was originally a three part complex completely in 1931. A 49-story 574’ office and retail tower linked by a two-story arcade to a 31-story hotel. A 28-story car garage has since been removed from the site. In 1990 the Tower Place shopping complex was built adjacent to the Carew Tower; connected to the building via the arcade. Together the complex serves as an urban mall for the city. Stores and shops wrap around a central skylight at Tower Place while at the bottom is a large food court. fig. 41—Carew Tower When the building first opened, its lower five floors were dedicated solely to retail, while the rest of the building housed a mix of office, medical, and residential properties. The adjacent Netherland Hotel and at the time 28 story car garage completed a complimentary program that acted as a draw for a variety of people and groups. The public forum of the building was its retail environment where crowds interacted and socialized. However, as society changed after World War II so did the economic makeup of downtown Cincinnati. The seventies and eighties saw an exodus of most of the department stores that had been within the building and in the immediate area.

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The insertion of Tower Place into the complex in 1990 is what makes the building the social space that it is today. The small urban mall helped to bring back tenets that were moving away from the retail area inside of Carew. The light court in Tower Place provides a large gathering space, while the skywalk system connects the space to other retail and office functions in the city. Now Carew Tower and Tower Place serve as a major node in the downtown area. The mix of retail and service facilities helps to draw a variety of people together. The large number of shops, larger stores, and department stores in the immediate area provide a ready base of patrons for the complex. The food court is an especially heavy draw during the workweek lunch hour, showing that such large food distribution facilities are needed in the urban environment. fig. 42—Netherland Hotel In sum the Carew Tower complex is so effective because of the mix and variety it provides for both the population in the area and the population outside of the area. There is a wide range of retail opportunities for people as well as a variety of food types. Parking is provided both on site and through an adjacent garage connected through the skywalk system. In addition there are several bus lines that stop at or very near the site. The site is adjacent to the primary outdoor public space in the city, Fountain Square, and undoubtedly benefits from this. The complex is successful as a public space because it provides a number of reasons for a variety of people to come to the space, is well sited along many transportation routes, and benefits from the complimentary spaces around it. Carew Tower is important to the design of social spaces for a number of reasons. Originally it housed a whole variety of spaces and functions (the reason it was dubbed a city within a city) that worked to draw a number of people to the space. Carew Tower fig. 43—Carew Tower, Arcade did this in much the same manner as the Metreon in San Francisco. Currently Tower Pace Mall has acted to add more attracting program spaces to the facility and appeal to the suburban mall going crowd. This shows in part that the sprawl of the mall and extensiveness of the infrastructure needed to support them are not necessary to entice people to patronize a particular mall or store. Existing infrastructure and systems within urban environments can be used to create retail spaces that in turn can be used in conjunction with other program spaces to form a social environment.

RED HOOK CENTER FOR THE ARTS, BROOKLYN

The center sits inside a public housing project, where the children and teenagers in the area are looked on with suspicion when they walk into businesses in the

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neighborhood. There is little, if any, space where they can just "hang out". A need clearly existed to create a space to provide a safe social outlet for the youth of the area. The city of New York in response to this has instituted a program to build community centers areas such as this particular area of Brooklyn. The center is the first of thirty to forty planned by the city of New York. The program facilities included are designed to appeal to a wide range of interests and provide an alternative to the dangers of the streets. The Red Hook program in particular includes a gym/stage, arts and crafts area, dining facility, dance studio, and library. The demands of information transfer with emerging technologies have led to the inclusion of classrooms with computers. This helps to address the problem of inner class division based on the knowledge necessary to operate new technologies as identified by fig. 44—Red Hook Mary Chako. The facilities as a whole provide varied means of information transfer that in turn lead to a richer environment for social interaction. The site where Red Hook now sits formerly was very dark and grim. Most of the community and surrounding area is run down with little that residents can identify as their own. It was key for the architects to create a building where people could come and feel safe. It was also important that the users of the space not feel as if they were being watched as they so often are by those operating businesses in the area. The community center thus offers views outside from the inside and views inside from the outside. A large amount of transparency in the facility is different than many buildings around it and helps to create an understanding and relationship between the users of the facility and the residents in the neighborhood surrounding it. fig. 45—Red Hook The concepts of inclusion, acceptance, and transparency are important here and important to include in urban social spaces. Red Hook appeals to a group that has no other place to socialize, not only through its policies (which are important as they have been discussed in regards to the coffeehouse and beer garden), but also though its architectural expression. The transparency of the building, achieved with the extensive application of glass, presents the building to the public and invites people inside. In a social space it is key to include as many people and groups as possible for increased interaction and the use of transparency is an effective way to do so. The visual connection that it provides is one of its greatest advertisers for the environment of the interior. One last key point to be applied to social spaces is the idea of inclusion. Red Hook defines as its user group those people who in large part are not welcome in other

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spaces. Dynamic social spaces must be willing not only to accept those who fit social norms and standards, but also those who do not.

LAWRENCE-DOUGLAS COMMUNITY HEALTH CENTER

The Lawrence-Douglas Community Health Center breaks away from the typical image of a clinic and in doing so is not stigmatizing by not creating a feeling of shame to those who use the space. The health center opens itself to all who need it, from young children to the elderly. It was not the intention of either the designers or the fig. 46—Health Center administrators of the facility to create an uninviting environment as is stereotypical, instead they sought to create a number of entrances that would allow people varied levels of privacy upon entering the space. More discreet and private entrances are provided away from the public face of the building for patients such as children, the mentally ill, or just those who may not wish to advertise their ailments. All entrances differ greatly from the pre-conceived notion of a shady back alley facility. Entrances to the Health Center empower the patient and tell them not to be ashamed of entering. The center offers a choice to give dignity, an increased feeling of safety, and anonymity to those who want it. While the facility offers the overall service of health care it specifically offers a number of services that are necessary to a large group of people. At any given time there is a wide variety and number of people using the facility, but the space is not primarily a social space, nor is it really one of its secondary functions. Interaction undoubtedly fig. 47—Health Center occurs however and benefits from the number and variety of people there. A use of multiple entrances is important. There is a ceremonial entrance that communicates to people that they should not be ashamed of themselves as well as entrances for people to use and not feel like they are being placed on display. It is important to have these different types of entrances for people who might feel embarrassed about using particular portions of the building. It is also important for some people to not feel as if they are going to a welfare office or some similar public office. Dignity and choice are the key issues here. The Health Center offers a choice to those who enter by providing multiple entrances with varying degrees of transparency and openness. By offering the patients a choice it empowers them and gives them control about how others will view them. fig. 48—Health Center

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ISSUES FOR CONSIDERATION

"The shape of discontinuity is not a postmodern cliché, but the labor of the new millennium." (Cuff 343)

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The assembled data and research provide a framework for the construction of a public facility to encourage interaction and a dialogue that can eventually lead to social change. Specific program spaces and the social facility as a whole will vary in accordance to the particular area. They will also vary according to the makeup of the user groups in the area. The public space will also vary in the relation between the facility and the surrounding neighborhood. Having said this though, there are generalizations that can be made about attractions to particular use groups and the structure of the facility.

ASSUMPTIONS AND CONCLUSIONS FROM DATA

Public space design can no longer focus only on formal architectural principles. Public spaces for interaction cannot merely be a place to purchase goods or to eat. A successful public space will incorporate architectural principles of composition, movement, and order, but must include many more as well. Public space design has not kept up with the changes that have atomized society in the past sixty years. Moreover people have sought other venues in which to interact while at the same time that that interaction has lessened. Public space is now little more than an area for individuals to move about with as little contact—spoken, visual, or physical—as possible. Since World War II, society and the public forum in which people interact has been witness to many changes. Clearly in order to create a successful public space filled with dynamic public interaction a number of areas need to be addressed. There are a number of human needs from the most essential of physical health to the least essential for mental health that have to be satisfied for both the physical and mental health of a person to be healthy as defined by Abraham Maslov. Therefore, in any given environment there are a number of different groups and individuals each seeking to satisfy different needs. Some are concerned with making themselves a better person while some are just trying to find a place to sleep. For a social space to attract the widest range of people, it is important to include a number of elements both architectural and programmatic that appeal to these needs. This appeal is on a basic level of human emotions and doing so addresses the most essential desires of people. In the human search for satisfaction of needs (social and physical), there exists the development of schemas. Schemas are patterns of information formed by people to simplify and streamline the world around them. The attainment of needs, the

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streamlining of new ideas and thoughts, and previous knowledge allows people to quickly make generalizations about public spaces and interactions. This includes whether or not the space allows the person to fulfill needs regarding interpersonal connections while providing basic needs like food or shelter. Schemas are an essential tool for people to evaluate the world and the people around them. Public spaces that support dynamic interaction and act as a learning environment must acknowledge this. Schemas that are not readily challenged become beliefs, then become accepted as truth, and eventually are no longer questioned by the individual and can become stereotypes (Chako, 25). People also make assumptions about themselves based on how they perceive others based on their schemas. The fact that schemas are learned over time further emphasizes the need for a social space to allows a person to interact with those they are not familiar with to build upon schemas and correct mistakes and in. By doing so the person will be able to grow more aware of the place in which they live and the people in the area. To encourage the person to build on schemas involving social interaction and interpersonal needs, there must be reasons for a number of people in the area to come to the public space. Also, varying interactions should be accounted for, as different people have different needs. The public space then must act to bring together these groups so that they may interact and learn from the people around them. The process of cellular interaction, which is when people associate with others who share similar backgrounds and affiliations, is key to understanding if the necessary varied groups are to be brought together in a public space. Spaces must be placed within the facility that allow individuals and groups to identify it with their own cultural schema, and simultaneously these spaces must not isolate any groups from another or place any group in a position of power or authority over other groups. The inclusion of program spaces that appeal to certain groups (bowling alleys for teenagers for example) will not only attract groups to the public space, but also act as a sort of home base to entice people to linger. When groups linger there is a much-increased opportunity for interaction and observation, which is all the more important when considering that groups assess their worth in relation to others. This observation allows the individual to judge their own abilities, but to properly do so they must be exposed to a wide range of people. This helps to emphasize the need for an overlap of program spaces, both visually and physically, that allow for the necessary volume of persons.

