EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING IN THE
BHUTANESE EDUCATION SYSTEM
Zinpai Zangmo
Master of Education: Curriculum and Instruction [UNB, Canada]
Master of Lifelong Learning: Policy and Management [UCL, UK]
Dr. Radha Iyer: Principal Supervisor
Dr. Donna Tangen: Associate Supervisor
Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Education (Research)
Faculty of Education
Queensland University of Technology
2018
Keywords
Educational policy borrowing, educational policy learning, comparative education, globalisation, localisation, policy practices, policy analysis, discourse analysis
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System i
Abstract
This research aimed to study how educational policy borrowing practices emerged as a field of practice and the various influences that have contributed to this in the Bhutanese education system. This study was conducted through a qualitative interpretivist approach by examining three education policy documents of Bhutan through James Paul Gee’s (1999) discourse analysis.
With the introduction of Western/modern education in Bhutan in 1961 through the visionary leadership of His Majesty, the third King of Bhutan, Jigme Dorji Wangchuck, Bhutan was finally moving forward towards modernisation and development. Modern education was established with the help of India which allowed Bhutan to borrow the entire education system with English as the medium of instruction along with teachers, curriculum and teaching-learning materials.
Since then, in the 57 years of modern education in Bhutan, there has been much change and development in the educational policies Bhutan borrows and the influences that have contributed to these continuous borrowing practices. One such influence is the phenomenon of globalisation and the comparative education concept that allowed international education systems to compare their systems and successes. Through the identification of ‘reference societies’, education systems worldwide continue to strive towards creating an education system that is internationally recognised. This comparison has induced countries to borrow educational policies as they try to follow successful trends from successful education systems. Similarly, Bhutan has borrowed policies and looks towards international education systems for educational policy solutions.
The analysis of three education policy documents from 1988-2017 identified several recurrent discourses. The two most prominent the discourse of loyalty/national identity and the discourse of globalisation/localisation, are studied in greater detail using two of Gee’s features of discourse analysis, which are his six building blocks and five tools of inquiry. Several findings emerged from the two discourses. The discourse of loyalty/national identity was strongly evident in all three education policy documents. The social language used to emphasise the significance of the discourse was assertive
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System ii
and confident. The discourse of globalisation/localisation was also evident in all three policy documents. The need for globalisation along with respect for localisation was well-balanced. The findings indicated a positive impact of educational policy borrowing (EPB) in Bhutan which indicated that the practice of educational policy borrowing will continue as modern education continues to evolve in the global sphere. However, educational policy borrowing practice has led to the development, learning and implementation of educational policy learning (EPL). Educational policy learning was manifested through the Gross National Happiness (GNH) ideology which was introduced into the Bhutanese education system in 2010. The Gross National Happiness ideology an authentic Bhutanese response to educational reform, was introduced into the schools through ‘Green schools for Green Bhutan’. This thesis contributes to understanding educational policy borrowing in Bhutanese education and how localisation agendas can be honoured at the same time, and also provides information on the values that the Bhutanese accord to education in general.
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System iii
Table of Contents
Keywords ...... i Abstract ...... ii Table of Contents ...... iv List of Figures ...... vii List of Tables ...... viii List of Abbreviations ...... ix Statement of Original Authorship ...... x Acknowledgements ...... xi Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1 1.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.2 BACKGROUND ...... 1 1.3 RESEARCH QUESTION ...... 5 1.4 KEY TERMS: DEFINITIONS ...... 6 1.4.1 Comparative Education ...... 6 1.4.2 Policy Borrowing ...... 6 1.4.3 Globalisation ...... 7 1.5 GLOBALISATION AS A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...... 8 1.6 OVERVIEW OF RESEARCH METHOD ...... 9 1.7 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PROPOSED STUDY ...... 10 1.8 POSITIONING THE RESEARCHER ...... 11 1.9 THESIS OUTLINE ...... 12 Chapter 2: Literature Review ...... 13 2.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 13 2.2 POLICY: DEFINED ...... 14 2.3 DEFINING EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING ...... 15 2.4 DEFINING EDUCATIONAL POLICY LEARNING ...... 17 2.5 EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING AND COMPARATIVE EDUCATION .18 2.6 EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING IN THE GLOBAL ARENA ...... 20 2.7 THREE SIGNIFICANT ARTICLES ON EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING INFLUENCING BHUTAN ...... 23 2.8 EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING LITERATURE IN BHUTAN ...... 30 2.9 SUMMARY ...... 31 Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework ...... 33 3.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 33
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System iv
3.2 GLOBALISATION ...... 33 3.3 DEFINITIONS OF GLOBALISATION ...... 36 3.4 THE FOUR DIMENSIONS OF GLOBALISATION AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON EDUCATION ...... 38 3.4.1 Economic Dimension...... 38 3.4.2 Political Dimension ...... 40 3.4.3 Socio-Cultural Dimension ...... 41 3.4.4 Technological Dimension ...... 43 3.5 GLOBALISATION AND EDUCATION ...... 45 3.6 GLOBALISATION INFLUENCES THROUGH TRANSNATIONAL ORGANISATIONS ON DEVELOPING COUNTRIES ...... 47 3.7 LOCALISATION/GLOCALISATION ...... 50 3.8 IMPACT OF GLOBALISATION ON EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING IN BHUTAN ...... 51 3.9 GEE’S DISCOURSE ANALYSIS THEORY ...... 53 3.10 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK EXPLAINED ...... 56 3.11 SUMMARY ...... 57 Chapter 4: Research Design ...... 59 4.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 59 4.2 THE INTERPRETIVIST APPROACH...... 60 4.3 DATA COLLECTION METHOD ...... 63 4.4 DISCOURSE ANALYSIS ...... 65 4.5 GEE’S DISCOURSE ANALYSIS (1999) ...... 66 4.6 CODING DATA ...... 68 4.7 THEMATIC ANALYSIS ...... 71 4.8 FIVE TOOLS OF INQUIRY ...... 73 4.9 CREDIBILITY OF THE RESEARCH APPROACH ...... 78 4.10 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS ...... 79 4.11 LIMITATIONS ...... 79 4.12 SUMMARY ...... 80 Chapter 5: Analysis ...... 83 5.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 83 5.2 BACKGROUND TO THE 1ST QUARTERLY EDUCATION POLICY GUIDELINES AND INSTRUCTIONS (QEPGI, 1988) ...... 84 5.3 INITIAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF THE 1ST QEPGI ...... 87 5.4 LOYALTY/NATIONAL IDENTITY DISCOURSE ...... 91 5.5 GLOBALISATION/LOCALISATION DISCOURSE ...... 100 5.6 SUMMARY ...... 110
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System v
5.7 BACKGROUND TO 30TH EDUCATION POLICY GUIDELINES AND INSTRUCTIONS (EPGI), 2012 ...... 111 5.8 INITIAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS ...... 112 5.9 LOYALTY/IDENTITY DISCOURSE ...... 115 5.10 GLOBALISATION/LOCALISATION DISCOURSE ...... 126 5.11 SUMMARY ...... 135 5.12 BACKGROUND TO THE 31ST EDUCATION POLICY GUIDELINES AND INSTRUCTIONS (EPGI) 2017 ...... 136 5.13 INITIAL ANALYSIS OF THE 31ST EPGI ...... 138 5.14 LOYALTY/NATIONAL IDENTITY DISCOURSE ...... 142 5.15 GLOBALISATION/LOCALISATION DISCOURSE ...... 152 5.16 SUMMARY ...... 160 Chapter 6: Conclusions ...... 163 6.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 163 6.2 FINDINGS FROM THE DATA ANALYSIS ...... 164 6.3 FINDINGS THROUGH GEE’S (2011) FIVE TOOLS OF INQUIRY ...... 165 6.4 OVERALL FINDINGS ...... 171 6.5 WHAT SENSE DO I MAKE FROM THE FINDINGS? ...... 173 6.6 NEW INSIGHTS GAINED FROM THE PHENOMENON UNDER DISCUSSION ...... 175 6.7 LIMITATIONS ...... 178 6.8 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH ...... 178 6.9 SUMMARY ...... 181 References ...... 183 Appendices ...... 203 Appendix A 1st QEPGI 1988 Department of Education: Ministry of Social Services Thimphu: Bhutan ...... 203 Appendix B 1st QEPGI 1988 Department of Education: Ministry of Social Services Thimphu: Bhutan ...... 207 Appendix C 30th EPGI 2012: Ministry of Education ...... 217 Appendix D 31st EPGI 2017: Ministry of Education ...... 233
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System vi
List of Figures
Figure 2-1. Trajectories of educational change and Policy Transfer (Adapted from Johnson, 2006) ...... 25 Figure 2-2. Phillips and Ochs (2003) Educational policy borrowing in education: composite processes...... 28
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System vii
List of Tables
Table 1-1. Bhutanese education policies chosen for analysis ...... 5 Table 3-1 Support for education development in Bhutan (Adapted from Dorji, 2016) ...... 41 Table 4-1 The Interpretivist approach for the study ...... 62 Table 4-2. Coding according to Gee’s six building blocks ...... 71 Table 4-3. Categorising themes according to Gee’s six building blocks ...... 73 Table 5-1. Gee’s 6 building blocks analysed for globalisation/localisation discourse ...... 90 Table 5-2 Sample Table: Loyalty/National Identity discourse through Gee’s six Building blocks...... 112 Table 5-3 Sample Table: Gee’s six building blocks analysed for globalisation/localisation discourse ...... 114 Table 5-4. Words taken out of the 30th EPGI 2012 ...... 117 Table 5-5. Table sample: Gee’s six building blocks analysed for globalisation/localisation discourse ...... 141
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System viii
List of Abbreviations
BBS Bhutan Broadcasting Service
BEB Bhutan Education Blueprint
ECCD Early Childhood Care and Development
EFA Education for all
EPB Educational Policy Borrowing
EPGI Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions
EPL Education Policy Learning
GNH Gross National Happiness
IE Inclusive Education
MoE Ministry of Education
OECD Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development
PISA Programme for International Student Assessment
QEPGI Quarterly Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions
RGoB Royal Government of Bhutan
SEN Special Educational Needs
WB World Bank
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System ix Statement of Original Authorship
The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet requirements for an award at this or any other higher education institution. To the best of my knowledge and belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made.
Signature: QUT Verified Signature Date: 30.10.2018
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System x
Acknowledgements
A sincere thank you to all who were involved in making my participation in the Master by Research programme a success.
First, to my two wonderful and patient supervisory team: Dr. Radha Iyer and Dr. Donna Tangen. The writing and the completion of this thesis was possible only due to your constant guidance and support. Lopen Namey Samey Khadrinche la (My teachers I thank you from the earth up to the sky).
To my panel members who read my confirmation document and my final oral and who provided me with enriching comments to further enhance this thesis. I thank you sincerely too.
I would also like to thank Dr. Yoni Ryan for proofreading and editing my document at such short notice. Thank you very much for the excellent work done on my document. My gratitude to Dr. Martin Reese who took a final look at all the last minute changes.
Lastly, to my husband and my children. Thank you for always being there for me. For weaving wonderful memories into the tapestry of my life as we travel the world while I pursue an education and you all support me financially and emotionally.