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Language aids in the connections between and the individualization of groups. The use of multiple forms language and communication then is essential in any social environment. Language is a base means for information exchange that in turn is the basis for interaction. Therefore, it is important to provide opportunities in a public space to allow for the expression of language and areas for communication. These can include display areas for flyers, areas designated for public speech, and televisions displaying community announcements. A successful public space must not be separated from its surroundings. Public domain has been defined as a binding element that connects disparate elements to society. If a public space is to be successful it must both enclose elements to be connected and in turn connect itself to other elements of society. It must flow in and out of its surroundings. By doing so the public space will go beyond classifications and labels; beyond isolation and individualization, to become a space that cannot be summed up with words, one where people feel a connection and belonging with others—encouraging interaction. Social interaction occurs when there is a great overlap and intersection of all other layers (natural, built, economic, transportation, information, and socialization) of society. In the example of the pizza delivery all layers overlapped and interacted almost endlessly to achieve a few seconds of social interaction. That same sort of overlap is necessary in any public space. Not only must there be an overlap within the domain of the public space, but these layers and systems must extend into the surrounding area and beyond. A successful public space must draw upon the resources of the spaces around it and at the same time contribute something to those resources, thus creating a sort of symbiotic relationship. fig. 49—Overlap of groups and The Agora, in ancient Athens, worked well as a social space because of the systems necessary to produce overlap of layers it contained. The openness of the built forms was important to free interaction open communication since it allowed all to participate through various means with the dialogue. The openness there did not exclude others, but instead included even those who by law were told they were not equal to others. This concept of inclusion can be translated into architectural form and policy management. Policies of a public space should be open to allow for all members of society to participate and interact with others. No one should be denied access because of any characteristic. Whenever possible, architectural forms should be such that do not bar either physical or visual access. For

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example, transparent enclosures should be used in place of opaque walls and ramps and elevators should be used instead of stairs if possible. Only by including all in the public forum can the individuals and groups who compose society begin to understand each other. Social space design today can learn from the compassion of the charities in Paris who accepted all. While it is beyond the abilities of one group to solve the problems of inclusion by themselves a start can be made, and presented as an example for change to others. In this way it is possible to effect social change. This must start with the policies of the managers of the social space and be accepted by the users of the space. In the same way that spaces can be created for people, people in turn can create their own spaces for social gatherings and meetings that arise out of natural interpersonal needs. London in the 18th century shows in part that ample social opportunities are needed so that people may create their own social spaces. It shows that people will seek out forums in which to interact. The changes that occurred in London help to illustrate the need for a flexible public space. Flexibility can be built into an architectural system to allow for regular shifts in spaces. It can also include a schedule of rotating program spaces that change periodically. Flexibility can also be accomplished through inclusion of a variety of program spaces that allow the individual to be the flexible element within the space. People in London were able to create social space inside the coffeehouse. The 17th and 18th century coffeehouse shows it is possible to change social mores, if only for a limited time. The architectural construction of the space is not as important as are attitudes of the people that used the space. The patrons of the coffeehouse where more concerned with interacting than with whom they were interacting. Any social space today must similarly be less concerned with the “types” of people than with the quality of exchange in the space. It is important to maximize the capacity of the space as a social environment by allowing all manner and variety of social groups into the space. This can be accomplished in part architecturally through building elements and program spaces that invite users, but more importantly through policy. Efforts must be made on the part of those operating the space to include all. Through time then this attitude will transfer to the people, for it is the people that will ultimately decide who is welcome and who is not. It is important to provide architectural mediators to allow people to break down prejudices of others (developed through schemas) and truly accept others as equals.

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A similar attitude of inclusion can be seen in the beer garden. In the beer garden the owners of the space created the policies that encouraged so many to come which in turn resulted in a social space. Policies were designed to encourage interaction and that is exactly what is needed in new social spaces of today. If particular groups are not involved in the social environment, then the management and decision makers of the space need to devise methods to bring in those groups. This can include architectural interventions, but more easily, and as is the case with the beer gardens, through attractions and incentives. Users of the space and management alike must be willing to include all in the public discussion. It is important in any social space that there be large and varied group of people. The bazaar shows that is possible through the use of a number of different spaces to attract a wide range of people. Everyone needs objects produced by others: food, clothing, tools, etc. What is doubly important is that these spaces offer a mixed economic range of goods so that they are attractive to various economic classes, as well as social groups. Social and economic groups and their needs must be identified and met in order to select programmatic attractions. An appeal must be made to all so that there can a greater gathering and assembly of people in one space. When designing a new space, it is important not to compete with surrounding establishments, but instead work to provide different services that will in turn bring new social groups to the area. The Metreon, and retail/entertainment facility, in San Francisco exemplifies this. The Metreon also provides a mix for different age, income, and social groups. It is necessary in social spaces to not only provide a number of reasons for people to visit, but also a mix that appeals to different age groups. The Metreon also utilizes a number of transportation systems to bring people to the space, instead of being solely dependent upon the automobile to bring people there. It is important for a social space to work with the other facilities in the area, offer a variety of program spaces that appeal to the range of social groups in the area, and not rely solely on the car to bring people to the space. Most, if not all, of these points must be included in a social space if it is to be a successful forum for interaction. The success of Carew tower along with Tower Pace Mall, which appeals to the suburban mall going crowd, shows in part that the sprawl of the mall and extensiveness of the infrastructure needed to support them are not necessary. Existing infrastructure and systems within urban environments can be used to create retail spaces that in turn can be used in conjunction with other spaces to form a social environment. A successful

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public space must borrow pieces from other public spaces, which are primarily seen in the suburbs and other outlying areas. An urban space must borrow on elements that people are familiar with to make them comfortable enough to enter, use, and return to the space. The Red Hook Center for the Arts in Brooklyn appeals to a group that has no other place to socialize through its policies (which are important as they have been discussed in regards to the coffeehouse and beer garden) and its architectural expression. The visual connection that it provides is one of its greatest advertisers for the environment of the interior. Red Hook defines as its user group those people who in large part are not welcome in other spaces, which is an important point for inclusion in the policies of any social space. Dynamic social spaces must be willing not only to accept those who fit social norms and standards, but also those who do not. As with the beer gardens, these policies must originate with the management and then carry through, as with the coffeehouse, to the users of the space The Lawrence-Douglas Community Health Center offers a choice to those who enter by providing multiple entrances with varying degrees of transparency and openness. This empowers the individual and gives them a choice. A similar choice in entrances should be considered in some situations if the program and user groups warrant it. This is NOT to suggest that there should be segregated entrances. Needs for separate entrances could include a residential and commercial mix, welfare related services where people do not want to be put on display, or childcare service facilities. Overall the body of work demonstrates that it necessary for a number of reasons to provide a dynamic social space both for the development and betterment of the individual, the group, and the collective as a whole. The individual defines him or herself in terms of others they interact with. The group organizes and evaluates themselves according to other groups they interact with. The collective as a whole is defined by its individual members understanding, gained through interaction, of each other. Therefore, it is important on all levels of society that there exists enriching public spaces that encourage interaction by all members of that given society.

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SOLUTIONS FOR PUBLIC SPACES TO PROMOTE INTERACTION

"Silence is order, because silence is the absence of social interaction." (Sennett2 215)

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With so many cities trying to bring people back into the city and compete with the suburban malls and retail centers a solution to the problem of successful public space design is of vital importance to many administrators. Successful public spaces cannot be only an open square with some token hot dog vendors and benches scattered around. Presented below is a solution set to answer the problems and issues raised by the change in societal structure since World War II. The framework for the solution is intentionally loose so that application to multiple scenarios is possible. A specific solution has been prepared for the city of Cincinnati, Ohio, and follows the generic guidelines. George Ritzer has used the terms of ease and economy as the being the disease that has helped to transform society from one based on the whole to one centered on the individual. Ritzer further argues that this McDonaldization of America is most certainly a negative event and doles his argument as if leading a crusade. Some people agree whole- heartedly with Ritzer, while others comment that this change is just the next evolution of society. Regardless of the view of McDonaldization it is clear that for any public urban space to be successful the factors that have led to this change must be understood and incorporated. People seek ease, comfort, and familiarity, which is exactly what they believe they are receiving when they visit the suburban mall (Ritzer argues that for the most part, little about these trips are easy or convenient). The visitor wants to find a parking space easily (free preferably), not feel threatened, not get lost, and enjoy him or herself. In short, they want to not be bothered. It is important that new social spaces work with existing networks—social, transportation, entertainment, economic, and so forth—in the area. This will do two things: ensure that it is not in direct competition with other facilities and draw from existing populations and groups of people making the filling of the space easier. A social space should fit in as seamlessly as possible with what already exists in the city. While there is no one set solution to attracting people to a public space there are four points that are important and should be given great consideration. Specific applications of these four points in different environments will vary in accordance with the program spaces inserted into facility as a whole. Program spaces will vary according to the facilities that surround the proposed site. Above all the program inclusions into the facility will depend on what will specifically attract the widest mix of people in the area. Community is dependent on the sharing of information, without it there can be no gathering or even understanding of each other. The exchange of information ideally takes place in a common forum, a focus

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for the community and city. This forum or space should reside in a place key to the city and be accessible by all, promote a freedom of movement, provide a forum for the free exchange of information, and most importantly be a space for the gathering and assembling of people.

GATHERING AND ASSEMBLY OF PEOPLE

The primary function of the space is for the assembly of people. Sub-spaces and events within the whole of the building should support information exchange, movement, and accessibility, but above all the whole space's function is for the gathering of people. This is not to suggest that they must all mingle in one large central area. The assemblage and gathering can occur over and through the building and should incorporate varied means of movement to ensure movement and accessibility. The sharing of information is key and can only take place with a gathering of the people from the entirety of the community. For people to gather they must feel as if the space is their territory and that they can claim a space as their own (Alexander, 24). This territory must flow in and out of the space around it. This area of assemblage must make the individual feel as if it is theirs. For a variety of people to assemble they must feel as if they are equals to others—the space for gathering must act as a leveler. If the business executive feels superior to the homeless person in the same space the executive will not feel as comfortable or that the space equally belongs to her. Likewise if the homeless person feels inferior to the executive he will likewise not feel comfortable in the space. Therefore, there needs to be within the whole facility subspaces where individuals can feel comfortable and unmolested. At the same time these spaces should not be exclusive to that group. To accomplish this a variety of spaces, in terms of use group economic range and type, should all be included, that will not only attract a range of people, but also allow for those people to seek out places where they feel most comfortable. For people to gather, devices, spaces, policies, arrangements, and connections all must first be established that make each person feel equal to one another and to communicate the space is equally theirs. In this way the space acts as a sort of mixing pot for creating a “social stew”. In the stew a varied collection of ingredients comes together to form a cohesive whole. At the same time a close examination shows that each ingredient is still recognizable, while each contributes something to the whole that does

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not exist if the ingredients were kept separate. It is important for cells and individuals to have spaces where they feel comfortable and can identify as their own. For dynamic interaction it is also important to have spaces that address common needs and desires and that act as a leveling plane.

ACCESSIBLE BY ALL

The space should be accessible by all not only in terms of physical barriers but also in terms of economic, social, and psychological attitudes and stigmas that exist. Accessibility here should not be misunderstood as being used as the government mandated sense for universal access. The use of the word here goes beyond implying a wheelchair ramp and an elevator, including visual access and access to all services no matter economic hardship. Everyone, no matter what background, should feel comfortable in entering and using the space and interacting with others there. Visitors should feel like they are more than visitors, that in fact the space is an extension of their home and neighborhood. The bond of community is important. If people are more aware of those around them and aware of their situation, then the more cohesive the community will become. If information is to be distributed on a community level, and as a result a greater sense of community occur, then a voice from all parts of the community needs to be present. Similar policies that were instituted by the owners of the American beer gardens must be applied here. There must be no policies on the part of the operators of the social facility that bar others. Policies in this manner, once accepted by the users of the space, could spill into the political arena to influence change there, for example. Currently (Spring of 2003) there is an issue before discussion in Cincinnati to license the homeless and require them to carry photographic identification. Cleary this is a form of discrimination, and similar policies should be strongly steered away from in any social space that is concerned with a dynamic and complete social interaction.

FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT

People must be able to move freely about the spaces both inside and outside of the building. In addition they must feel free from assault and harassment. Freedom of movement allows for greater participation and diversity among visitors and also grants a

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greater opportunity for open communication. No one group through physical, economic, or social advantage can be allowed through management or built form to profess their perceived importance over another group. In this space all people must be allowed unfettered access to all public spaces. People must control their own path. They can only do this if physical barriers do not hamper them. Policies or staff personnel also cannot impede them. If people feel uncomfortable as a result of behavior from the staff they will be much less likely to use the space again. If everyone cannot use the facility the quality of the socialization and interaction will be diminished. If the quality of the information exchange is diminished the success of the space will be lessened. The success of the facility depends on the policies; if they favor everyone then the space will thrive. Freedom of movement will provide an atmosphere not dissimilar to the 18th century English Coffee House where everyone inside was treated as equals. The 17th and 18th century coffeehouse shows it is possible to change social mores. The patrons of the coffeehouse were more concerned with learning than with whom they were learning from. This same concept must apply to the concept of a freedom of movement. One's preconceptions about someone different than them must, in a sense, be left at the door. Only then will people be able to pass through the space without fear of prejudice or persecution.

FREE EXCHANGE OF INFORMATION

Information exchange is the base component of interaction. The transfer of information is vital to forming and strengthening a cohesive community. Only recently in history has this transfer been moved from the public realm and into the home due primarily to a number of technological advances. It is vital that this exchange of information be allowed to take place within the facility. Without this exchange the community is reduced to an organization of individuals acting only for their benefit. Information and communication are the glue that binds together all mixes of people in a given community. Information exchange does not have to occur through the direct speech of one to another. It can occur through written form, performance, the mere passing of the people in a corridor, the observation of others, or a myriad of other ways. The space must promote as many types of information exchange as it can and as often as possible. From a great exchange the community can only become stronger and more aware of itself. It

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will create a community an individual is more able to help him/herself because they possess greater skills as a result of education and experience. A community that can better deal with these problems is better off because it can make the problems of the individual the problems of the whole. A number of means must be made available for a person to express him or herself and to communicate with others. The spaces need to offer a variety of methods to do so. Performance spaces are necessary at a variety of sizes to allow for creative expression of groups. These spaces need to be managed by an administrative group to allow for creative expression of groups of people, and to allow for equal access to the space. Methods that do not require the individual to place themselves in front of others, such as graffiti walls message boards or advertisement spaces, are also necessary.

USER GROUPS

If a number of different groups are to be brought together in one place it is fig. 50—Program space interaction important to first identify the groups, secondly identify the characteristics and needs, and and attraction thirdly to identify commonalities they share. Program spaces geared toward lower income groups include service facilities, food, entertainment, and even employment related functions. Food is something that everyone needs to live and offered by restaurants at a reasonable price will be appealing. The amount of disposable income lower-income groups has is not much, so inexpensive or free entertainment will help to keep people in the space and also provide a reason to come back. Employment in the facility obviously requires a person to be in the space for long periods of time, but more importantly that employee can then act as advertisements in a sense. People employed there will know what their friends and relatives would enjoy and then be able to mediate between the facility and the potential patron. Most importantly, the space should provide service facilities for both goods and their own well being. The facility can house such functions as barbershops, dry cleaning, shoe repair, etc. as well as job training and similar resource type facilities. Everyone needs a haircut and most could use some help finding a job or a class teaching computer skills. Middle-income persons have more disposable income. Therefore, they may be more inclined to pay a few extra dollars for the services of sitting down and being waited on in a restaurant or purchasing a more expensive Hawaiian shirt. While they too would be attracted to the space for service and employment reasons, a greater attraction is most

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likely entertainment, restaurants, and retail facilities. It is common that many in the middle class would be more interested in using the facility on the weekends both as an break from the work week and to purchase goods. Entertainment spaces can include movie theaters, live theaters, performers, unique shopping spaces, and people watching. Restaurants can range from the inexpensive to the higher-priced. Different times of the week, different occasions, and varied amounts of money dictate which would be the most appropriate. Retail spaces also can serve as entertainment spaces if they are unique in scope, but most are not traditionally thought of in such a manner. Possible retail spaces can include clothing stores, hair saloons, music stores, and tattoos parlors, but will vary greatly depending on location. High-income people obviously have a large amount of disposable income and are typically looking to be catered to in more luxurious spaces. These include upscale restaurants, fine live theaters, art galleries, chic coffee shops, and the like. Ease of parking and movement through the facility is important, and they are willing to pay for the ease. Valet parking then is a service that will be appealing, especially if they are going to the facility for dining or entertainment purposes. More appealing restaurants will most likely be those geared toward a higher income level and classification system. Live theaters can vary in scope and scale from small black box theaters to larger theaters housing plays, shows, and concerts. Families, most likely coming from a suburban area removed from the urban environment, are looking to satisfy the needs of several people in one space. Some families will certainly find a child care facility necessary. Most are looking for places that will keep the children occupied and interested such as theaters, children's museums, play area, healthy restaurants, and even toy stores. Families will be more likely to return to the facility if these spaces also incorporate activities for and interests of adults. Examples include restaurants with a child friendly atmosphere and menu as well as a menu suitable for adult tastes. A safe and supervised play area might be offered in conjunction with a movie theater that would allow a few hours break from the children. Most importantly, the facility should offer ease for the family such as convenient and free (if possible) parking, clear signage and navigation aids, user friendly service spaces such as bathrooms and elevators, and a fun environment. In addition, there should be a sufficient variety and number of suitable program spaces as to encourage return visits. The single individual is the broadest category and as such many program spaces can be found to be attractive to this user group. There are a number of spaces that will be

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more appealing to the single individual than to other groups such as bars and nightclubs. Because the group varies so much they will be attracted by a varied array of program spaces and include many of those spaces listed in the other categories. The elderly as a group require a number of amenities. They are not as mobile so they need a number of places in which they can sit. Their diets typically are limited so a selection of food types is essential. Couples without children typically are seeking spaces that are agreeable to both people. This most commonly includes entertainment and restaurant facilities and can include retail facilities. The facility should offer a range of these spaces that appeal to different couples in terms of ethnicity and age grouping. Younger couples may be more interested in movie theaters, restaurants, bars, and nightclubs, while older couples may not be as interested in bars and nightclubs but instead galleries and shops. Teenagers still living with their parents are interested in "getting out of the house". Suburban youth often find this refuge within the mall, while urban youth will seek out smaller retail/commercial facilities or the street itself. Spaces of gathering that are not harassing and require no money to enter are important as many teenagers are without great amounts of disposable income. Paying program spaces they are interested in include restaurants, movie theaters, and entertainment spaces that include bowling alleys and arcades. The homeless are one of the most neglected groups of people in nearly all societies. They have little to no money and very few resources. Commonly other people avoid them and in many societies are shunned and kept out of the public. The homeless are seeking the most basic from life. Food is of prime concern and more importantly the earning of money is also. Spaces that will appeal to the homeless are inexpensive restaurants and even more so free food provided by charitable organizations, job training areas, assistance with housing, free areas for communication, bathrooms, and spaces that will keep them out of the weather twenty hours a day. Physically Impaired persons have been aided in recent years by legislation requiring they be given equal access to facilities, but the implementation of the laws has been limited. An appealing facility at the minimum is one that is easy to navigate and free of physical barriers. It is also one in which they are not discriminated against by the policies and staff of the facility.

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PROPOSED FACILITY FOR CINCINNATI

“The key to this failure is the syndrome of ‘powerlessness’. It has been demonstrated again and again that the poor are effectively trapped in a subculture of poverty, that this trap is a self-perpetuating, vicious circle, and that it precludes effective participation in society’s major institutions: Because people are poor, they can get no jobs; because they have no jobs they have neither the money nor the opportunity to move about and use the city; because they cannot travel about the city, they are not well versed in the processes which govern the rest of society, and they are not able to participate in tits process and institutions; because they are effectively shut off from the rest of society, they have no power in the political arena; and they have few local leaders; because they have no power and no voice their needs and complaints and the details of their situation are not widely known to other members of society—certainly they are not represented. Because they have no voice, no power, no participation, they do not have the most central freedom that nay free man has—the freedom to call their own shots and to determine their own future. And so poor people stay demoralized, and isolated. And above all they stay poor.” (Alexander, et. al. 81,82)

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Cincinnati, Ohio has been chosen been chosen for a detailed application for several reasons. The city contains a large and reasonably diverse population. Cincinnati has certainly experienced decline in its urban public realm and is currently searching for ways to re-invigorate its urban core, but solutions so far have not succeeded to the level that many would have liked. Attention typically has not been focused on specific problems for long time periods to ensure the problem is fixed. Many "master plans", involving Downtown Over the Rhine and the Riverfront as examples, have been produced for confined areas, but funding has rarely been approved to carry them out, as public interest has waned. Large scale infrastructure projects and most notably two professional sports stadiums have been campaigned for and built, but have not resulted in the reinvestment in the urban core that is needed to create a dynamic social environment. A specific half block site in downtown Cincinnati has been chosen for the placement of the facility for public interaction for many reasons. The site has been empty for several years and various solutions to fill the property have been offered, but never finalized. For several years the city of Cincinnati pursued the Seattle based Nordstrom department store in an attempt to fill the empty lot. Ironically the lot had been created by the city after a fourteen-story office tower was demolished. For more than four years the city worked to secure the funding necessary to build the building for the department store and the necessary infrastructure for it. Nordstrom agreed to the deal, but later backed out leaving the site empty after the city had already invested eleven million dollars in the fig. 51—Site project. Instead of focusing on the larger problems in the urban core, the city focused great attention on attracting one store. This was a similar approach as with the construction of the two sports stadiums. The site is central in the urban core and very near a number of existing social spaces. Fountain Square, which acts as the main outdoor public gathering space, sits just two blocks east of the site. Fountain Square on limited occasions provides a space for interaction, but is often reliant on good weather and upon the transient nature of the majority of the population in the area. Most often great crowds occupy it during the lunch hour workweek. Findley Market, roughly fourteen blocks north of the site, for more than a century has been the site of a vibrant market that it still is today. Findley Market sells a variety of produce and foodstuffs while many stores surrounding the area fig. 52—Site sell a number of other goods and services. Immediately to the east and southeast of the block are prime retail and social environments. Contained within both Tower Place (to

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the southeast) and the Lazarus complex (to the east) are a number of areas that allow for the gathering and socialization of people. The site sits directly on, or very near, a number of transportation systems that are vital to the movement of people into the facility including: two interstate highways I-71 and I-75, bus lines connecting the site to most areas of the city at minimal cost to the rider, a network of roads, and Cincinnati's skywalk system (where the site now acts as a block in the loop). The two interstates offer very quick access to the site from a number of surrounding areas. The bus lines, while slower than the automobile on the interstate, are extensive and can bring people from the outskirts of the city. The skywalk system connects not only the businesses and commercial areas, but also social spaces such as fig. 53—Site Fountain Square. As the skywalk crosses over the Square it opens up to the environment (with the exception of a canopy above) allowing for a greater sensorial connection with the square. It is key for social interaction to bring a number of different groups to the space. To do so means drawing upon a number of groups in both the immediate and general area. There are already several patron groups very near to the site: those in the existing neighborhoods to the north and west, the small population currently living downtown, and the large workforce downtown. Those living to the north and west primarily fall into the lower-income bracket. A large public housing development sits within this area and currently is undergoing a rebuilding effort to transform it from the mass block housing into a smaller scale environment oriented to the small community. Incidentally this is the same type of environment that existed before the area was cleared in favor of large-scale fig. 54—Site block housing. The popularity of living downtown is increasing and the area is experiencing an influx of residents. Several properties in the area are being renovated and opened up as residential units. The bulk of the people downtown on a regular basis are those working there. Racial and social barriers divide the city. There is a clear lack of understanding between multiple groups and currently there is no effective system or forum in which to mediate the divide. All groups must be in close proximity to each other in order to begin the process of mediation. It is not something that can be accomplished in a short period, simply, or even in one space, but it must begin somewhere. The interaction possible in the proposed social space is one place in which the process may begin. fig. 55—Fountain Square

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SITE AND CITY HISTORY

The site was originally filled with Indian burial mounds. Called “The Ancient Works,” there were several mounds dotting the region. Roughly on the same site as the proposed public space was a large mound measuring about 600 by 800 feet. These mounds are still visible in many neighborhoods in the area. Probably the most famous, or the one given the most attention is Serpent Mound outside of the city. Cincinnati was founded in 1788 and by 1820 grew to be the largest city west of fig. 56—Cincinnati market the Alleghenies (Clubbe, 24). The city would hold that distinction for forty years until geography would dictate changes. By 1860 river transportation was no longer the sole means of moving bulk goods quickly through the interior of the country and was replaced in large part by the railroad, which could move across the landscape at a much faster rate. The railroad by the Civil War became the workhorse of the American economy. While Cincinnati served as a rail hub, it was overshadowed by the amount of rail traffic moving through Chicago. Chicago was aided in part by being connected to the Transcontinental Railroad and served as a major midwestern hub on the line. What is now part of the central business district of Cincinnati was for a long period after the founding a mixed area filled with all types of land uses. Fourth Street was where many of the well to do in Cincinnati lived. It was partially removed from the danger of flooding and away from the docks and eventually rail yards that lined the fig. 57—Skywalk system riverfront, and so it became popular and prime real estate. It would not be until the 1870s that businesses would consume the area and force residents to move. The area around Fourth and Main was a large religious area. James Kemper's Presbyterian congregation erected near there a thirty by forty foot meeting house/church, and by 1840 there were more than two dozen churches in what is now the downtown area. In the pre-Civil War years most of the buildings in Cincinnati were multi-function incorporating a number of spaces that spanned all layers of society. One of the more notable was the Melodeon building on Fourth and Walnut. Jenny Lind performed in the theater there at one time along with Daguerreotype artists, dentists, apothecaries, a music publisher, and a commercial college also rented space within the building. The Melodeon and buildings like it were to be the precursors of the more modern department stores that would grow in great numbers around the turn of the century in the city. Around 1900 many of the notable architects of the time, Daniel Burnham, H.H. Richardson, and John Russell Pope, were or were going to be commissioned to build

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office buildings in Cincinnati. The Cincinnati economic market could not compete with Chicago and the growth would be sporadic from then on, while in Chicago the skyscraper was given birth to as the city exploded with growth. A recent period of prosperous growth, between the 1969 and 1980, 4.5 million square feet of office space was built along with 12 major buildings, but since 1980 there has been little major construction. In the 1950s and 60s city leaders in part sought to revitalize downtown through the construction of a skywalk system, the same that exists today. Herbert W. Stevens, then director of city planning, proposed a system of pedestrian malls, arcades, sub- terranean walkways, and skywalks to help ease congestion. City council rejected the plan in 1958 and again in 1961, and it would not be until Federal Urban Renewal money fig. 58—Sixth Street market became available that the skywalk system would receive the green light from City Council. The first section opened for public use in 1971 after years of debate and indecision that would characterize city-led urban development in the years to come. By large part the skywalk system has aided transportation on foot, but has not been the key to solving stagnation, and has not been without its own unique problems. The closing of L.S. Ayers in 1988, for example, disrupted pedestrian traffic along the system across Race, Vine, Fourth and Fifth Streets. It has been claimed by many to hurt street level businesses, while many of the businesses have moved up to the level of the sidewalk. The block bounded by Sixth and Fifth Streets to the North and South and Elm and Race to the West and East has been in the middle of much of the social and economic history of downtown Cincinnati. Most notably Fountain Square to the East has been a focal point for the area. The square used to contain a number of butchers stalls, but they were torn down in favor of the more attractive fountain that sits there today. However, as a holdover to the market past flowers are still sold one day a year from a flower cart on the site. The garage under the square arose out of a plan to move Fifth Street underground to create a pedestrian mall. That plan fell through, but eventually the multi- level car garage opened in 1967. Another market, quite large, sat on Sixth Street between Vine Street and Central Avenue from 1826 to 1959. An entire block was devoted to the sale of flowers alone. The area there was filled with signs advertising the wealth of shops and stalls, ranging from boot sales, physicians, apothecaries, plow salesman, flowers, barbers, and drug stores. All the signs required artists to create them and downtown became awash with them. The signs not only advertised the business, but helped the illiterate and semi- literate know what was for sale. Another market sat near the site on Court Street, which

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has been scaled back greatly in size today, but still features outdoor vendors selling goods two days a week. The street also holds a number of stores that one would typically find in the market; so on Court Street the market has survived intact unlike the market on Sixth Street. The Lazarus department store that now sits directly east of the site was formerly called Shillitos, changing to Lazarus in 1986. Shillitos opened in 1830 (the city's oldest surviving department store) and in 1878 moved to Seventh and Race, which was then the largest department store under one roof in the country. The store, modeled after the Bon Marche in Paris, contained a 120-foot tall atrium with a 60-foot glass dome. Shillitos fig. 59—Lazarus was acquired by Lazarus in 1928, but only changed names in 1986. The department store moved to its current home just east of the site in 1997 after years of debate and negotiations by the city to do something with the site that for years was a parking lot, after the demolition of stores that had previously been on the site. The process of debate and negotiation by the city is typical of many of the urban developments in the urban core since World War II. The block just southeast of the site where Carew Tower now sits has seen a number of tenets. Madame Tournairés French Circus is a notable resident of the site and in 1856 this almost ground the Democratic National convention to a halt, as many of the delegates preferring to view the daily hot air balloon ascent instead of participating in the convention. After the Civil War, the Palace Varieties opened offering acrobatic shows and gambling to customers. On June 13, 1887 the Emery family opened the Emery fig. 60—Carew Tower Arcade and Emery Hotel. In 1889 Joseph T. Carew opened the Carew Building, which helped to bring more business to the downtown area and stood until 1929 when it was razed by the Emery family to make way for a new 49-story office building and hotel. Carew also helped found the Mabley and Carew Department store, which would later be housed in the Carew Tower. The Terrace Hilton sits to the north of Lazarus sharing the same block. Designed by SOM and built by Emery it once held two department floors on the bottom seven windowless floors. The post World War II design placed the hotel lobby on the eight floor with a terrace outside. At the time the furniture used inside was recognized for its multipurpose use, but has since been replaced.

fig. 61—Terrace Hilton

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REGIONAL ANALYSIS

-Three states lie within close proximity of each other forming large metropolitan region. -There are a number of nodes for both entertainment and shopping. -Three major interstate highways—71, 74, and 75, service the area and these serve to connect the three states. In addition I-275 is a connector loop that moves through all three states. -The major residential density of the region lies in and around Cincinnati in Ohio. There is also a major concentration of people in the Northern Kentucky region—primarily Covington, Florence, Newport, Bellevue, and Dayton. -The major and most visible enabler in the region is the Ohio River. It serves to physically separate Ohio and Kentucky. In addition it also allows for a great deal of economic traffic. Other major enablers in the region are the highways, which also provide for a great movement of economic traffic. In addition, the highways also allow for a great movement of people between the varied and separated parts of society. They serve at times to separate closely lying areas and to bind distant areas as well. -A number of distinct communities lie within the physical boundaries of the area. -A number of older (pre 1900) suburbs/communities circle the immediate urban density of Cincinnati. In addition there are a number of post-World War II suburbs that circle those. -All of these communities have no real common social or economic focus. There is no one place where a number of communities would call their own. Instead each community or smaller area claims their own economic region, typically a mall or similar development. With a lack of a social space this economic center typically serves as the social space.

SURROUNDING AREA ANALYSIS

-The Ohio River still acts as a major enabler in the area. Connections, therefore, to the major population centers in Kentucky are through the bridges spanning the river. The primary enabler though, is the connection of I-71 and 75 via Fort Washington Way. Fort Washington Way acts as a major barrier cutting of the CBD from the riverfront. The major park and recreation areas located along the river are not easily accessible from the CBD even by car. Even the developments on the Southern bank of the river in

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Bellevue, Newport, and Covington, which might be accessible by foot, are not due to the disconnectedness created by difficulty of navigation from the throughway. -There are a number of transportation systems within the area. Three bus systems serve the area—TANK, METRO, and the Southbank Shuttle. A large number of bus lines have stops in the area. In addition there is the network of driving and parking garage systems. There is the typical pedestrian system adjacent to the street system. A skywalk system also moves through the center of the CBD. It connects a number of institutional, office, retail, and commercial areas. -There is an enormous variety, in terms of type and price, of food in the area. -There are several zones of cultural and entertainment. The main street district, several blocks north of the site, is a large draw for entertainment, but is primarily open during the night and weekend hours. The still developing Arts Center surrounding the Aronoff Center, three blocks away, is open at different hours. In addition there is a greater variety of typologies and services surrounding it.

IMMEDIATE AREA ANALYSIS

-Currently the site is utilized as a parking lot. There is little pedestrian activity to the west of the site. -There are a number of hotels directly adjacent to the site: The Four Points Sheraton, The Millennium Hotel, The Hyatt Regency, Omni Netherland Plaza, The Cincinnatian Hotel, and the Crowne Plaza Hotel. -To the East and Southeast are primarily retail venues. Lazarus, to the east, is connected via a skywalk. Tower Place is connected indirectly via the skywalk through Sax Fifth Avenue, or through Lazarus. -To the north on Race is a lack of development. It is primarily run-down small businesses. -One block removed to the east of the site is Fountain Square, which at different times acts as a great gathering space for people. During the working week in reasonable weather it is packed with the working crowd eating lunch. However, during inclement weather due to lack of shelter the space is abandoned by then. There are also a number of ceremonies and events on the Square throughout the year.