Thank you all very much. I am blessed and grateful for everything.
Educational Policy Borrowing in the Bhutanese Education System xi
Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1 INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this study was to investigate educational policy borrowing in relation to K-12 education policies in Bhutan. The study specifically addresses educational discourse within the education documents of Bhutan to explore how these reflect globalisation, localisation and national identity. This research argues that policies reflective of standard nation-state discourse have become invested in discourses that have a global, neoliberal flavour that promotes ‘best practices’ duly borrowed from other countries. Over the years, through the impact of globalisation, Bhutan has borrowed education policies from several different countries and international agencies. While there are studies elsewhere on educational policy borrowing by developing nation-states, there is little to no work on this issue in the context of Bhutan. This study aims to fill the void that exists by investigating aspects of educational policy borrowing of K-12 education policies in Bhutan.
This chapter provides a background to the purpose of the current study in Section 1.2. Section 1.3 describes how the current research idea developed and the research question and the sub-questions that guided the study are identified. In Section 1.4 key terms that put the study into perspective are discussed. In Section 1.5 a brief introduction to the theoretical framework is provided. In Section 1.6 the research methods are described. Section 1.7 describes the significance of the study. In Section 1.8 the researcher positions herself in the research, sharing her concerns about education in Bhutan. In Section 1.9 the thesis outline is provided.
1.2 BACKGROUND
Bhutan is a small country in geographic size and population situated in the Eastern Himalayan region. It is sandwiched between two huge nations: China in the north and India in the south. It occupies a total land area of 38,394 km2 (14,824.0 sq. mi) and has a total population of 781,168 as of January 2016. Bhutan is linguistically very diverse and has around 19 spoken languages. In 1971, Dzongkha was officially selected as the national language of the country. Very little was known about the
Chapter 1: Introduction 1
country in the outside world before the 1960s as the country’s self-imposed policy of isolation strongly defended its sovereignty and distinct identity.
Before 1961, Bhutan had a monastic system of education for the few which included the study of the Buddhist religion, liturgy, astrology, philosophy and the fine arts (Gyamtsho & Dukpa 1998). In the 1960s, Bhutan was moving away from self- imposed isolation and embarking on a new venture of economic development. At this time the establishment of modern compulsory education as a significant developmental investment was deemed necessary and established. In 1961 the first five-year developmental plan was introduced and with it a mass/western style education system (Dolkar, 1999). Mass education system was Bhutan’s first step in policy borrowing.
In its first iteration of policy borrowing, Bhutan imported its education system from outside. Due to its proximity and good political ties with India, Bhutan borrowed its educational policies directly from India, instead of developing educational policies of its own for several reasons. In those early years, Bhutan suffered a lack of modern (read western) educational expertise, resources, textbooks and teaching/learning materials. Therefore, to begin its change in education, in the first iteration of policy borrowing, the Indian curriculum was transferred into the Bhutanese education system. The transfer of a ‘modern’ education system into Bhutan from an outside country brought several challenges with it. Some of these challenges include implementing and teaching a foreign curriculum with foreign teachers and the use of English as a medium of instruction. These challenges are described below.
In the initial phase of modernising the Bhutanese education system through a borrowed curriculum, teachers were brought from India to teach this new curriculum. Bhutan recruited teachers from India for two main reasons. First, the teachers from India were already familiar with the curriculum and teaching resources. Second, Bhutan did not have a qualified teacher workforce. Therefore, teachers had to be recruited from India to teach the curriculum. As well as teaching, the teachers from India were in charge of senior assessment, which was conducted at the University of Delhi for the senior classes of Class X and Class XII with little input from Bhutanese educators.
Another challenge in setting up a modern education system came in 1962 when the government took a landmark decision to use English as the medium of instruction
Chapter 1: Introduction 2
for schooling in Bhutan. According to Dorji (2016) the decision to choose the English language was considered necessary and the right choice for three reasons. First, English was emerging as the global lingua franca; second, English was adopted to maintain links with other nations for socio-economic purposes; and third, it was believed that English was necessary to fulfil the educational needs of the citizens in a modern nation-state. However, up to this time, English was an unknown language to most people in Bhutan.
The introduction of an Indo-Western education system in Bhutan has positioned Bhutan as a borrower. Being a borrower has implied that there is the introduction of mainly western educational approaches, western philosophies and the introduction of English as the medium of instruction that was previously unknown to Bhutan. Since the 1960s Bhutan has continued to expand its borrowing practices of many educational policies from other international education systems and international organisations to enhance the teaching and learning in Bhutanese schools. It is anticipated that the practice of educational policy borrowing will continue for many more years to come (Dorji, 2016).
Bhutanese scholars have argued that the intensification of policy borrowing over time is due to the phenomenon of globalisation and Bhutan’s desire to improve its education system to facilitate its aspiration of being a part of the global community (Dorji, 2005; Rinchen, 2012; Thinley, 2012). With this commitment, Bhutan has sought out various strategies to provide an education for its citizens that allows them to participate with confidence within the global environment. Keeping this in view, the educational policy borrowing trends seem to indicate three things. First, the Ministry of Education (MoE) of Bhutan has tried to include a broad range of international perspectives as contexts for teaching, thereby aligning with the comparable aspects of education in what is learned and experienced in education (Yates, 2011, p. 20). Second, Bhutan participated for the first time in the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA-Development) in 2017, which is under the auspices of the Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). This participation in March 2017 (Bhutan Broadcasting Service, Media Services, 2017) included a preliminary assessment of all Class IX and X students on the three core subjects of English, science and mathematics to prepare them for the PISA-D testing in November 2017. Educators wanted to know where students needed support in their learning so
Chapter 1: Introduction 3
that they could compete at an international level. When these assessment results came in educators could compare and assess the Bhutanese standard of education against those of other developing nations and target specific areas in need of support.
Third, the accelerated speed of globalisation has provided a great challenge for national education systems around the world as they exert pressure to mould students’ skills and attributes so that they fit into the knowledge-based global economy. Like other developing nations, Bhutan, too, has been caught up in this endeavour to become a part of the global education system. However, in spite of the education system in Bhutan taking up the above initiatives, no studies have been conducted to determine if education policy borrowing has brought about significant changes for the better in the education system since the 1960s. Hence, Bhutan’s education system and the educational policy borrowing practices it has engaged in over the years needs to be investigated to understand the current position of the K-12 curriculum. The current research explores how the language of policy has evolved as Bhutan continues to take its place in the modern education system. A more thorough exploration of the influence of globalisation on the practice of Bhutanese educational policy borrowing is provided in Chapter 3 of this thesis.
In the current research, such an investigation was undertaken by analysing three Bhutanese education documents that demonstrate the influence of policy borrowing over time. These documents include the 1st Quarterly Policy Guidelines and Instructions (1988); 30th Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions (2012); 31st Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions (2017). Below (Figure 1.1) is a brief outline of the policies and justification for choosing them for analysis:
Chapter 1: Introduction 4
Table 1-1. Bhutanese education policies chosen for analysis 1st Quarterly Policy, 30th Education Policy 31st Education Policy Guidelines and Guidelines and Guidelines and Instruction Instruction 2012 Instructions 2017 The first education policy Introduces new policies Reintroduced after four document for Bhutan included after the Annual years; includes new Education Conference policies (AEC) held in 2011 Traces the evolution of Provides information on Provides information on educational policy how policies should be how policies should be borrowing since its enacted in schools enacted in schools documentation Reason for analysis: Reason for analysis: Reason for analysis: To understand the types of Understand the kind of Understand the progress policy borrowed and how help and support offered and evolution of policies they were implemented in to school leaders and over the years. the schools. teachers.
1.3 RESEARCH QUESTION
The aim of the proposed study can be expressed as a general research question which serves to frame the line of inquiry (Creswell, 2012). This general question is:
What are the influences of educational policy borrowing practices on the Bhutanese education system?
This general question is further broken down into two more specific research questions which have informed the data collection and the process of data analysis. These specific research questions are:
1. How did educational policy borrowing practice emerge as a field of practice in the Bhutanese education system? 2. What are the key influences that have shaped policy borrowing practices in Bhutan?
Chapter 1: Introduction 5
1.4 KEY TERMS: DEFINITIONS 1.4.1 Comparative Education
Comparative education means the study of different national education systems. Kandel (1933), a pioneer in the field of comparative education defines it as a process that goes beyond describing and comparing education systems for their administrative, curricular and instructional practices. According to Kandel (1933), comparative education means being aware of the socio-political milieu as this exerts a greater impact on school practices of different education systems than do educational theories. Kandel (1933) argues that comparative education is the study of how different educational systems address educational problems in the context of their respective social, political and cultural traditions.
The field of comparative study developed in the early nineteenth century along with national education systems; as Noah and Eckstein (1969) state comparative study focused on the national education system. Furthermore, while comparative education continued to evolve as a discipline, educational leaders started to learn and borrow from other education systems which they considered better and more effective. This trend created what is known as the reference societies (Schriewer & Martinez 2004).
The meaning of reference societies around the globe has now evolved differently for different countries based on the country’s needs and wants; however, the meaning is constituted of education and learning from other school systems which are seen to have better policies (Phillips & Ochs 2004; Steiner-Khamsi, 2004). England, for example, was a reference society for Australia, while England looked west to the US for education ideas and policy (Sellar & Lingard 2013). The US, on the other hand, looked to Japan for educational lessons (Takayama, 2010). Therefore, comparative education presents a continual flow of ideas and has had a sustained history over time. The concept of comparative education in relation to policy borrowing is further explored in Section 2.4 of this thesis.
1.4.2 Policy Borrowing
One main idea or major component of comparative study through the development of reference societies is the practice of educational policy borrowing. According to Philips (2005), “policy borrowing is conscious adoption in one context of policy observed in another” (p. 24). The term indicates that ideas from elsewhere
Chapter 1: Introduction 6
can be borrowed which will then have an impact on the borrower’s system. As Philips (2005) observes, the process is one of identification, introduction and assimilation of an outside policy into a local educational context. According to Schriewer (1990) policy borrowing from one education system to another education system has always been an important process for internalising external policy production. It has also been a method of justifying and legitimising the domestic educational reforms that many countries undertake. Waldow (2012), while agreeing with Schriewer (1990), describes externalisation as ‘a discursive formation that can become relevant in the context of borrowing, and lends itself easily to the purpose of producing legitimacy’ for national reforms in education (p.418). Schriewer (2000) highlights the ‘semantics of globalisation’ (p. 330), whereby nations are compelled to look at other nations to compare their education performance at a global level. Alongside this, policymakers at the international and national level are now becoming more cognisant of the roles they play in educational policy borrowing and the effects such borrowing can have on their nations. The current study acknowledges these aspects of educational policy borrowing in examining Bhutan’s K-12 education policy documents through a critical, analytic lens.
1.4.3 Globalisation
A deeply debated term, globalisation is used to refer to the inter-link between nation states and to the interconnectedness between places, ideas, services, values, and to the movement of goods, technology and labour across national boundaries. Following on from the space-time compression that results from accelerated technological links and movement of goods and ideas, globalisation is also the precursor to ideas that are associated with neo-liberal agendas and the power that comes with it (Held et al., 1999; Spring, 2008). As Ball (2007, 1994) has observed a neoliberal approach includes the mechanisms of a top-down performance management where the choice of policy and curriculum at the local level are minimised, which is evident in the practices of Bhutanese policy borrowing. There is greater competitiveness and contestability (Ball, 2007), which can be seen in Bhutan’s new focus on entering the international testing arena (Bhutan Broadcasting Service, Media Services, 2017). The current study drew on the theory of globalisation with specific reference to how it has an impact on policy borrowing as described below.
Chapter 1: Introduction 7
1.5 GLOBALISATION AS A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The principal theory adopted for the study is the theory of globalisation and the associated concept of localisation.
Globalisation is neither a singular phenomenon nor a conflict-free term. It has been variously defined as a “compression of the world and intensification of consciousness of the world as a whole” (Robertson, 1992, p.8), or as “a set of processes that operate simultaneously and unevenly on several levels and in various dimensions” while Stiglitz (2006) describes it as a volatile concept. However, regardless, it is a useful theory to examine and apply in the context of the current study as it enables us to question how education policies are influenced by macro global practices and provide a lens to examine how practices elsewhere have been adopted. Green (2003) observes that since the 1970s, the processes of globalisation have rapidly increased thereby impacting on education. The impact of globalisation is felt in the demand for skills and qualifications with nation states competing for ideas, skills and knowledge that contribute to economic advantage (Brown, Lauder & Ashton, 2008, p. 133). These factors indicate that nations can no longer live in isolation as each one looks outward to consider the impact one nation can have on other nations, which includes consideration of borrowing educational policies that have worked elsewhere and may work in their context too. Therefore, globalisation and comparative education are two key factors that provide the impetus for educational policy borrowing practices to occur in the areas of education and are of particular interest to this study.
1.1.1 Localisation
As indicated above, globalisation is focused on standardisation of skills and qualifications that interlink places, values, goods, and labour across national boundaries (Held et al., 2000). Localisation refers to products and services that are adapted with a need to consider cultural differences, religious beliefs, languages and economic development and where these aspects link with local communities (Anastasiou & Schaler, 2010). Taylor (2004) describes localisation as the “freedom for schools and local education authorities to adapt the curriculum to local conditions” (2). The concern for those who advocate for more localisation as a push-back against globalisation is the impact of external influences on the host country. Rizvi and Lingard (2010) suggest that a danger in localisation is that it is geographically bound
Chapter 1: Introduction 8
but within these boundaries are competing identity categories. These authors suggest that it is unclear how a nation is to relate to local initiatives without also working against local economic control becoming exploitation. Rizvi and Lingard suggest that localisation is a somewhat utopian idea about the ‘desirability of local policy control’ (p. 195) without acknowledging the role of globalisation that affects in areas such as education policy. A further explanation of localisation is provided in Section 3.6 of this thesis.
In alignment with the educational policy borrowing influences stated above, Bhutan too is now a part of this global educational phenomenon. Over the years, the education system in Bhutan, in its effort to provide an education which is world class and recognised internationally, has borrowed numerous educational policies from other countries. However, up until now, there has been no research undertaken on education policy borrowing practices and the influence that has shaped policy borrowing in Bhutan. Therefore, adopting the theory of globalisation, the proposed research aims to fill this gap in understanding the influence of globalisation on educational policy borrowing in Bhutan through the scrutiny of the global and the local discourse that is present in the three K-12 policies described in Section 1.2.
1.6 OVERVIEW OF RESEARCH METHOD
The current study was conducted from an interpretivist qualitative perspective. The interpretivist perspective focuses on the construction of knowledge about the world around it. Interpretivists concur that knowledge does not exist by itself but is created from our interactions with and meaning-making of the world (Bryman & Bell, 2007; Crotty, 1998).
Although drawing on the interpretivist methodology, the study did not draw on the perspectives of human subjects through undertaking interviews or questionnaires. Rather, it analysed public education policy documents that people within the education system have developed to understand educational policy borrowing practices in Bhutan. According to Myers (2009), data sources can be of various kinds. Apart from observations and interviews, documents and textual materials can also be used as data. Sprinthall, Schmutte and Surios (1991) state that written descriptions of people, events, opinions, attitudes and environments or a combination of these can all be sources of data. Denzin and Lincoln (2008), Domegan and Fleming, (2007), Henning, Van Rensburg, and Smit (2004), and Richardson, (1995) all state that learning about the
Chapter 1: Introduction 9
actions of human beings is best achieved by using qualitative methods because the more “viable the phenomenon under investigation the higher chance it has of being understood better” (Guba, 1981, p. 76). While the study did not involve human sources, it discusses human attitudes and ability to learning and teaching others through the process of educational policy borrowing. Using an interpretivist methodology, this study applies Gee’s (2011) method of discourse analysis to examine the discourses and themes that are present in three Bhutanese K- 12 educational policy documents.
Gee’s (2011) method of analysis provides analytic tools to examine the socially situated meanings in texts with his six building blocks, namely: semiotic building (signs and symbols, belief systems), world building, activity building, socio-culturally situated identity and relationship building, political building, and connection building which were used to probe deeper into the themes found in the policy documents. Along with the six building blocks, his five tools of inquiry, namely, were used in the policy analysis to strengthen the analysis. A further description of these six building blocks and the five tools are provided in Section 4.3.4 of this thesis.
1.7 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PROPOSED STUDY
As mentioned earlier, this study aims to fill the gap that exists in the examination of the impact of educational policy borrowing in the Bhutanese education. One significance of the study is the overall contribution to the policy borrowing literature through a study of a small nation state’s policy borrowing.
It is proposed that the findings of the study will be of interest and value to scholars, stakeholders in the field of educational policy borrowing in Bhutan and in the greater global community. As Merriam (1998) explains, any policy can directly influence future policy, practice and also research in the field of policy borrowing. As will be described in the literature review in Chapter Two, there is little to no research on educational policy borrowing practices in Bhutan. There is a significant growing body of literature in comparative education (Morris, 2012; Steiner-Khamsi, 2010), globalisation (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt & Perraton, 1999; Spring, 2008; Steger, 2009; Stiglitz, 2006), globalisation and education (Burbules and Torres, 2000; Rizvi and Lingard, 2010; Spring, 2009) and educational policy borrowing (Phillips and Ochs, 2003; Johnson, 2006; Steiner-Khamsi, 2016) but none have a specific reference to
Chapter 1: Introduction 10
policy borrowing in Bhutan. The current study hopes to fill this gap by adding to the academic literature on education policy borrowing in Bhutan.
1.8 POSITIONING THE RESEARCHER
In 1991, I graduated with a B.Ed. in Secondary Education with a specialisation in English and Geography education, from the National Institute of Education (NIE) in Samtse, Bhutan. I was posted as a junior high school teacher in central Bhutan, and thus I started my career teaching English to children from Classes IV to VIII. The school I taught in was banded as semi-urban and had a little town about a kilometre away from the school. Most of the parents of my students were farmers with little to no education at all. So, parents played a minimal role in the education of their children.
I was a highly-motivated young teacher with energy and youth who wanted to change the world. I wanted my students to speak good English and engage in classroom lessons with enthusiasm. I wanted them all to get good grades. However, I was not prepared for the shock I would face for the next six years. My assumptions were contradicted by reality. Lessons were one-way lectures and boring. Students could not write or speak good English in spite of it being their fifth, sixth or seventh year learning it. Despite spending most lessons explaining things over and over again to the students, they would say they did not understand anything. It was an uphill battle, both for my students and me.
After a few years of teaching I was transferred to the Teacher Education College where I taught for a year; after that, I was transferred to the Curriculum Division and was made the Head of English for PP-XII. Academically, I was still very naïve and did not understand the causes of my frustrations earlier on as a teacher of English. However, I was still keen and motivated to improve the teaching of English in the schools. During my time as the curriculum officer in charge of English education, a major curriculum review was proposed. It was during this process that I came across reading materials that introduced me to terms and concepts like cultural displacement, post-colonial literacy, hegemony, impacts of modern education and more. In the years that followed, very slowly it dawned on me that teachers’ work was controlled by the policies we adopted and implemented. At that time, there was no research done by Bhutanese scholars to confirm or refute my assumptions. However, there was research at the international level that attributed and acknowledged the impact of educational policy borrowing on other education systems, and I felt a strong responsibility to do
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research in the area to understand if there were any interconnections and also to understand the influences that educational policy borrowing could be having on our education system in Bhutan.
1.9 THESIS OUTLINE
This thesis has six chapters. Chapter 1 introduces the purpose of the research, the context, the research questions, and an outline of the research method, the significance of the research and the limitation of the study.
Chapter 2 examines the relevant literature that exists in the field of educational policy borrowing. It identifies the gaps in relation to understanding policy borrowing in Bhutan and discusses how prior research has informed the choices of educational policy borrowing in Bhutan.
In Chapter 3 the theoretical framework for the thesis is discussed. Globalisation frames the inquiry to educational policy borrowing and global education. Therefore, this chapter will discuss how this phenomenon of globalisation is situated within the theoretical framework.
Chapter 4 outlines the methodology used in this proposed study. It will explain the reasons for choosing the interpretivist approach within the qualitative method paradigms that frame the research. The research design is discussed which includes information on how the data will be collected and analysed. The chapter will also provide information on the trustworthiness of the proposed research.
Chapter 5 analyses three education policy documents of the Ministry of Education, Bhutan. These documents are the: 1st Quarterly Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions (QEPGI, 1988) and the Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions (EPGI) documents for 2012 and 2017. The analysis is done through Gee’s (2011) discourse analysis with a focus on the six building blocks and the five tools of inquiry. The data analysis is done mainly to draw out the two emergent discourses of loyalty/national identity and the globalisation/localisation discourse.
Chapter 6 is the concluding chapter where the findings of the research are discussed in depth. It also provides a recommendation for future research with the globalisation and comparative education field for educational policy borrowing
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Chapter 2: Literature Review
2.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter examines the influences of global policy borrowing trends to understand the nature of policy discourse in the policy documents of the Bhutanese education system analysed for the current research. Increasingly, education in developing countries like Bhutan has become a ‘transportable phenomenon’ where knowledge and best practices from other countries have been borrowed, adopted and transformed into a local product (McDonald, 2012). As Zymek and Zymek (2004) observe, examining how policy borrowing happens is a relevant issue that is central to comparative education studies. In response to the issue of examining policy borrowing, the current study is positioned at the intersection of three fields of research which are: policy and policy borrowing; comparative education; and Bhutanese education in the context of globalisation.
The primary focus of the literature review in this study centres on discussions around educational policy borrowing in international education. It is in three main parts. The first part discusses comparative education as the main avenue through which educational policy borrowing has proliferated in the international education market. The second area of discussion considers the phenomenon of globalisation working as a catalyst in spreading the practices of educational policy borrowing far and wide. Finally, the third review examines education system change through educational policy borrowing, incorporating aspects of comparative education and globalisation.
In addition to the discussion above, gaps in the educational policy borrowing literature will be identified and discussed through a review of three journal articles. These articles consider educational policy borrowing from three different perspectives: types of educational policy borrowing, a framework for educational policy borrowing and the understanding and transfer of educational policy borrowing into a local context. An in-depth review of these articles is undertaken because they highlight the gaps that exist in the literature on policy borrowing in the Bhutanese education system.