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SITE ANALYSIS

fig. 62—Regional Map/Analysis

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NODAL ANALYSIS

1-DOWNTOWN -Many employment opportunities -Easy access to multiple bus lines -Multiple entertainment venues for a variety of interests -Large variety of shopping opportunities -Multiple parking lots and garages -Large number and variety of restaurants

2-NORWOOD -Organized into a number of pavilions -Diverse range of shopping, but primarily for higher end buyers -POSH environment -Located centrally to a large number of residential neighborhoods -Reasonable number and variety of restaurants, but shifted toward higher end -A large number of name restaurants and shopping facilities

2-HYDE PARK/OAKLEY -Historic area -Small/private stores and shops -Limited number of name stores -Ingrained into community -Very close to residential neighborhoods -Unique shopping environment

3-DELHI -Strip mall, not the typical suburban mall -Not a large selection

4-FLORENCE -Large mall -Large number and variety of restaurants

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-Multiple movie theaters in area -Several stores for grocery purchases -Diverse range of shopping for multiple economic ranges—fits many needs -Very large area of development

5-BEECHMONT -Mall with very little inside -Reasonable number and variety of restaurants -Not much in area

6-MONTGOMERY/KENWOOD -Mall—geared towards the walking pedestrian, partially breaks the mold of the typical suburban mall -Large number of specialty shops -Reasonable number and variety of restaurants -Large number of POSH, small shops -Different from the typical retail environment, but not the amount of variety in terms of economic ranges as other malls

7-READING -Bridal Mecca -Increasing retail and entertainment market

8-SHARONVILLE -Built up around long strip malls -Commuter oriented -Intermixed with industrial zoning -Not many restaurants -On decline

9-SPRINGDALE -Large mall -Service oriented stores, like day spas -Large number and variety of restaurants

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-Covers and services a large area, accommodating the I-275/75 interchange -Large dancing and entertainment area and services

10-FOREST PARK -Large mall -Large number and variety of restaurants

11-COLERAIN -Mall on the decline -Long linear development of retail

12-LAWERNCEBURG -Large gambling area -Scenic -Different than the typical retail environment

13-AURORA -Large gambling area -Scenic -Different than the typical retail environment

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fig. 63—Area Analysis

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PROGRAMMATIC SPACES

This section describes program spaces for inclusion in the proposed Cincinnati project. The key space above all is the circulation space, which attempts to unify the whole group of varied program spaces. It is here where people are encouraged to linger through architectural means such as seating, material changes, programmatic spaces, and visual cues. It is impossible for any built structure alone to break through the engrained stereotypes and prejudices that divide people, but they can help. If people are given a chance to examine and question the prejudices (which are really schemas that have not been challenged and thus accepted as fact) then they will most likely change those stereotypes and truly begin to empathize with those around them. This can only happen if these groups share a common space, in this case the circulation space. People are brought into the facility through a number of means and then forced to circulate in the same common space. It is here that the most valuable form of interaction occurs in regards to breaking prejudices occurs—observation. What follows is a series of descriptions and reasoning for the included major program spaces. The first part of each space (italicized) is told through the eyes of two people, Donald and Liz, moving through the building. Following that is a description of the space, target use group, and any other relevant information.

As Donald crosses over the skywalk from Lazarus he notices a crowd on the ground mingling, some with shopping bags and others with ice cream cones. He glances up to see the glass and steel enclosure he is about to enter and contemplates the sinuous curvature of the form. Pushing open the door he enters a new and exciting world filled with haggling, discussion, and excitement. Donald has heard so much about the new bazaar. "You just have to go. . .there's always something new," all of his friends said. So he is here, standing there for a few moments to take it all in. To his left is a woman selling one of her handmade leather belts to a customer. Next to her is an artisan being questioned about the location of the subject in the painting. Donald moves over to the rail to look down on the floor below that is filled with more bazaar spaces each selling what appears for the most part to be hand-crafted goods. He spots someone selling easels and walks past a group of teenagers talking about what to eat for lunch and heads for the escalator.

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The bazaar spaces are where street vendors, artisans, and traditional cart vendors mix in an environment that promotes interaction and communication between seller and buyer. The site itself, and the immediate surrounding area, through the history of Cincinnati have housed a number of markets. The concept behind the bazaar is to bring a Findley Market type of atmosphere to the downtown environment on a daily basis. A constantly changing mix of vendors with a wide range of products will be here. In addition prices with all vendors will not be fixed; encouraging haggling and discussion between the participants. Some vendors will also be the creators of the objects for sale, typically artisans. In this way these vendors will not be mere salespeople, they will be representatives who can communicate an idea or process to someone who might not otherwise be that familiar with the product being displayed. By doing this, the bazaar moves away from the traditional mall environment where the average sales person knows little about the product in its finished form and almost nothing about the process of creating that work. The bazaar will hopefully attract residents from the Over the Rhine area. Here will be an area open for purchasing of goods for practical as well as frivolous needs. The bazaar will provide a basic service that currently is lacking. Over the Rhine is a neighborhood with a low average income and undoubtedly sustenance is a primary concern for many, and here hopefully they can also fill other basic needs. The basic services will be provided here, encouraging residents from Over the Rhine to go. Additionally the bazaar will provide an experience not alien to the average mall-going suburbanite, but instead of the traditional passive interaction that takes place in a mall the bazaar will promote greater interactions, so what could be viewed, as a novelty is not, instead the space promotes a dynamic social environment. Liz steps out of her car in the garage excited to see the finished display on the Northside neighborhood. She grew up there and helped to add in a new section about the industrial history of the area. As she exits the garage she comments to herself about the brightness and pleasant atmosphere there. Liz passes through the double doors and onto the glass block passageway leading towards the neighborhood history spaces and passes a young couple with two kids skipping along. She walks into the Northside display where a small crowd is mingling including an older man that looks like one of her old neighbors. Down on the floor Liz sees several children on the floor looking at the lower three feet of the displays, which is focused on children. Some are typing on a computer screen while others learn about children their age one hundred years ago. Their parents,

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meanwhile, are able to carefully read the text for once unmolested by screaming and running kids. Liz walks around to see the display she works on and smiles as a couple behind her comments about moving to Northside and out of the suburbs to get closer to the city. Exhibits will be placed within the space for the display of the history and cultural makeup of the neighborhoods of Cincinnati. Here people cannot only learn about both where they live, but also about where the people around them live and have lived. Through these spaces not only will people gain a greater understanding of individual neighborhoods, but also of the city as a whole. Ideally all who come to the space will flow through all such area gaining a greater understanding of the neighborhoods of others and also the people who live there. The spaces will be administered so that groups from all neighborhoods can actively participate in creating displays of the "current" history of the neighborhood. These spaces are intended to draw in people from the older neighborhoods of the city such as Clifton, Hyde Park, Northside, etc. People from these areas are more typically concerned about their neighborhood. Nowhere in the city are there such spaces dedicated only to history of individual neighborhoods. The history spaces also provide another reason for people from the suburbs to come to the facility. Each neighborhood history space will obviously be geared towards the inhabitants of that particular area, but at the same time be equally inviting to those from other neighborhoods.

Donald grabs up his custom made easel that he got for quite a bargain and moves back up the escalator to find a bite to eat. On his way up the second escalator he passes a man that he thinks might be homeless, but is not sure. At any rate the man is nice and never once asked him for money, quite different than his notion of bums. No, not bums that guy didn't seem to be a bum. Homeless seemed more appropriate. At the top a myriad of smells greats Donald. He has heard great things about the food here. Most of the area restaurants are here in some form of another. Donald figures he could come here for weeks and never eat the same thing twice. It must be great for people working in the area and even better for the family that cannot decide on one place. With some many choices he's forced to choose between chili, ribs, coneys, or a cornedbeef sandwich. Food vendors and restaurants will be placed throughout the space that will house local restaurants such as Camp Washington Chili, Izzy's, Montgomery Inn, Skyline, and Larosas. There will be both a variety of food choices as well as a range of economic

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prices so that no one will feel like they either can not afford the food, or not offered items that suit their food preference. It will in a sense be a year round mini-Taste of Cincinnati (an annual even showcasing a large number of restaurants in the region). Food service will provide opportunities for exchange among diners and provide another reason for people to participate in the social atmosphere of the space. The food service will also provide a point of departure into the rest of the space for some people. This program element is geared towards all members of the community. Everyone must eat to survive and most at one time or another go out of his or her homes to eat. In particular it is hoped that the variety of food served here will act as an attraction to the business workers seeking food lunch. Exposure to the space on a daily basis if only for a limited time will encourage people to make a return trip at a different time. More selections will mean that people are less likely to become tired of the same menu and thus return more frequently. Liz walks through a few more history displays before the scent of coffee catches her nose. Not just coffee, but lattes, mochas, and cappuccino. She turns a corner and past a middle-aged man. Oh, one of her father's friends. "Hi". Liz walks through a small crowd sitting at tables sipping coffee to order he own. A half dozen conversations are going at once around her, but it is peasant in a way. A few other people move in between her to order drinks and find tables. She steps in line to order and listens to the conversations between strangers in line. Some are discussing the weather or UC's upcoming basketball season and the prospects for the prospects for the postseason. Having ordered a tall cup of black coffee she walks over to a table by the window wall to look out on the crowd on the street. She's fortunate to find the table with the crowds today. There is the possibility for multiple shops within the space, which do not have to be coffee shop in the traditional sense, and they can be any form of quick beverage/small food dispensary. Their function here is two-fold. First is to provide a place for informal social exchange as is consistent with the historical model, of the Coffee House. Unlike the historical model the people using the coffee shop are not those specifically seeking social contact or interaction. The coffees shops can be seen as not a major element in the programmatic sequence, instead is a minor pause point. Because of the high volume of people using the space and the incidental nature of their use, the coffee shop is an excellent forum for interaction within the larger social space of the facility.

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This program space is geared in part toward parents who need a quick break and refresher and also the more "social status" conscious who view the space as a status icon. Its attraction to others relies on its ease and convenience; people will stop to get a drink or something to eat out of practicality. Coffee is also a great social leveler. Many people drink it, and there are representatives of all groups that drink it, so at the coffee shop a consistent flow of a variety of people will be present. This way the coffee shop can act as a direct facilitator of interaction and communication. Donald finally decided on a pizza instead and after finishing decides to check out the info access area he's heard about. He actually had a conversation with a nice older lady and the conversation she had with her grandson on the videophone. The best part for her was that it was provided for free. Nice lady, whoever she ways. Donald made his way across the glass block bridge and past a small school group to the escalator. He stepped off at the top and made his way to a group of tables and cubbies filled with all sort of communication devices. A smile came across his face as he say a young boy who looked like he had very little money learning to use the Internet. He decided to sit down next to him, young people always know so much about computers. The information access facility is a facility within the facility for use by the occupants of the space for gaining or transferring information. This includes access to the Internet, telephone, postal services, and both local and national media outlets. These services, with the exception of postage, are provided free to users of the space. Providing equal access to these services for all will help to promote the sense of equality among the varied people of the community. The sharing of information is vital to the formation of any bond of community or group. The free use of these facilities again empowers the individual with knowledge that they otherwise may not have possessed. Management staff of these facilities must take great care to not infringe on the individual, but, (especially in the case of the Internet), also take care so that users do not use the facilities in an inappropriate or illegal manner. All can obviously use the service, but its inclusion in the program is intended to attract those without such access, primarily those of lower income. Resources such as these will hopefully draw people into the space that may not otherwise have reason to. The space is also geared toward the businessperson or traveler who are seeking a quick source where they view a variety of news services, or conduct business over distances. Liz throws away her cup someone getting their hair cut in the barbershop catches her eye. A young man in the third chair from the left is getting what looks like a mohawk.