The chapter begins by defining policy in Section 2.2 followed by a definition of educational policy borrowing in Section 2.3 in relation to comparative education. A
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definition of educational policy learning is provided in Section 2.4. Comparative education and the importance this play in educational policy borrowing practices globally and the evolutionary changes it has undergone over time will be explored in Section 2.5. In Section 2.6 educational policy borrowing as a global phenomenon will be explored. Taking into account the notion that educational policy borrowing occurs in multiple ways, such as through colonisation, or as Ochs and Phillips (2004) observe, through voluntary acquisition, it is important to discuss how policy is borrowed in context. Therefore, to explain how policy borrowing occurs in the context of Bhutan three studies are reviewed in Section 2.7. Section 2.8 discusses the gap in the literature for Bhutanese educational policy borrowing practice. Finally, Section 2.9 provides a summary of the chapter. The overall purpose of this chapter is to establish the influence of policy borrowing in the K-12 policy documents in the development of the Bhutanese educational framework.
2.2 POLICY: DEFINED
There are no singular ways of defining policy and, as Ozga (2000) and Ball (1994) note it often depends on the study and/or the researcher’s context that determines how it is defined. Hogwood and Gunn (1984) describe policy as any framework that is developed by government institutions, which in the case of the current study is the Ministry of Education, Bhutan. According to Ball (1994), the policy could be a text, a discourse or a process of both “text and action or words and deeds; it is what is enacted as well as what is intended” (p.10). It should be noted that policy goals are not always achieved in practice. According to Rizvi and Lingard (2010) policy depends on the intent and position of the person/s defining and analysing it. The policy provides direction for action without “ever being sure of the practices it might produce” (p.5). Therefore, the language of the policy is important as it represents the perspectives of those who write policy and their intentions for change. According to Ball (1994) policy contributes to developing a ‘social’ meaning in areas such as education. Policies are part of a social history of “organisational and already-existing practices” (Ball, 1994, p. 10).
Dye (2002) described policy as a decision that the government or other agencies of power take to do or not to do something. Decisions are made by designated people or publicly elected agencies in the interest of the public. Rizvi and Lingard (2010) suggested that educational policy is often a response to a perceived problem and that
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writers of policy have the intent to address social, cultural or economic issues perceived as problems, but construct these from a point of view which, indeed, may be at odds with wider empirically or theoretically based views of what is needed to resolve problems. For Ball (2007, 1994), policy texts are framed by broader discourses about how the world is conceptualised. Policy text refers to the written language on paper that signifies certain meanings, whereas policy discourse is the broader language we need to understand to interpret written policy.
Bell and Stevenson (2006) stated that Ball’s (2006) approach underpins the notion that policy is both “product and process” and through this lens “policy can …be seen as not only the statements of strategic, organizational and operational values (product) but also the capacity to operationalize values” (p. 18). Drawing on these authors, the current study understands policy to be “both the identification of political objectives and the power to transform values into practice through organisational principles and operational practices” (Bell & Stevenson, 2006, p. 18). A definition adopted for this study is derived from Bell and Stevenson (2006) who view the policy as guidelines that are assisting in setting the goals and objectives in this study for educational policy.
The current study posits that policies borrowed, as in the case of Bhutan, are invested with values from elsewhere, while also projecting local principles. At present, however, there are no studies that have undertaken a detailed and closer examination of the values, principles, ideas and ideologies that are invested in the K- 12 educational policy documents on Bhutan because of policy borrowing. The next section defines the term, policy borrowing and how it has been conceptualised in comparative education.
2.3 DEFINING EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING
Comparative education scholars such as Philips and Ochs (2004) and Zymek and Zymek (2004) have used a variety of terms to define and describe policy borrowing. Philips and Ochs (2004), for example, described it by various terms such as appropriation, importation, and transfer to indicate the movement of ideas from one region to another. Raffe (2011) described policy borrowing as extracting what is perceived to be best practices from one country and transferring them back to a home country. Ritzer (2000) related policy borrowing to a community learning from global influences and even compared education to McDonald’s, describing policy borrowing
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as the “McDonaldization” of education. The term borrowing as noted by Stone (1991) “is a way to indicate how the transfer of knowledge about policies, administrative arrangements and institutions is used across time and space in the development of policies, administrative arrangements and institutions elsewhere” (p.51). According to Lawn and Lingard (2002), the term policy borrowing indicates the conscious “cross- national process where the successful practices of one or multiple countries are voluntarily adopted by other countries that identify them as good practices that are transferable” (p. 93).
In their review of policy transfer (borrowing) literature, Dolowitz and Marsh (1996) explored who is engaged in policy borrowing, why there is policy borrowing and what lessons can be drawn from studies about policy borrowing. They described the key players in the process to include elected officials, political parties, bureaucrats/civil servants, pressure groups, policy entrepreneurs and experts, as well as supra-national institutions who provide a wide range of possible reasons why policy borrowing occurs. Dolowitz and Marsh (1996) described that some policy borrowing is a voluntary transfer where the host nation perceives there is a problem and that the solution to the problem can be found in successful policies enacted elsewhere. Such borrowing of policies can be one way for a political party to legitimise decisions already made, for example, turning to international experts to be part of the global educational movement. For other nations, there can be a coercive trend of policy borrowing where there can be a direct imposition of policy on a nation. This kind of trend has occurred recently with organisations such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund providing loans to developing nations with a stipulation that certain policies have to be implemented for the loan to be granted. This kind of transfer of policy and its effect on developing countries is explored in greater detail in Chapter 3.
The current research adopts the Haplin and Troyna’s (1995) view of policy borrowing as being “the appropriation of identifiable aspects of another country’s policy solutions, including ways of implementing and administering them” (p. 307). Phillips (2004, 2005) suggested that policy borrowing is the consequence of learning from and understanding what is happening “elsewhere” in education and creates conditions that make possible the search for examples of successful approaches elsewhere when one nation feels that they have no immediate solutions to perceived
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problems (Phillips, 2004, p. 54). From Phillips’s perspective of policy borrowing, policymakers look elsewhere to compare how others have resolved similar problems and borrow what they perceive will fix their problem, sometimes without considering the new context for the policy.
In the context of Bhutan, the first iteration of policy borrowing practice occurred in 1961 when the then king of Bhutan introduced ‘modern’ education to the country. Before 1961, Bhutanese education was mainly religious education for monks and nuns only. Since there was no modern education system then, some Bhutanese were sent to India (Kalimpong and Darjeeling) to study in English medium schools. In 1961, the education policy was borrowed in whole (policy, resources, and teachers) from India, although records from this period are difficult to access. Most of the education policies were mandates provided through circulars by the Ministry of Education. It was not until the late 1980s that consolidated education policies written by Bhutanese officials began to emerge. A history of the global influences shaping Bhutanese education policies is described in greater detail in Chapter 3. In studying these policies, critical to the current research is exploring the effects of policy borrowing on Bhutanese education. The following section explores how policy borrowing leads to a process of policy learning.
2.4 DEFINING EDUCATIONAL POLICY LEARNING
Some scholars (Dale, 1999; Lange & Alexiadou, 2010; Lingard, 2010) distinguish between policy borrowing and policy learning observing that while borrowing only indicates best practices that are transferable, policy learning is inclusive of international practices that are accessed and then designed to contextual requirements. Educational policy learning is an extension of educational policy borrowing; however, it is a practice that provides more independence to the borrowing country, is mindful of the country’s own social, cultural practices and its educational history. According to Dale (1999), educational policy learning is “complex and more instructive” (p.56) as it takes many different forms. Educational policy learning according to Lange et al. (2010) constitutes “governance mechanism usee effect policy change” (Lange et al., 2010, p 445). Mabbett (2007) defines it as different “social processes involved in learning” (p.77) which includes “facilitating, deliberating, developing networks and enabling actors to share good practices and compare results” (p.78). There is an agreement in the three definitions of policy learning as all of them describe it as
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something that is instructive, and which involves processes and mechanisms. Bennett and Howlett (1992) sum up the all-embracing term of policy learning as “learning about the organisation, learning about programs and learning about policies” (p. 289). Educational policy learning, therefore, extends beyond the practice of educational policy borrowing. In direct educational policy borrowing, the aspect of learning through the process of borrowing does not feature however in policy learning a platform is created for a learning process to happen through the practice. Hence the borrowing country is provided with some independence and flexibility to choose a policy which the country wants. According to Dale (1999) with policy learning, countries can “imitate, emulate or copy bilaterally from each other” (p.56). Since the decision to engage in policy learning is taken consciously by the borrowing country, the outcome is better suited to the country’s context and social, economic and cultural needs. In this study, the terms policy borrowing, and policy learning are simultaneously used to indicate how there are practices that are transferred as well as there are practices that are tailored to suit the national approach to education that takes into account its history, society and culture.
2.5 EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING AND COMPARATIVE EDUCATION
Educational policy borrowing is a key area of study in the subfields of comparative and international education as well as educational policy studies (Perry & Tor, 2008). Noah and Eckstein (1969) described five historical phases of policy borrowing which they detail as: travellers’ tales; travellers with a specific educational focus; understanding of one nation in comparison to another; the study of a national character; and the quantitative research phase. According to Noah and Eckstein (1969) the first phase, which took place roughly between antiquity to 1817, is characterised by two kinds of travellers: a tourist-like traveller who observes things that are different and then on their return home shares these novel ideas as stories. The other traveller observes things in other countries and then shares these observations upon returning home with the intent of improving society to match the perceived advanced society elsewhere. The latter group of travellers, who included such scholars as Xenophon, Plato, Cicero and Marco Polo have left behind a rich description of how ideas from one nation can be incorporated into other nations.
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The second phase of comparative education (1817 to 1900) occurred through many tumultuous world changes such as the French revolution, the industrial revolution, the agrarian revolution and the processes of colonisation. According to Noah and Eckstein (1969), this phase is characterised by its focus on educational reforms in emergent nation-states. During this period nations were willing to borrow educational policies from other countries when other nation’s policies were considered ideal. This was a prominent time when European countries also ‘borrowed’ their own policies which they then imposed on conquered nations to exert power over the countries they were colonising (Noah & Eckstein, 1969). This period is also considered to be the starting point of comparative education, often attributed to Marc Antoinne Jullien De Paris' (Fraser, 1964) work Plan and Preliminary Views for Work of Comparative Education. According to Sobe (2002), Jullien attempted to conceptualise comparative education (and the study of educational borrowing) within the social science institution of modernity, where policy borrowing was perceived to be a sign of progress. Jullien’s observations of schools in Switzerland led him to state that ‘borrowing from one another...is good and useful [for] institutions’ educational policy development (Sobe, 2002, p.46) and therefore, is a good and progressive movement for the education system and the country. Morris (2012) described how in the nineteenth century, researchers like Demegeot and Matthew Arnold travelled to different countries to observe and to learn from each other’s education systems. Similarly, in the 1860s the Isakawa delegation from Japan (Shibata 2004) visited eight different countries over 18 months to identify salient features of modern education policy and practices in (western) societies. These visits later resulted in the publications of materials that analysed the various policy categories and policy principles that could be transferred to the Japanese education system.
Noah and Eckstein’s (1969) third and fourth phases of comparative education mainly focus on data collection and the significance of policy borrowing. In these phases, as the authors observe, nations becoming interested in understanding the impact of policy borrowing wanted to understand the influences policy borrowing had on shaping the national educational institutions in the country. The fifth phase, the most recent phase is described as the quantitative research phase where countries started to analyse the outcomes of their educational policy borrowing and the ‘global education phenomena’ to provide explanations and improve their educational
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performance. This practice has generated examination of data in different countries which has been used to explain educational provisions and identify strengths and gaps in the different national school systems. Noah and Eckstein’s (1969) five phases of comparative education development are important in the current research in helping to understand when and how the concept and practice of policy borrowing entered the field of comparative education in Bhutan.
Several factors have influenced educational policy borrowing over time which has caused new trends in educational policy borrowing to originate. Grek (2009) argued that educational reforms are usually proposed when systems or countries are compared against each other, and an educational policy/feature in one country is deemed successful. An example of this is when a country that does not have the desired policy/feature introduces it in their country to improve the education system. Steiner- Khamsi (2004) suggest that countries refer to existing models which are international and adopt the language that is used in the borrowed models. This assists policy-makers to justify their reasons for new educational reforms which otherwise is mostly contested and not accepted. She proposed that within this context educational policy borrowing can be used by national/local agencies and governments as a strategy to reform and to justify the proposed reform. The following section looks at proposed trends and ideas of policy borrowing globally, followed by closer scrutiny of policy borrowing in Bhutan.
2.6 EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING IN THE GLOBAL ARENA
Research into educational policy borrowing as a field within comparative education has intensified at the global level as more researchers engage in this area of study. Halpin and Troyna (1995), for example, studied the impact of Britain’s borrowing educational policy from America in the 1980’s. These authors posit that educational policy borrowing occurs best when there is a ‘synchrony’ between the two educational systems and dominant political ideals about education. In the 1980’s there was some alignment in political ideologies between the two nations, with a ‘shared interpretation of the state’s role in improving education’ (p. 304). The result was a trend for Britain to borrow educational policy from America to improve their education system, but also their political position globally. The politics in the two countries has now evolved in different directions, therefore, according to Halpin and Troyna (1995), this kind of educational policy borrowing by Britain is not likely to continue.
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Rappleye, Imoto and Horiguchi’s (2011) study in Japan showed that educational policy borrowing is not confined to cross-national borrowing arenas but is now possible from a supra-national environment to the local level whereby a local Japanese university borrowed a language policy from Europe without having to seek the approval from the Japanese Education ministry. Rappleye and his team did an ethnographic field study using the conceptual framework provided by Ochs and Phillips (2003) to help them understand the process of educational policy borrowing. The study did not elaborate on the success or failure of such a venture. Also, there was no data available on how the interviews were conducted so there was no way to understand the outcome of the educational policy borrowing practice that the Japanese university engaged. This gap in information makes the reader wonder whether this type of educational policy borrowing is possible or not. The study does, however, provide some insight into the type of educational policy borrowing practices that can be implemented.
Educational policy borrowing is often considered to flow from the more successful education systems in developed countries to countries that are developing their education systems. However, this perception of reference (developed) societies is contested by Lingard and Stellar (2013), Sahlberg (2011) and Takayama (2008) who suggest that this flow of educational policy borrowing is not a prerogative of Western countries. Countries in the East have now started to emerge with good education policies and are performing well, as depicted in the international league tables such as PISA (Program for International Student Assessment), the TIMSS (Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study) and the PIRLS (Progress in International Reading Literacy Study). The new trend to look east, especially to countries like Korea, China, Hong Kong and Japan to borrow educational ideas is changing the notion of reference societies. Sahlberg (2011) notes that in earlier times Finland was once the ‘poster boy’ for its excellent performance in international testing. Now, however, nations in the Asia-Pacific region have overtaken Finland in international educational performance. In the 2015 PISA results, for example, Singapore outperformed all other countries in science where over 24% were above average in achievement. More than one in four students in China, Hong Kong, Singapore and Chinese Taipei were top performing in mathematics (OECD, 2016).
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Similarly, results on the TIMSS 2015 were achieved with Singapore outperforming all other countries with one in four students in China, Hong Kong, Singapore and Chinese Taipei ranking in as the top performing students (Mullis, Martin, & Loveless, 2016). Takayama (2008) observed that Shanghai’s upset of the league tables with its better performance led to an initial shock around the world. High achievement scores in Shanghai, Hong Kong and Korea have led to educational policy borrowing practices moving both from West to East and vice-versa depending on the educational policy that a country wants to borrow.
An overview of the league tables shows that equal effort is put in by countries both in the West and the East to bring education to global recognition (OECD, 2016). Kell and Kell (2014) suggest that data from the league tables have begun to influence policy development in developing nations that may be economically or politically challenged, such as Bhutan. As indicated in Chapter 1, Bhutanese students completed a preliminary exam in preparation for the PISA-D tests to be held in November 2017 (Bhutan Broadcasting Service, 2017).
One of the greatest challenges to educational policy borrowing today is that it has a shorter lifespan than before due to new ideas and practices developing at a rapid pace. As cross-national and international educational policy borrowing matures, established policies are replaced by new ones. Cowen (2009) describes that educational policy borrowing is a dynamic process that changes as it moves from place to place; it is not static, and there are several factors that come into play and influence the changes and adaptations which take place. Auld and Morris (2014) describe that the evaluation of educational policy borrowing is no longer the ‘reserve of specialised academics’ (p. 129). Today everyone has access to the league tables online where it becomes immediately apparent which countries are doing well and which are struggling. It could be suggested that countries who appear to be struggling academically may be the ones feeling pressure to borrow policy to reach higher global educational standards.
One of the interesting features noted by Cowen (2009) is the concept of mobility of the migrant population. Cowen observes that as the migrant population moves, it takes educational practices with them. In an example, Cowen described how after World War II Europeans who moved to Canada took their educational practices with them and consequently changed the Canadian education system in parts of the country
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where they settled. Another example of the impact of mobility is where societies that are agrarian turn into industrial nations. In this process of transition, education is a deliberate part of the ‘transitological process’ (p.319). Cowen’s (2009) study assists in understanding the changing trends of educational policy borrowing through the perspective of migration of people and through changes of national identity.
In relation to the situation in Bhutan, Cowan’s (2009) study can help to understand Bhutan’s practices of educational policy borrowing as a phenomenon that is influenced by several global factors. Further, it can help to understand how education has undergone changes and adaptations through global interactions. Changes and adaptation in educational policy borrowing may be inevitable. It may provide countries with positive motivation for adoption of certain policies; however, Stenier-Khamsi (2005) cites “scholars who warn against analysing education out of context and against using comparison to transplant educational reforms from one country to another” (p. 153); scholars argue that such analysis and comparisons are a means to homogenise education systems (Gidney 2008; Lingard and Rizvi 1998; Rinne 2008; Rizvi and Lingard 2009). Researchers remind us that each nation is different, and each is governed by educational needs which are specific to their country’s context and goals.
In the end, educational policy borrowing has no solution that would be a perfect fit because policy borrowing is often defended through very complex reasons. The intended policy that a country wants to borrow may be deeply embedded with the ideology of the host country and so may not be wholly relevant to the borrowing country. Burdett and O’Donnell (2016) express that “the impetus for educational policy change is not always linked solely to educational reasons and outcomes, but instead is heavily influenced by the surrounding socio-political milieu” (p. 113). Given the complexities that surround the concept of borrowing, I examine three seminal articles on policy borrowing to assist in illustrating how the notion of policy borrowing that can be applied to an analysis of Bhutan’s situation.
2.7 THREE SIGNIFICANT ARTICLES ON EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING INFLUENCING BHUTAN
The following section describes three articles selected that together provide a platform for understanding how to analyse education policies borrowed by Bhutan. The literature suggests that each nation’s political, historical and economic
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circumstances are unique in their decision to borrow educational policies from other countries (Johnson, 2006; Phillips & Ochs, 2003). In most cases, developing countries are monetarily bound to donor organisations to receive aid (Johnson, 2006). Examples of this are the contractual arrangements with organisations such as the World Bank, United Nations agencies, international and bilateral aid programs such as Action-Aid International (McDonald, 2012). Bhutan falls into this category of a policy borrowing nation dependent on aid; for example, Bhutan has had an association since 1981 with the World Bank in relation to receiving aid and support in its educational reforms. More detailed information on Bhutan’s international agreements in relation to policy borrowing is provided in Section 3.4.2 of this thesis. The three articles reviewed in this section provide a framework for analysing Bhutan’s education policies borrowed from other countries.
The first article is Johnson’s (2006) Comparing the Trajectories of Educational Change and Policy Transfer in Developing Countries. In this article, Johnson claims that there is little documented analysis of major educational policy shifts, particularly in developing countries. In addition, each borrowing country’s historical, political and economic trajectories are unique which disallows a clear comparison of different situations. Without clear reference points to compare different trajectories for policy borrowing decisions Johnson has proposed a set of metaphors to understand policy borrowing. These metaphors will be outlined by the researcher in suggesting where Bhutan might fit in the development of its policy borrowing trajectories and in large part respond to the overarching research question of the current research: What are the influences of educational policy borrowing practices on the Bhutanese education system?
The second article reviewed is Phillips and Ochs’ (2003) Processes of Educational policy borrowing in Education: some explanatory and analytical devices. In this article, Phillips and Ochs propose four stages that illustrate the educational policy borrowing process. The four stages include the cross-national attraction to borrow policy, the decision to borrow, the implementation of borrowed policy and the internalisation of the policy as practice. The authors suggest that the four stages provide a structure to investigate cross-national policy borrowing in education and this structure has been used to analyse Bhutan’s educational policy borrowing. Understanding this structure responds to the first sub-question of the current research:
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How did educational policy borrowing practice emerge as a field of practice in the Bhutanese education system?
The third article reviewed is Steiner-Khamsi’s (2014) Cross-national educational policy borrowing: understanding reception and translation. In this article, Steiner-Khamsi explores two key stages of educational policy borrowing, which are reception and translation. These stages are important to explore in the current research in understanding the enactment expectations of borrowed policies. This article responds to the second sub-question of the current research: What are the key influences that have shaped policy borrowing practices in Bhutan? The next section reviews Johnson’s article and describes how it will be used to understand educational policy borrowing by Bhutan.
Johnson (2006) compared the trajectories of educational policy borrowing of Madagascar, Mauritius, Ile de la Réunion and South Africa. As described above, because there is little documentation of trajectories in most developing countries around policy borrowing practices, Johnson discusses educational policy borrowing through 5 metaphors (Figure 2.1) and how these five metaphors define the type of educational policy borrowing various countries undertake. These metaphors “describe the political and economic forces that shape the educational policy trajectories of developing countries are: telling, rebelling, compelling, selling and gelling” (p. 680).