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As she walks up to the glass viewing window and woman break off from her conversation to ask Liz's opinion of the hairstyle. "Kids these days." Inside the shop above the buzz of clippers and the snips of scissors a conversation is heating up about the latest football draft. Almost everyone is involved in the discussion about trading down for more picks or gambling on that quarterback out of UCLA. Only a small group near the side is talking about a different topic, the connections between the Bible and UFOs. The barbershop provides a service that is needed by all. The facility is open and viewable to the public allowing two groups of interaction, the traditional interior barbershop atmosphere and the people removed from that space observing. The people outside exist in a much more fluid environment, while the people on the interior exist in a comparatively more static space. In this way it provides another means to draw people into the space. This space is targeted at the poor in the area; it gives them a point of orientation and familiarity. Most importantly it provides a service that is not frivolous. It is also hoped that as a secondary draw that other members of the community will join in and participate. Donald is done checking his email and gets up to leave. The little boy was well mannered and pleasant. Maybe if the news would feature more youths like him and less about criminals his age people would think differently about going downtown. On his way out Donald sees another cylinder filled with postings and television screens. Since entering the skywalk he has seen them and finally curiosity makes him stop to look at one. All around are advertisements for all sorts of local events, garage sales, small concerts, and cars for sale. Looking up the television displays community happenings. Walking around Donald notices a posting in neon yellow calling for an end to police brutality and announcing a weekly meeting to discuss the issue. "What a cool idea," he says out loud. Another man about his age, but from a different ethnic background responds, "Yeah all that up there you don't see anywhere else." Information cylinders are public facilities placed at different points were people can post messages, opinions, flyers, etc. It provides a needed outlet for communication especially for the poor and less advantaged who lack the multiple forums for such an outlet. While providing an outlet the cylinders also act as a stimulus for conversation. They play a valuable role in the mission of information transfer and provide a means through which people can voice their opinions without having to expose themselves to public presentation.

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This is a service geared toward those without a prominent public voice, which includes without large financial resources, the ability to vote, or anyone else who for whatever reason has limited means to have their opinions heard. It provides a forum that can help to give a voice to many. The message is delivered directly to the viewing audience without any mediating filters so the audience and the author can be sure that the message is both uncensored and will be received so. This fact will certainly appeal to the skeptic who feels that they are powerless and voiceless in a system that caters to larger entities. Liz leaves the discussion about hair trends and makes her way past two couples on some sort of double date on her way to pick up a bridal magazine. On the way she passes the child care center and lets out a little sigh. Only a few more years until she has kids of her own. Just then someone calls her name and she turns to see a friend from work. Jenny had just dropped her two young ones on her way to a meeting since her husband is out of town. Jenny always talks about the kids, but Liz is surprised that she leaves them with strangers. "Oh no, they have a great time here. Some of their friends are here and the staff are great." Hmm. Liz knows the security is great here, she remembers seeing a piece on the news about it. "See ya." The childcare center is a service-oriented space, and it provides a space for children for parents who either need or want to move though the facility without their children. It also provides another option for working parents who need to provide care for their children when they are working. Christopher Alexander stresses the point that it is important that the child feels they are making the decision to stay there, so the space should have a large approach so that the child can become familiar with the new environment. The space also importantly provides another reason and incentive, one not typically found in suburban malls, for people to come to the facility. This element is targeted to many different groups for a number of reasons. Parents who come to the facility to use elements of the entertainment spaces, eating dinner and viewing a movie for example, but wish to have some time to themselves can use the center. Others may work in the area and need a reliable and close place where their children can be cared for safely while they work. Donald turns and moves toward the escalator. Time to head back home to see what his friends are doing tonight. He stops after moving down a floor though nearly running into a lovely young lady in the process though. "Sorry." He saw a sign for a Self Help area. Curiosity gets the best of his schedule for the day and he pops in to see what

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it is. The series of rooms looks like a library of sorts and around the corner it looks like there is and exit to the outside. "Those crazy steel and glass things are pretty cool," he thinks to himself. Unbeknownst to him there are a number of people solving their own little problems. A woman is researching information about apartment leases and how to break them if the landlord is irresponsible. A man is looking up the times for the next job training class offered in the facility. Recently he moved into a halfway house after living on the street for sixteen years and for the first time in a long time is excited about the future ahead of him. All the time in a private room a couple is talking to a lawyer free of charge about purchasing their first home. This area is focused on attracting those without access to vital resources in terms of job training, legal counsel, and other professional advice. The services are provided free to those who demonstrate a need for them. The service is primarily also self-serving where staff would be on hand to answer questions, but not instruct the individual. The individual would seek out the information, for the most part, on their own. Most importantly since the use group is primarily poor and possibly not well educated it is important they be given a sense of belonging and self-empowerment. By seeking out the information on their own, the user of this space is not receiving help from others, but instead helping him or herself. Because some people may feel ashamed of using the space they can use a more discrete entrance to allow for more privacy. This space is targeted toward those who need skills and or counsel in a particular matter but are without the resources to attain them. While this can include a number of people with limited financial means and lower education levels, it is not limited to them. It also includes people who are changing careers and need information or some training. It can include people involved in minor legal matters, such as the purchase of a first home or the selling of an automobile, with no one to turn to for advice. The target group also includes younger people who do not have the resources or the networks with which to gain the information otherwise. Liz makes it to the newsstand and picks out her bridal magazine and gives John (after a few months of regular business the owner and Liz were on a first name basis) money for the purchase. The man behind her must be there on business. The suit and the nametag scream convention. It is popular stop being only a block away from the convention center. He asks her what she is doing for dinner, but Liz politely shows him the engagement ring. "Well he's a lucky guy," he says kindly and walks on with his

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paper. Liz thumbs through the magazine as she walks away dreaming of the honeymoon in Hawaii. The newsstand is a small programmatic element that serves multiple functions. It acts as a drawing element to people working in the immediate area and people staying in hotels nearby. It also acts a complimentary element to other elements in the space such as the coffee shop or small eateries. Finally it acts as a means for distributing information. The newsstand is very much in the tradition of social spaces as a means for the distribution and transmission of information. The space is primarily employed as a complimentary element to the rest of the program spaces within the facility, and thus targeted towards the population as a whole. Furthermore, it acts as a complimentary element to the hotels near the area, and thus appeals to a very transient group that would not otherwise use the space. The space is also geared toward the businessperson or traveler seeking a quick resource where they view a variety of news services. Having satisfied his curiosity Donald leaves and continues to the escalator, but stops as his cell phone rings. It's his friends calling. The plan is to meet at the new nightclub downtown. "Where is it, I'm downtown now?" "Fourth and Race in the new building by Lazarus. You know, the one that looks all crazy." "Yeah, that's funny I'm there now, didn't know there was a nightclub here." The phone call suddenly freed up the next hour. Donald decided that wasn't bad. No sense in fighting traffic right now and the people seem to be friendly here. Its' not what he expects at all downtown. "Ok, so what do I do?" he mumbles as he glances around. Donald notices a crowd of all ages mingling around a glass-viewing window and walks over to check it out. Inside are a number of men and women lifting free weights, some of the people are considerably large. Donald looks at his own arms and thinks that maybe he should join the gym here. "I might as well just get a sleeping bag and live here, just about everything is here you would need," he thinks as he walks over to a bench to sit down. The gym in itself is not a highly public space. It instead acts as a drawing element and a complimentary device. It serves those working and living in the area. It especially compliments the apartment units in the facility providing an amenity that could be incorporated into the rent structure to make the apartments an even more attractive housing solution. The gym houses a juice bar that serves both the gym and the facility as a whole. The juice bar while serving a practical function serves to further mix together the varied groups and cells within the facility.

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Liz strolls up to the movie theater lobby to check on some movie times for tomorrow. There's a three o' clock showing of the movie her fiancée keeps talking about. She's going to surprise him. She stops at the concession counter to get some popcorn and walks out of the lobby to sit down at a table. At another table a couple is sharing a pizza from LaRosas. After the movie she decides they should get some pizza, Liz has not had any in months and Larosas is her favorite. Her cell phone rings and her friend on the other line tells her everyone is definitely meeting at the nightclub tonight. She munches on some more popcorn as she watches the seemingly endless parade of people stroll past her. The movie theater works within the existing arts/entertainment network downtown and also acts as a draw for those people seeking passive entertainment outside of the home. There is no movie theater in the downtown proper, but there are number of live theaters. The movie theater can offer a mix of box office movies and art/independent films. Box office movies are more likely to appeal to the "mall crowd" and art/independent films can work to draw the live theater population already in the area. By varying the types of movies that are shown in the theater it has the potential to appeal to almost all user groups, which is one of the theater's strongest assets. Donald wanders downstairs and past a group of college kids making fun of their friend's new mohawk. Donald suddenly finds himself in a lobby of sorts. He wanders for a few minutes whether there is a hotel here too before he realizes it is an apartment lobby. "Guess I won't need a sleeping bag overall." It's quieter here and after a few more minutes he starts to wonder if it's only for guests. An information desk about the units confirms to him that he can be there and he decides to check out the prices. "Maybe in a few years after some of the loans are paid off." The apartments give a base population to the facility and attempt to capitalize on the movement of people back to the downtown area to live. The higher rents that the apartments can demand (based on location, views, amenities) also helps to subsidize some of the lower income-generating elements of the facility. The renters of the apartment most likely would be young families, individuals, or couples without children. Liz moves upstairs to the nightclub while passing by the art gallery on the way. She has a few minutes before she is supposed to meet everyone so she stops in to have a look. There is an enormous variety of works displayed, all the name tags list the artists as being from Cincinnati. Liz walks past a well dressed couple on her way to look at some pieces of sculpture. "I wonder how much they spent on dinner? That's the beauty