Figure 2-1. Trajectories of educational change and Policy Transfer (Adapted from Johnson, 2006)
The first metaphor which is the politics of telling is an imposed educational transfer. This kind of educational policy borrowing happened mostly during the
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colonial period where colonial powers determined the educational policies of the territories that they occupied. The second metaphor is the politics of rebelling that occurred mostly in developing countries in relationship with their coloniser. Often, the rebellion was a way for the colonised country to exercise its freedom and the right to choose what they wanted as they strove for and gained independence. The level and extent of rebellion varied from nation to nation, from forms of review which were milder to forms that totally rejected the imposed policy. The third metaphor, which is the politics of compelling, is aligned with developing countries who are heavily in debt and therefore have to negotiate with the donor community.
The fourth metaphor is the politics of selling. This metaphor discusses developing countries which have more freedom and power over their policy practices. Countries that fall under this metaphor can select, choose and buy different policies promoted by developed countries. The policies are usually advocated as practices that can ensure according to Tan (2010) “economic growth and global competitiveness.”
(p.465). In the politics of compelling, countries under this metaphor have little to no say in choosing. The policy is usually imposed on them, so they do not have autonomy, like the countries who can choose to buy policies.
Finally, the politics of gelling includes countries who can combine indigenous policies with international sources of knowledge which can manifest into a new economy of knowledge by doing this the country’s knowledge is strengthened and gelled. This mainly happens due to the involvement of various interest groups which includes the government, industry and educational institutions. As a result, they foster new agendas for education by combining the global and local. As Tan (2010) observes “gelling represents a country’s goal of combining various sources of knowledge through collaboration with different interest groups, rather than achieving that goal. Often, the politics of gelling is accompanied by tensions, conflicts, and challenges from internal and external sources” (p.467).
Although Johnson’s (2006) article is based on the study he conducted in four societies in the South-West Indian Ocean, it resonates with the educational policy borrowing practices in many nations. The current researcher posits that the metaphor that Bhutan fits into presently is the politics of compelling. Bhutan has been moving through the first three metaphors, but it is not in the position where it is free from all financial dependency with a well-established education for the metaphors of selling
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and gelling to be applied. As with many developing nations heavily dependent on donors for financial and manpower aid, there is little room for Bhutan to engage in educational policy borrowing which it is not compelled to adopt (McDonald, 2012; Steiner-Khamsi, 2014). However, such application of the metaphor can be a difficult task while trying to comprehend the educational policy borrowing trends of Bhutan. These problems are discussed below.
A primary problem for Bhutan’s educational policy borrowing trends does not only include ‘best practices’ of educational policies borrowed through donor funds but also an uncritical adoption of policies that are often unsuited to the needs of the country. An example of this uncritical adoption can be seen, as described earlier, in relation to the language of education policies. The education policies borrowed by Bhutan use English as the language of instruction; however, English has no origins in Bhutan. Unlike borrowing policies from neighbouring countries for economic and trade purposes, there are no language representations of the neighbouring countries of India and China in Bhutan’s education policies; that is, Hindi and Chinese are not taught in schools. Instead, there is a significant focus on English in the formal/official Bhutanese education system. In this, Johnson’s (2006) metaphor of selling seems to be operative, particularly due to the uncritical forms of language borrowing that are occurring. As Johnson argues, the ‘selling’ metaphor illustrates the impact of globalisation and international markets’ (p.680) on educational policy in Bhutan.
At a broader level, these metaphors described by Johnson (2006) share similarities with Phillips and Ochs (2004) descriptors of educational policy borrowing. What Phillips and Ochs call 'imposed' Johnson describes as ‘telling’. The descriptor that Philips and Ochs call 'negotiated under constraint' Johnson calls ‘compelling’. However, Johnson goes further than these two descriptors and includes three others to show how education has expanded globally and how the emergent concept of the ‘knowledge economy’ is widely accepted.
The second article is Phillips and Ochs’ (2003) Processes of Educational policy borrowing in Education: some explanatory and analytical devices. This study is significant for the proposed research as these scholars provide a conceptual framework on how educational policy borrowing is enacted through a series of stages. Philips and Ochs conceptualised a four-stage foundation model that includes cross-national attraction, decision, implementation and internalisation/indigenisation to represent the
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continuous cyclic process by which educational policy borrowing occurs (Figure 2.2). Phillips and Ochs’ educational policy borrowing theoretical framework/cycle provides a foundation for how educational policy borrowing can occur in a country’s educational system.
Figure 2-2. Phillips and Ochs (2003) Educational policy borrowing in education: composite processes.
The first stage of Phillips and Ochs’ model is where the cross-national attraction creates the motivation behind what educational policy practice the country wants to borrow. The next stage is the decision-making stage. Here stakeholders, from various agencies and departments have several rounds of meetings to decide on the rationale for borrowing. These conversations help with the policy selection and lay the foundation for a plan to be drawn up to proceed to the next stage. At the implementation stage, the policy is put to practice with all the proper checks and balances in place. At the final stage which is the assessment phase, an evaluation is conducted to study how the borrowed policy is internalised. However, whether a
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cyclic/organisational structure has been used in Bhutan to inform educational reforms is still unclear, as described below.
The four-stage theoretical framework provides a foundation for engaging in examining educational policy borrowing procedures. In the proposed research it will be important to examine how educational policy borrowing has occurred over time in Bhutan. However, the model needs to be applied judiciously because for countries that are donor dependent on financial aid this cycle, especially stage one: cross-national attraction and stage two: decision making, may not be feasible, as most of the policies that come from the donor countries are pre-packaged, removing the possibility of the host country making further decisions. Nevertheless, applying this model to the educational policy borrowing context of Bhutan will assist in examining the cycle of educational policy borrowing as well as giving some indication about whether there are any checks and balances used in adopting policies from elsewhere.
The third article selected is Steiner-Khamsi’s (2014) Cross-National educational policy borrowing: Understanding reception and translation. Steiner-Khamsi’s focus is mainly on two key stages of educational policy borrowing which are reception and translation. In her article, Steiner-Khamsi describes that at a very basic level, reception is educational policy borrowing from the global context in which the borrowing country will choose an educational policy that is closest to the borrowing (host) country’s political agenda. The host country will borrow the policy and then attach local meaning to a global policy. Steiner-Khamsi states that policy reception is more layered than this simple view, claiming that several political, socio and economic agendas that influence the reception of policy needs to be considered.
Translation, according to Steiner-Khamsi (2014) happens when the local education body takes the global education policy and adapts this policy to the local needs, keeping in mind the multiple factors that affect the local translation of the policy. Steiner-Khamsi advises that one must remain cognisant of the impact of such translation while engaging in educational policy borrowing, as a scholarly investigation of the “dual processes of policy reception and translation are the key for advancing the theory of the policy process” (166). It is important to “apply a bifocal lens that simultaneously looks at the local context as well as at transnational patterns” (166) in the building of policy studies.
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Steiner-Khamsi’s (2014) concepts of reception and translation will be considered through the eyes of the Bhutanese education system. What are some factors that the Bhutanese educators look at while educational policy borrowing? How is this translated into the Bhutanese educational context? How well are these policies received and translated? Although reception and translation of Steiner-Khamsi’s model may be interpreted differently by the different stakeholders such as the government, educationalists, teachers and students, this aspect is not described in depth in Steiner-Khamsi’s article. The proposed research will focus on examining how reception and translation is interpreted differently by the government and by educational institutions in Bhutan
The three articles mentioned above explore themes and discuss different types of educational policy borrowing contexts and provide a framework needed to position Bhutan in the wider field of comparative education and educational policy borrowing. Although the above papers are not specific to the Bhutanese education system, together they provide an insightful and applicable model and metaphors that can be drawn upon to examine the educational policy borrowing situation in Bhutan.
2.8 EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING LITERATURE IN BHUTAN
Historically, educational policy borrowing as indicated in the literature is a practice whereby everything from one system can be borrowed and applied to another in various ways. There are hard and soft, direct and indirect borrowing that occurs (Phillips & Ochs, 2003; Dolowitz & Marsh, 2000). The literature also states that the impetus for most borrowing occurs when there is an internal dissatisfaction in the home country’s education system (Phillips & Ochs, 2002, 2003; Beech, 2006, Steiner- Khamsi, 2006), and in order to settle and resolve these educational problems and concerns, the countries borrow solutions from elsewhere (Halpin & Troyna, 1995). In this way, Bhutan has engaged in educational policy borrowing since that time modern education entered Bhutan. Various kinds of educational policies have been borrowed from different global education systems, transnational and donor agencies and the changes in the education system have experienced several developmental stages. However, as a topic of discussion very little is written about educational policy borrowing in the Bhutanese educational context. Furthermore, no policy analysis of any educational policy documents have been attempted so far.
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There are however, a number of academic articles by Bhutanese and international authors on the topics of transition in education (Dukpa, 2016; Namgyal & Rinchen, 2016; Ueda, 2016), Gross National Happiness (Sherab et.al, 2016; Tshomo, 2016) and continuing education (Powdyel, 2016; Wangchuk et.al, 2016). Robles (2016) for example, in her book, Education and Society in Bhutan: Tradition and Modernisation discusses the curriculum that is borrowed from foreign education systems as a barrier to learning, but does not discuss it from an educational policy borrowing perspective. Other scholars have looked at education policy mainly in multigrade education (Ninnes et al., 2007) inclusive education (Dorji & Schuelka, 2016) and Early Childhood Care and Development (Wangmo & Brooks, 2016). These articles are informative as they provide information on various aspects of education in Bhutan; however, the information on educational policy borrowing which is the main resource that is needed for understanding the process of education is not available.
The biggest gap in the literature is, therefore, the unavailability of research completed in Bhutan on educational policy borrowing which limits the scope of critical comparative evaluation with other international systems. Due to this, this study relies heavily on international research to understand educational policy borrowing in Bhutan.
2.9 SUMMARY
As this research is focused on educational policy borrowing in Bhutan since the advent of modern education in 1961, it is important to understand how Bhutan’s educational policy borrowing trends and practices are located within international practices and Bhutan’s aims for improving education quality. Trends of educational policy borrowing are happening due to the rapid impact of globalisation. Countries everywhere around the world face several common challenges within the global economy. Some significant challenges are in information sharing, educational networks and evaluation systems through PISA (Crossley & Watson 2003; Meyer & Benavot 2013).
This literature review has provided information about the unprecedented growth of comparative, transnational policy borrowing (Lingard, 2011). The review has considered three articles (Johnson, 2006; Phillips & Ochs, 2003; Steiner-Khamsi, 2014) specifically to provide an overarching framework for analysing educational policy borrowing by Bhutan. The analysis of educational policy borrowing is helpful
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to researchers and educationalists specifically to understand the types of educational policy borrowing and the impact it can have on nations that borrow policies. Where does Bhutan stand in the educational policy borrowing arena? Does it have a contribution it can make in better understanding comparative education and educational policy borrowing in particular? There is very little research done on educational policy borrowing and the changes that have happened within the education system in Bhutan; therefore, this study is timely as it will put Bhutan’s educational policy borrowing practices into perspective as Bhutan prepares to assess the end of its eleventh five-year plan in 2018 and the educational achievements it has mandated. The following chapter provides the conceptual framework for the research
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Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework
3.1 INTRODUCTION
The conceptual framework of globalisation frames this inquiry to explore the impact of educational policy borrowing in Bhutan. This conceptual framework highlights how there are significant global incursions into education policy and practice that then has led to glocal (global and local) recreations of education systems. This framework also provides insight into the nuances of policy as well as the inconsistencies and imbalances that characterise it, illustrated through both the priorities that are foregrounded and the gaps that exist within it.
This chapter explores the phenomenon of globalisation and how it contributes to shaping education in Bhutan. The chapter begins with an overview of the development of globalisation in Section 3.2, followed by a description of the complexity of defining globalisation in Section 3.3 with the inclusion of a working definition of globalisation as it pertains to policy borrowing in Bhutan. After that, the four dimensions of globalisation: economic, political, socio-cultural and technological are described in Section 3.4 to contextualise how globalisation has had an impact on education in Section 3.5. The influences of transnational organisations on developing and implementing educational policy in Bhutan are explored in Section 3.6, followed by an exploration of the global and local connections of globalisation in education in Section 3.7. The chapter further discusses the impact of globalisation on Bhutanese education in Section 3.8. Gee’s discourse theory which highlights how globalisation and policy borrowing effects Bhutanese education is discusses in Section 3.9. The theoretical framework which guides this research is discussed in Section 3.10, and finally, the chapter is summarised in Section 3.11.
3.2 GLOBALISATION
Defining globalisation is fraught with challenges as there are multiple ways of defining it as it has contextual and topical meanings attached to it. A definition check on the internet shows a wide variety of context-specific definitions; as Amin (2002) observes, globalisation consists of new spatialities that are networks that reach beyond a geographical boundary. Therefore, the various meanings that are attached to the term
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fall short when considering the effects of globalisation on the Bhutanese educational context, particularly in relation to policy borrowing. Rather one must take into account the diverse modes that form globalisation, such as the economic dimensions, political dimensions, socio-cultural dimensions and the technological dimensions that provide a holistic and substantial understanding of the term (Burbules & Torres, 2000; Giddens, 1990; Lauder & Brown., 2006; Nissanke & Thorbecke, 2007; Steger, 2009). This notion will be explored further in Section 3.4.
Historically, globalisation as a phenomenon began through colonial influences. Rizvi (2007) and Scholte (2000) argue that countries with power exploited distant and lesser known communities to expand their prestige and economic power. These colonial powers sought to rule these communities through a single political space, which was controlled and coordinated by them. However, with the establishment of several transnational organisations that financed developing nations in areas such as education, also strengthened the term globalisation and it acquired a new meaning (Held, McGrew, GoldBlatt & Perraton, 1999; Spring, 2009). In 1985, Theodore Levitt (economist) identified this process as ‘globalisation’. Spring (2008) described it as “changes in global economics affecting production, consumption and investment” (p. 331). This form of globalisation has steadily grown in intensity and has had an impact on shaping the education and educational policy borrowing worldwide, including Bhutan.
According to Sampath-Kumar (2007, p 71) globalisation “is the most compelling phenomenon”, with many faces and so cannot be given a single definition and characterisation. Lingard and Rizvi (2010) state that globalisation does not only mean changing patterns in transnational economic activities it also encompasses the changes seen in a political and cultural configuration which has been shaped mainly by the super advances made in information technologies (pp. 22-23). Lingard and Rizvi observe that globalisation also includes the “social imaginary of how we human beings ‘interpret and imagine the possibilities of our lives’ (p.23). Social imaginary according to Rizvi and Lingard (2010), Steger (2008) and Taylor (2004) is a way of thinking about the things that matter to us in society and provides us with the possibilities to practice these meaningfully. According to Taylor (2004), social imaginary legitimises our communal practices and allows us to have a sense of shared identity. Through the shared identity of globalisation, many different cultures have encountered each other
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(Edwards & Usher, 2008). This contact is further enhanced through access to information technologies, travelling to other parts of the world, migrating to other countries and through the media. Held (1993) describes that globalisation has reordered both time and space and shrunk the globe.
In normative terms, the phenomenon of globalisation is perceived to have both a positive and negative influence on the world. Positively it has brought a new source of optimism. Scholte (2000) says that globalisation has been associated with the three P’s of progress, prosperity and peace. Negatively, however, it can be associated with the three D’s of deprivation, disaster and doom (p.14). Sach, Yang, and Zhang (2000) define globalisation as a fundamental method of integrating economy through all nations with no meaning for boundaries this eventually affects people and countries through the sharing of knowledge, ideals and practices. Ball, Dworkin and Vryonides (2010, 524) define globalisation as a ‘multifaceted social phenomenon” which impacts a lot of things in different ways especially in the lives of human beings everywhere in the world. However, despite globalisation being a pervasive phenomenon, Bottery (2010) suggests that the effect it has on different communities is never similar. Globalisation does not have one fixed pattern or pathway. It has several pathways which are all aspects that include cultural circumstances within a context (Glenn, 2007). Rizvi and Lingard (2010) agree that individuals, communities and nations experience globalisation differently as there is no common pattern of engagement, neither is there a similar outcome.
From the discussion, it can be stated that the phenomenon of globalisation can be approached from many different angles and perspectives. However, three themes seem to emerge. The first is that globalisation is a complex, multifaceted process that has a diverse influence on people and society; it includes a social, cultural understanding of how people comprehend. The next theme that emerges is that scholars and researchers are responsible for creating a perception of how the phenomenon of globalisation is conceived by people and nations. Lastly, the scholars and researchers, despite disagreeing on some issues, do still concur that globalisation enhances worldwide connectedness. Through globalisation, nation-states are now able to pick and choose education policies from around the world that can enhance national education systems.
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3.3 DEFINITIONS OF GLOBALISATION
Globalisation is a highly contested term (Bagnall, 2010) although it is widely regarded as a transformational process, Friedman (2004) succinctly defines globalisation as an “integration of markets, nation-states and technologies to a degree never witnessed before - in a way that is enabling individuals, corporations and nation- states to reach around the world farther, faster and deeper than ever before” (p.7), there are other definitions and interpretations which look at globalisation from different perspectives. Giddens (1999), for example, looks at globalisation from a socio-cultural perspective and defines it as a worldwide intensification of interpersonal interaction and exchange. From a political perspective, it has been defined as the marginalisation of nation states and “the rise of a borderless world” (Amin, 2002, p 386). Some scholars look at globalisation from an economic point of view and define it as a process of economic reform and “to make the market imperative…the hegemonic legitimisation of institutional reform” (Swyngedouw, 2004. p 40). Other scholars who are widely quoted like Held, Mcgrew, Goldblatt and Perraton (2000) define globalisation as:
a process (or set of processes) which embodies a transformation in the spatial organisation of social relations and transactions - assessed in terms of their extensity, intensity, velocity and impact - generating transcontinental or interregional flows and networks of activity and interaction and the exercise of power (2000, p.73).
Over the years, the definition of globalisation has changed and increased as new ideas and thoughts are added to it. There is still to this day not a single definition that encapsulates a universal interpretation of this phenomenon.
Scholte (2000, p.49) observes that there are five definitions that are attached to the term globalisation:
a) Globalisation as internationalisation that is used as a descriptor for cross- border relations. b) Globalisation as universalisation where the term global indicates the worldwide accessibility of “objects and experience”. c) Globalisation as liberalisation that indicates autonomous operation of organisations, a process of removing government-imposed restrictions
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d) Globalisation as westernisation that leads to notions of the modern state are spread through capitalism and neo-liberalism e) Globalisation as deterritorialisation that indicates how space gets reconfigured through a diffusion of physical space over national boundaries. Besides Scholte, globalisation has been variously described as scapes (Appadurai, 1996) to indicate how the global flow of people, ideas, finance and technology are presently situated. Castells (2000) observes how globalisation has brought about a network society to indicate how such flows are interconnected and are limitless by continuous expansion. Taking into consideration the viewpoints presented above, the following definition from Held et al. (1995) defines globalisation for the current research:
Globalisation is the increasing interconnectedness between people and places, through the accelerated movements of goods and services, capital and labour - this includes ideas, beliefs and values - across national and international borders. It embodies a transformation in the spatial organisation of relations and transactions and is facilitated by technological advances in mass communication. It is a process enabled by the liberalisation of trade and deregulation of capital, practices associated with neoliberal capitalist restructuring and new global manifestations of power and authority (Held et al., 1995, p. 16).
Yet, as clichéd as it might seem, the globalisation phenomenon is like an epoch in which the world is now rapidly sharing the notion that the world is shrinking into social spaces which are triggered by economic and technological forces and development and that this has a ripple effect on all nations around the world (Held et al., 1999). Throughout the globalisation phenomenon people have also been convinced through the turning of geography into history, or space into time that globalisation is an evitable thing that happens to all nations only some earlier or later than the others (McKenzie, 2012).
The above definition includes the four dimensions of globalisation (economic, political, socio-cultural and technological), and the impact that these have had on the world and individual nation-states, such as Bhutan. This definition also includes the value systems that change and move across borders owing to certain practices and power pressures. For a small nation like Bhutan, that is dependent on financial aid from donors, the definition reflects and aptly describes the process of globalisation
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from a Bhutanese perspective. So, whether as Sahlberg (2006) argues that globalisation is a “cultural paradox” (p.262) or whether it is a natural phenomenon created by modern times, the underpinning factors: political, economic, technological and socio-cultural still play a major role in the process (Cheng, 2004; Green, 1997; Held, 2004; Tikly, 2001; Waks, 2006). The following section describes these four dimensions of globalisation and the influences they have, concerning the educational policy borrowing practices in Bhutan.
3.4 THE FOUR DIMENSIONS OF GLOBALISATION AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON EDUCATION
Giddens (1990) and Steger (2009) identify four dimensions of globalisation which are: the economic dimension, political dimension, social and cultural dimension and the technological dimension. As these scholars observe through these dimensions, the transformation of global cultures and economies along with social change has been immense. Ideas, values, beliefs, as well as images, taste and attitudes, have changed and evolved at great speed and intensity (Donn & Al-Manthri, 2010).
3.4.1 Economic Dimension
The economic dimension is always listed first in the literature, due to the impact it has on unifying and promoting the global economy (Green, 1999; Waks, 2006). The economic dimension includes ideas such as a global economic process or activity which is open and interdependent. It also means that the world economies are now integrated thus allowing free trade or liberalisation, deregulation and privatisation of trade (Amos, Keiner, Proske & Radtke, 2002), which can be attributed to the shift in the world economy from a traditional Westphalian nation-state to nation-states which are now dominated by different forms of organisations in the political and economic arenas (Swyngedouw, 2004).
These new forms of economic domination impact severely on national education systems worldwide. This is especially true when there are transitions in workplace organisations, barriers in trade are reduced, and pressure on national and international areas are exerted especially on the roles of the worker and consumer in society (Slabbert, 2003, p. 6). Slabbert (2003) continues to argue that the economic aspect of globalisation impact education heavily. Consequently, as is presently evident in the case of Bhutan, it is the education sector that must cater to these changes. As Lingard
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and Rizvi (2000) explain, governments are now reframing their approach to several national policies, which includes education to ensure “competitiveness of the national economy in the face of globalisation” (p. 421). They further state that the financial markets can decide on the policy they choose depending on what they think is right or wrong. The power the markets have now are unprecedented, and their influences can be seen even in framing public policies as they the market is aware of the competing global market shares that countries want to be part of (Lingard & Rizvi 2000).