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here though. You can eat a meal for a few dollars or spend seventy on a steak alone." She muses. Liz circles around and passes a young man wearing shabby clothes sketching the painting in front of him as she makes her way up to the nightclub. The artist gallery fills the void left by Clossons (the art gallery sat just south of the site for many years and was located downtown for more than a century and a half until moving), and helps to connect the network of existing galleries in the area. The artist lofts help to compliment the artisan nature of the bazaar and create more diversity in the facility. The gallery draws on the existing population of gallery-goers in the area, and is one of the more specifically targeting spaces within the facility. The artist lofts help to add another level of diversity to the space by providing another level of regular users of the facility, being the artists themselves. Donald makes his way upstairs to meet the group at the nightclub. Streaming by him are all manner of people of different ages, not at all the crowd he expected here. He sits down. On the floor are two bars and a nightclub. He would never have guessed all this would be here when he first walked into the bazaar. Donald looks up to see his fiancée Liz, "Hey sweetie, been here long? Nice place here." The bar and nightclub acts to draw populations into the facility at different periods of time and expand on the possibilities of the social environment. Bars and nightclubs are inherently social environments and their inclusion within the facility only helps to boost the draw of diverse populations. The bar and nightclub are also somewhat exclusive, requiring an amount of money for use, so they have been placed on the upper floors of the building which has several effects. It does not separate other elements of the building that would commonly be open at hours different that the nightclub and bar and also encourages patrons of those spaces to move through the facility and possibly experience elements of the building they had not specifically come to see. The group of friends emerges a few hours later and hops in the elevator for a ride down to the garage. Donald gives his keys to a friend who took a bus so he can take his car home. They live near each other and Donald is going home with his fiancée Liz anyway. They see a pair who had way too much to drink head outside to grab a taxi home. "Good for them, at least they have some sense." It is hard not to be able to find a way to or from the place. There are so many means of transport that move through here or by here. Without a thorough integration of all means of transportation and a equal respect for all modes the space will not live up to its full potential and will most likely not

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generate the volume of people necessary to create a public discourse in the space. The traditional urban environment sees a heavy volume of pedestrian traffic and that is the case in Cincinnati, but primarily only during the working hours. Outside of those hours there is not a significant amount of pedestrian traffic. Cincinnati is one of a few cities to use a skywalk system and the success of the system can be seen most notably when weather is bad (in terms of precipitation and temperature), which is more days out of the year than not. Respect must be given to this system especially if there is hope of drawing a significant amount of business traffic into the space. Many businesses sit directly on the skywalk system and clearly benefit from the high volume of traffic that flows through the space incidentally. It is the pedestrian that controls this system; all other methods of transport in the city operate below the skywalk. The bus provides a unique system of movement to the space. The environment of the bus itself is a communal space providing the riders with an opportunity, if not to communicate directly, then to share information through observation interacting all the same. The bus rider arrives to any given space divorced from the environment they traveled through to get there, but engaged in an environment and situation very different than that of the automobile. The public bus, through the means of frequent stops, at least allows the occupant to view the world they are traveling in greater detail, allowing a little more engagement than the car does. Cincinnati has no mass transit system (besides the slow moving bus) and it is not likely that there will be one in a conceivable future. People are dependent primarily on their cars to reach the downtown area. Newspapers in Cincinnati cite many complaints of shoppers stating that it is too hard to find parking downtown further, which emphasizes the need for onsite parking. The family arriving from the suburbs will find the space and the journey much more appealing if there is direct access parking contained within the facility. This provides a new opportunity to use parking space as never before. Instead of a garage or lot being thought of merely as an end to one journey and the start of another, here it can be viewed as a point of a continuum in a process. As Donald and Liz make their way to the car they both talk about the "craziness" and unusual form of the building. Finally they put it together that the building works despite the number of different "things" in it because of the integration of all the pieces. Everything there is to see and do is solid, almost boxlike and is connected by the open steel and glass pieces. Liz calls them the muscles and tendons that tie together the

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program spaces, which she calls the bones. The places where people move are open and lighter. The program spaces in turn open up to this circulation area and in a way the spaces flow in and out of each other. Donald comments that the spaces seem to flow even outside of the building, something he noticed when coming in. They shrug and laugh at themselves, regardless of connections or flow they had a lot of fun. The Circulation Space is the binding element that links programs spaces and events within the facility and also links the facility to the surrounding built environment. This space goes beyond being about the mere movement of people. It acts as a space for a shared experience and leveling plane that attempts to make all users of the facility an equal to the others. Here all users come and move about regardless of their specific destination within the building. There is no hard boundary between the Circulation Space and the program spaces surrounding it, as exists at the typical suburban mall. The central area at a mall acts primarily as a circulation element leading people between points of destination and the only reason for a person to engage this space is when they are resting. Interaction occurs here importantly through observation. Through observation prejudices and stereotypes are changed which in turn will lead toward more compassion for one another and that in turn will develop into social change. The Circulation Space will act to engage people at every step because it will be the collecting basin for all program elements. Here a person moving to get a haircut will be able to interact with those browsing museum displays and both groups will be able to watch a dance or performance. There are four means through in which the Circulation Space and program spaces interact: through materials, visual connections, overlapping transportation paths, and program spaces extending into the Circulation Space. Similarities in material elements and/or finishes between the Circulation Space and the program spaces can link the two. Likewise, differences can help to separate and distinguish one space from the other, when it is necessary to provide such a distinction. Material elements can act to screen or provide transition areas, zoning a level plane into different uses. Flooring and ceiling patterns, for example, can soften the transition and blur the distinction between inside and out, providing for a greater connectivity not only between interior spaces, but also between the exterior and the interior. fig. 64—Visual Integration Sightlines between a program space across the Circulation Space to another program space can also tie the two spaces together in lieu of a direct physical connection. Visual elements can also be placed within these corridors to further enforce the tie. Visual connection can also help when physical connection is not possible due to program

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restrictions. Visual ties can help the person in the Circulation Spaces feel as if they are part of the entire space, that the spaces are a singular space. Transportation systems in the Circulation Space can move through program elements that both link multiple spaces and force people to move through spaces they might otherwise not move through. These pathways can then continue on to other spaces to link either common elements or dissimilar elements. In this way the transportation systems can act as binding agents inside of the building on a small scale just as they do on a larger scale outside of the building. Spaces can dissolve or extend themselves into the Circulation Space to provide a direct physical link between the two spaces. As the program elements of a space slowly fig. 65—Transportation remove elements of itself in favor of the area of the Circulation Space it then becomes Integration difficult to distinguish between the two elements and then the spaces engage each other. These elements, such as ticket sales, can act as signposts to connect elements and move people into the space. Also, singular elements related to the space can be located a distance away in the Circulation Space. The space between then becomes a mixed zone where users of the program space and passers-by can mingle. The circulation space serves as the "public domain" of the building. It is here were people are encouraged to linger through architectural means such as seating, material changes, programmatic spaces, and visual cues. It is impossible for any built structure alone to break through the engrained stereotypes and prejudices that divide people, but they can help. If people are given a chance to examine and question the prejudices (which are really schemas that have not been challenged and thus accepted as fact) then they will most likely change those stereotypes and truly begin to empathize with those around them. This can only happen if these groups share a common space, in fig. 66—Extension Integration this case the circulation space. People are brought into the facility through a number of means and then forced to circulate in the same common space. It is here that the most valuable form of interaction occurs in regards to breaking prejudices occurs— observation.

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CONCLUSIONS

"A spontaneous living theater, it's the experience of places where people com to see and to be seen, places to be a showman and for 'doing you thing,' places for relaxation and a change of pace, places for a sip or a snack, places for fairs and festivals, for rituals and celebrations, places for fun and games places for establishing a sense of linkage and continuity with a cultural and historical tradition, places where shopping remains a joy and a creative social experience, the occasion for the meeting of friends and neighbors as well as strangers, places for the sharing of news and for the expression of views." (Curran 24)

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fig. 67—Diagrams showing movement from group interaction to public space generation

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fig. 68—Sectional Diagram showing the common environment of the circulation space

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fig. 69—Diagrammatic model showing integration of transportation routes and program spaces bound by the circulation space

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There is a lack of empathy and compassion today that has not only left many to suffer and die on the street but also has left many more to struggle through poverty their entire lives. While help could be rendered to these people and many more it is not. Financial considerations are not the only problem. Many urban poor do not have the same opportunities for education and employment, as do those living in the suburbs. There is a lack of understanding and empathy between these groups that helps to perpetuate the problem. When suburban voters deny school levies from the inner city they are saving a pittance in property taxes for themselves, but are also destroying the futures of countless children. Partly in an effort to mediate these circumstances I have proposed this particular social/design solution. Alone it certainly cannot effect change, but through time the people that interact in the space could effect such change. To prove concretely if the building would work as proposed would be impossible, save to carry out the project and construct the facility. Programmatic elements are derived from both existing facilities and sociologic needs of people. Components of the proposed facility are contained in other successful public buildings (the mix of program spaces in the Metreon in San Francisco and the combination of retail spaces in the department store for example), which help to support credibility. The concept of the facility is not too dissimilar from the suburban mall, though the organization and purpose is different, which supports reasoning that people would seek out the space as a retail environment. Some critics may say that the proposed project in reality would be too cost prohibitive, but I disagree. The city of Cincinnati has shown willingness on numerous occasions to provide subsidies for businesses that would bring people into the downtown basin. The voting taxpayers have approved sales taxes the construct two sports stadiums with a construction cost totaling more than half a billion dollars. On top of this the stadiums require admission fees. There would be no such fees in the facility I have proposed, and thus is a greater benefit to the individual. If the struggle on the part of the public school board to convince voters to pass tax levies is any indication about priorities of the individual then it would indicate the individual voter is concerned only about himself or herself. People are also likely to use the space for its uniqueness and the difference in goods it offers as compared with the mall. Numerous newspaper articles have dealt with the subject of shopper frustration over the seemingly sameness of all malls.

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The key issue in terms of this interaction is the attraction of all groups in the city so that a true dialogue can occur. Interaction occurs in all spaces, but primarily in the overlap between the binding circulation space, taken from models of public domain, and the program spaces. The three preceding illustrations attempt to diagram this. The circulation space is more than a lobby or hallway. It is the means of transport throughout the building and connects as well as possible with the exterior systems of transport and movement (bus lines, skywalk, roads, sidewalks, and interstates). I feel that there is sufficient reasoning for each included program space and user group to show how these groups would be brought into the space. Once the groups are within the facility interaction must occur. Whether or not it would be of the type to change schema and pre- conceptions we will never know. However I feel that there is sufficient supporting evidence to suggest that there would be significant interaction. If you have made it this far (or even if you started on the previous page) you may have some interest in the subject. I at least hope the material has not served as a sedative! Either way I will make this parting appeal. Question what you believe to be the truth about others and take the opportunity while in a social situation to observe others in an effort to challenge those beliefs. Finally (my political statement) if you are able to vote and have the opportunity to help any group through the passing of a tax levy or any other means please do so. Only through an understanding of and a compassion for others may we come together as a society.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Alexander, Christopher, Sara Ishikawa, and Murray Silverstein. A Pattern Language Which Generates Multi-Service Centers. Berkeley: Center for Environmental Structure, 1968

Ambrose, Stephen E. Nothing Like it in the World. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000.

Beyard, Michael D., et al. Developing Retail Entertainment Destinations. Washington D.C.: ULI-the Urban Land Institute, 2001.

Brown, Rupert. Group Processes. Worcester: Billing & Sons Ltd, 1988.

Chako, Mary. Connecting. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2002.

Chapman, David. Creating Neighbourhoods and Places. London: E & FN Spon, 1996.

Cheney, Glenn A. Television in American Society. New York: Franklin Watts, 1983.

Cincinnati Buildings. Volume 1 Carew Tower. February 1931.

Clubbe, John. Cincinnati Observed: Architecture and History. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1992.

Curran, Raymond J. Architecture and the Urban Experience. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, 1983.

Crossick, Geoffrey and Serge Jaumain. Cathedrals of Consumption. Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999.

Cuff, Dana. The Provisional City. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2000.

Douglas, Tom. Groups. New York: Tavistock Publications, 1983.

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Ford, Larry R. The Spaces Between Buildings. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000.

Giglierano, Geoffrey J. The Bicentennials Guide to Cincinnati. Cincinnati: Cincinnati Historical Society, 1988.

Girouard, Mark. Cities & People. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985.

Green, Richard. "Newspaper Article." Cincinnati Enquirer July 16, 1989.

Gutman, Richard J.S. American Diner. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, Inc., 1993.

Hajer, Maarten, and Arnold Reijndorp. In Search of New Public Domain. Rotterdam: NAI Publishers, 2001.

Hattox, Ralph S. Coffee and Coffeehouses. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1985.

Hollea, Phil. "Newspaper Article." Cincinnati Post Neighbors September 23, 1986.

Huston, Aletha C. et al. Big World, Small Screen. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992.

Krupat, Edward. People in Cities. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985.

Lefebvre, Henri. Trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith. The Production of Space. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1974.

Lefebvre, Henri. Trans. Norbert Guterman. The Sociology of Marx. New York: Columbia University Press, 1968.

Lofland, Lyn H. The Public Realm. New York: Walter de Gruyter, Inc., 1998.

No author "Magazine Articles." Architectural Record, October and November 2000.

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No author "Magazine Articles." Architectural Record, August and November 2001.

No author. How to Turn a Place Around. Project for Public Places, 2000.

No Author. "Newspaper Article." Cincinnati Enquirer August 3, 1966.

No Author. "Newspaper Article." Cincinnati Enquirer March 21, 1971.

No Author. "Newspaper Article." Cincinnati Enquirer March 10, 1988.

No Author. "Newspaper Article." Cincinnati Post April 2, 1958.

No Author. "Newspaper Article." Cincinnati Post July 8, 1971.

No Author. "Newspaper Article." Motour August 1979.

No Author. "Newspaper Article." Post-Times Star December 2, 1965

No Author. "Newspaper Article." Times Star June 29, 1922.

Oldenburg, Ray. The Great Good Place. New York: Marlowe & Company, 1989.

Rauh, Richard. Carew Tower History Exhibit. 1994

Richards, Brian. Moving in Cities. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, Inc., 1976.

Richards, Brian. Transport in Cities. London: Architecture Design and Technology Press, 1990.

Ritzer, George. The McDonaldization of Society. Thousand Oaks: Pine Forge Press, 1993.

Rubenstein, Harvey M. Central City Malls. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1978.

Santrock, John W. Psychology. New York: The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., 1997.

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Schmiechen, James and Kenneth Carls. The British Market Hall. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999.

Sennett, Richard. The Fall of Public Man. New York: W W Norton & Company, 1974.

Sennett, Richard. Flesh and Stone. New York: W W Norton & Company, 1994.

Spitzer, Theodore Morrow and Hilary Baum. Public Markets and Community Revitalization. Washington D.C.: ULI-the Urban Land Institute and Project for Public Spaces, Inc., 1995.

Sternberg, Eugene and Barbara. Community Centers and Student Unions. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, 1971.

Walmsley, D J. Urban Living. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1988.

Wolff, Christine. "Newspaper Article." Cincinnati Enquirer June 6, 1988.

Zucker, Paul. Town and Square. Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press, 1959.

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SELECT ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

ALEXANDER, CHRISTOPHER, SARA ISHIKAWA, AND MURRAY SILVERSTEIN. A PATTERN LANGUAGE WHICH GENERATES MULTI-SERVICE CENTERS. BERKELEY: CENTER FOR ENVIRONMENTAL STRUCTURE, 1968 This has been very helpful in identifying program elements to place within the program. Alexander lists a number of spaces and reasons why people would go there. This has been helpful to see why people will go to such a space and what they need when they get there. It also lists spatial requirements and relationships.

BEYARD, MICHAEL D., ET AL. DEVELOPING RETAIL ENTERTAINMENT DESTINATIONS. WASHINGTON D.C.: ULI-THE URBAN LAND INSTITUTE, 2001. This book helped in my precedent research and also helped show why people go places in today's society for entertainment. If focuses particularly on retail, mostly overdone, but it helps to show what people are looking for, or at least told what they are looking for. This book also shows what these spaces are lacking and what I can use in the program to attract people.

BROWN, RUPERT. GROUP PROCESSES. WORCESTER: BILLING & SONS LTD, 1988. Brown looks at sociologic and psychological reasons that groups functions in a particular way in a particular environment. The author uses a large number of experiments and expands on their findings in drawing his conclusions. The text primarily focuses on groups in a work environment, but also deals with group dynamics in a social setting. This book has helped to define and support my understanding/explanation of the way people function around others in a public environment.

CHAKO, MARY. CONNECTING. ALBANY: STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK PRESS, 2002. Chako examines in depth how emerging technologies are changing the way people communicate both over short and long distances. The book was particularly helpful in helping to define and understand how people view these technologies and then to devise ways to incorporate them into the built design.

CURRAN, RAYMOND J. ARCHITECTURE AND THE URBAN EXPERIENCE. NEW YORK: VAN NOSTRAND REINHOLD COMPANY, 1983. Curran goes into great detail in providing information about the structure and layout of the city. In addition to the wealth of visual information the book is

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filled with, the text was helpful in tying together other pieces of research and to flesh out ideas.

CROSSICK, GEOFFREY AND SERGE JAUMAIN. CATHEDRALS OF CONSUMPTION. ALDERSHOT: ASHGATE, 1999. The book is a collection of writings about different stages of development of the European department store. Not only was the text helpful in information about the economic life of the stores, but also the social life.

CUFF, DANA. THE PROVISIONAL CITY. CAMBRIDGE, MA: THE MIT PRESS, 2000. Cuff goes into great detail about the creation of the suburb and destruction of older neighborhoods in Los Angeles. The book is thoroughly written and provided great supporting material for my argument about the changes in society.

DOUGLAS, TOM. GROUPS. NEW YORK: TAVISTOCK PUBLICATIONS, 1983. Douglas writes about group behavior and the text provided excellent material to describe how people interact alone and in groups.

GIROUARD, MARK. CITIES & PEOPLE. NEW HAVEN: YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS, 1985. The book chronicles the development of the city from post-Roman Empire to present day. Girouard provides an overview of events and buildings that do something. It is in effect a survey of. This text is supplementary and provides background and supporting information for the sociologic books.

HAJER, MAARTEN, AND ARNOLD REIJNDORP. IN SEARCH OF NEW PUBLIC DOMAIN. ROTTERDAM: NAI PUBLISHERS, 2001. The authors examine the lack of involvement in the public realm. This was especially helpful in the initial stages of research to define problems and to explore areas of inquiry.

LEFEBVRE, HENRI. TRANS. DONALD NICHOLSON-SMITH. THE PRODUCTION OF SPACE. OXFORD: BLACKWELL PUBLISHERS, 1974. Lefebvre writes about the components of space and as the title suggests how these spaces are connected and formed. He defines space as composed of a number of systems which when connected and overlapped form this construction of space. I used the text to support my view of "public space" as a construct and formed of multiple layers.

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LEFEBVRE, HENRI. RANS. NORBERT GUTERMAN. THE SOCIOLOGY OF MARX. NEW YORK: COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS, 1968. Lefebvre goes into detail to analyze Marx's work on the sociology of man. I have used the text primarily to help explain man's creation/control of the built environment and the subsequent limiting that occurs as a result of the construction. By limiting I mean the choices that each individual is able to make in any environment.

NO AUTHOR. HOW TO TURN A PLACE AROUND. PROJECT FOR PUBLIC PLACES, 2000. While the text was geared more toward revitalizing outdoor spaces, the information it contained was still pertinent and I gave it much consideration when devising solutions for the loss of interaction.

OLDENBURG, RAY. THE GREAT GOOD PLACE. NEW YORK: MARLOWE & COMPANY, 1989. Oldenburg attempts to define and capture the place that everyone can identify as their own and feel comfortable in. He labels this the third place, the first and second being work and home, and does not go further in trying to label this place. Oldenburg looks at current social spaces as well as investigating a number of historical presidents to both define his third place and illustrate problems in the lack of today's current third places, or lack thereof.

RITZER, GEORGE. THE MCDONALDIZATION OF SOCIETY. THOUSAND OAKS: PINE FORGE PRESS, 1993. George Ritzer uses the franchised chain of McDonalds to illustrate the larger trend of economizing of society. In the book Ritzer shows how under the guise of ease and economy people have been fooled into believing their lives are easier as a result of the Jiffy Lubes and McDonalds of America.

SANTROCK, JOHN W. PSYCHOLOGY. NEW YORK: THE MCGRAW-HILL COMPANIES, INC., 1997. This book coves a number of psychological and sociologic principles and was very useful as a starting point for my analysis there. It has also been a great reference when questions have come up through the course of the project.

SCHMIECHEN, JAMES AND KENNETH CARLS. THE BRITISH MARKET HALL. NEW HAVEN: YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS, 1999.

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The book details the development of the market hall in England through history. It also relates this development to historical reasons. I have thus been able to easily apply it to my other research and draw out way to incorporate elements into the program.

SENNETT, RICHARD. THE FALL OF PUBLIC MAN. NEW YORK: W W NORTON & COMPANY, 1974. Sennett uses the concept of theatro mundi, or the urban space as a stage, in analyzing London and Paris through different periods in history to chronicle the withdraw, reentry, and changes of man in public society. He shows how changes in public life are mirrored in the theaters of the time and vice-versa.

SENNETT, RICHARD. FLESH AND STONE. NEW YORK: W W NORTON & COMPANY, 1994. Sennett takes several cities throughout history and describes the interaction between people, their built environment, and the socio/political constraints. Sennett does not attempt to neatly tie all situations together; instead he makes references when appropriate. Sennett concludes the book with an examination of modern day New York and its decline into a society of strangers. I have used this book as supporting material for the construction of historical models and also in the formation of my analysis of present society. The historical models Sennett proposes are also helpful in examining modern society in that he ties together the behaviors of the people with the societal situations at the time.

SPITZER, THEODORE MORROW AND HILARY BAUM. PUBLIC MARKETS AND COMMUNITY REVITALIZATION. WASHINGTON D.C.: ULI-THE URBAN LAND INSTITUTE AND PROJECT FOR PUBLIC SPACES, INC., 1995. This book shows how communities can create markets and how they help revitalize areas. The authors also use a number of case studies to illustrate their findings. The book was helpful not only to flesh out program requirements for the bazaar, but also to help generate the model for the central core. The book has been particularly helpful in the early phases of the thesis in helping to identify the structure of my problem. In turn it also helped to find answers to some questions.

ZUCKER, PAUL. TOWN AND SQUARE. CAMBRIDGE: THE M.I.T. PRESS, 1959. Zucker examines a number of spaces of interaction throughout history, both in this country and in others. This is helpful to my thesis in helping to examine a number of historical spaces to identify why people interacted and how spaces in current society can lead to that interaction.