National education systems are very cost-intensive and, therefore, become easy targets mainly of neoliberal change agendas (Amos et al., 2002). With the neoliberal context, education is the main factor in enhancing the economic edge of a nation (Dale, 2000). Due to this, national education objectives are directed to respond to the economic aspect due to global competition (Usher & Edward, 1994). Amos et al. (2002) acknowledge that educational programmes, curricula and institutional formats at different levels of schooling are now required to use “efficiency guided innovation and to align their priorities and practices with those of the global market” (p.195). It is not surprising, therefore, that in Bhutan the economic dimension of globalisation has a strong presence in the education sector. Not only do neoliberal agendas operate to rework national education policies by adopting such discourse, but the neoliberal idea of privatisation has also facilitated the country to borrow educational policies from other nations and has allowed several privates schools, supported by international organisations, to become operational in Bhutan. The first private school opened in 1986 (Dorji, 2016). Since then, the number of private schools offering all levels of schooling in Bhutan has increased.
Bhutanese people like all people around the world understand that education is necessary due to the significant role it plays in determining their future. It contributes to their income since knowledge nowadays is harnessed to create a knowledge- economy (Dorji, 2016). Dorji (2016) observes that Bhutanese mentality toward education has changed over the years. In the beginning, Bhutanese people were not fully aware of the outcomes of a modern system of education and the government was obligated to conscript students to get them into schools (p.110); however, over time there has been an exponential growth in the number of students and schools in Bhutan and the number of outside agencies providing education.
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3.4.2 Political Dimension
The political dimension takes into consideration interrelationship between nation stated that have intensified globally. With this, the nation-state and its evolving state has shifted to global governance with objectives set by global political systems (Donn & Al-Manthri, 2010). Stiglitz (2002) argues that global changes in politics, society and culture deeply affect education policies, practices and institutions. Rizvi (2004) states that in the past governments have had exclusive rights to influence education in their countries; however, now it is the process of globalisation that impact on education. This has, in turn, transformed the sovereignty of the nation-state. Further, Held and McGrew (2003) suggest that in the contemporary period governance operates not only within but also transnationally. So now, policy and practise have become a shared domain where the global and the local integrate to become the glocal.
The glocal concept was first used by Robertson in the early 1990s and continued to garner attention through scholars like Hampton and Wellman (1999) and Swyngedouw (2004). The glocal concept/trend has had a wide effect on business, media and education. In education, global aspects like consultants, strategies, skills and/or materials are used and adapted to meet local requirements. This increase in resources allows teachers and students to expand their knowledge beyond the local context. However, Edwards and Usher (2008) remind us that the global-local discussion is a two-way traffic as each one influences the other:
…the local is as much a condition for globalisation as the global; space and place are traversed by the global-local nexus of globalised space-time compression – time-space distanciation, disembedding and reflexivity mean that complex relationships develop between local activities and interactions across distances (pp. 22-23).
In Bhutan, the concept of the glocal and the political influence it has on education is largely manifested through the role of the donor agencies and their provisions of educational support. Table 3.1 provides a brief history of how the Bhutanese education system has been shaped through various international/global influences. It should be noted that not all borrowed policies are presented. Table 3.1 provides an overview of the range of countries and international organisations that have contributed to Bhutan’s educational policy borrowing processes.
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Table 3-1 Support for education development in Bhutan (Adapted from Dorji, 2016) Dates Donor NGOs/Agencies Educational Support Country 1957 India Human Resource Development (HDR) training, training teachers, infrastructure, assessment and certification models 1974+ United Nations HRD, infrastructure, curriculum Children’s Fund development, school feeding (UNICEF) program 1980s World Bank, HDR, infrastructure development, UNICEF, research, curriculum, ICT development, library enrichment 1985+ Australia AusAid, Endeavour HRD, scholarships, volunteer teachers, research, library development, ICT development 1987 + Canada Canadian HRD, Teacher education, International curriculum development, library Development Agency enrichment, M.Ed programme; (CIDA) training 1985; Switzerland Swiss Development Teacher education projects to take 1998 Cooperation (SDC): infrastructure and scholarships for Primary Education the two education colleges Project (PEP); Second Education Project (SSB 2008/9 Canada. United CIDA; UNESCO, About 100 principals have Kingdom UNICEF, United completed M.Ed programs; about Nations Development 300 primary school principals have Program (UNDP) completed Advanced Diplomas in Education 2012 UNDP Achieved 100% gender parity in primary school enrolment and gross enrolment of 95% - two of the millennium goals achieved ahead of the target year 2015
3.4.3 Socio-Cultural Dimension
The socio-cultural dimensions mostly include discussions on how globalisation affects people and societies at grass root levels. Slabbert (2003, p. 14) argues that although “information and communication technologies” is pivotal in enhancing “development is a two-edged sword” which needs to be carefully handled. It may allow countries to jump stages of economic development by improving and modernising their production, which allows them to gain a competitive edge. However, over time
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these countries face two issues: adaptation and financial which cumulates into a lack of progress.
Within the socio-cultural dimension, the focus is on population growth, environmental issues, marginalised and vulnerable sectors such as the indigenous population and social and cultural dilemmas for the least mobile indigenous cultures; modernisation of agriculture, globalisation of learning and solidarity of civil societies. A further focus is on media influences, globalisation of languages, and the development of one global culture or homogenisation (Rizvi & Lingard, 2000). Along with these, consumerism, and commodification of cultural heritage are also some issues that continue to be debated within the spectrum of the socio-cultural dimension. As Rizvi and Lingard (2000) elaborate that the “cultural other” is no more a thing of the past and is no more exotic, remote or mystical, in fact, it is in the here and the now as cultural diversity has become a cultural norm (p. 419).
In national education systems, the socio-cultural dimension can also be observed through the influences of globalisation. Education systems nowadays cater mainly to employment, which impacts the goals and objectives of education primarily preparing students as future workers. The educational institution also has the purpose of sustaining the economy through literacy and numeracy. It is important to note that there might be enormous differences in resources and traditions in relation to organisational efforts to serve purposes that are not specifically focused on the borrowing country’s needs (Meyer et al., 1997). In education, for example, mathematics and sciences coupled with English language instruction and skill acquisition (Waitzberg, 2007) is a requirement for making school children more employable at the national and international level, but do not consider the actual local needs. Thus, Ramirez and Ventresca (1992) lament the spread of western schooling in that:
mass schooling has developed and spread as an increasingly familiar set of general ideological and organisation arrangements. Over historical time and through diverse processed, features of modern schooling coalesced into one normative institutional model that was increasingly linked to the ascendant of the nation-state. (p.47)
This process of schooling has led to a standardisation of education and the standardisation of outcomes and goals (Kamens, Meyer & Benavot, 1996). These
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authors suggest that the standardised model of education homogenises cultures and the local communities’ efforts at policy development and implementation.
In Bhutan, the socio-cultural dimension has brought an unprecedented change in the lives of the students. Curriculum materials in schools which were brought in through educational policy borrowing provide access to information of lifestyles and cultures which are traditionally different to the local Bhutanese culture. Rinchen and Namgyel (2016) maintain that school children in Bhutan have had no choice but to learn about contexts that are different from their everyday lives, mainly due to the borrowing of the Indian/British colonial curriculum. Alongside that, Dorji (2005) says that education in Bhutan serves two purposes: the instrumental purpose and the purpose of integration. He explains that it is instrumental because “there was a need for people to use new languages, learn new forms of knowledge and acquire new sets of skills to be able to participate fully in the newly adopted developmental process” (pp.2-3). Also, due to globalisation, Bhutan could not remain isolated therefore as Simoni, (2003) states global integration became necessary. The process of integration is enhanced through education and English language as the medium of instruction is Bhutan’s way to integrate with the outside world (Royal Government of Bhutan, 1999).
3.4.4 Technological Dimension
Technological infrastructure now underpins globalisation. The merging of computers and telecommunications has created a global community with meaningless geographical frontiers (Slabbert, 2003; Stiglitz, 2002). The creation of wealth is driven by Information technologies. Thus, continually proving that global economy is empowered by technology and knowledge (Ohmae, 2005). The technological transfer is therefore accepted as a means through which divisions between countries and also between education systems can now be eliminated. For elimination to happen obstacles that are prevalent in accessing primary education should be removed. This will allow the foundation to be laid which will close the divide between the rich and the poorer nations (Moloi et al., 2009).
Globalisation and new technologies have increased the desires of nations to provide quality education to its people. It is, however, increasingly faced with inequalities in educational opportunities. Some have argued that one of the effects of globalisation is the creation of such disparity as wealth continues to be concentrated
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in the wealthy nations and wealthy households. In the end, it can be argued that information technology creates “inequality and poverty depend on how these are deployed and who has access to them” (Moloi et al., 2005, p. 81). Van Schalkwyk (2005) argues, that access to technologies should be made available as well as affordable especially in the poorer rural areas as this is crucially the focus to the education development process. Moloi et al. (2005) substantiates this by saying that “while communications technology can provide access to knowledge resources, and facilitate teacher support and curriculum development, the implication is that states, provinces, and communities that are unable to access these will occupy an increasingly marginal role in international trade” (p.84). They continue to argue that poverty is the strongest obstacle that is not allowing people to reap the positive aspects of globalisation. It is the role of the schools to remove such issues as they play a key role in the education of the child since most children who are rich or poor pass through the doors of education. As such, the education system has the prerogative as well as the power to break the poverty chain by receiving a quality education. One of the biggest challenges for technological integration in educational institutions in Bhutan is insufficient infrastructure as well as lack of computer literacy.
The technological dimension also includes the compression of time and space or the shrinking world through the fluidity of information as we live in a more technology driven/dependent world (Donn & Al-Manthri, 2010). Primarily as a global communication technique, the technological dimension has led to a transformation in how we look for employment and engage in travel and has also played a role in changing our beliefs and attitudes. The technological dimension is perhaps the least explored in the Bhutanese education system. Although, the government-run high schools have a fully functioning computer lab for students they are not connected to the world wide web due to financial restrictions. Students are taught basic skills to use the computer but cannot be taught navigational skills due to the lack of internet connectivity. The Bhutan Education Blueprint (BEB, 2014, has a set of nine attributes that are necessary for students to develop on their journey towards becoming a productive citizen of the land. One of the nine attributes is world readiness. In that, it states that students “are productive users of technology, especially ICT, as an indispensable tool for success in all areas of learning” (Bhutan Education Blueprint, p. 69). Teachers too are encouraged to use the internet to supplement the learning they
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impart to their students in the classrooms. Unfortunately, many teachers do not have access to internet nor do they have the skills to extract information from the web since ICT facilities is a new policy in Bhutan which was introduced to teachers through workshops in 2010 (EPGI, 2012)
Added to the complexities of these dimensions is the enormous speed of change through global, economic, political and social aspects. Burburles and Torres (2000, p.3) however, suggest that with globalisation being multi-faceted the impact on education cannot be homogenous or in a similar manner around the world.
3.5 GLOBALISATION AND EDUCATION
Burbules et al. (2000), argue that within the field of education, globalisation has been a much-debated subject, especially in the ways that it has affected policy communities and the implications this has on the changes in the politics of education. Similarly, Ball (1998) uses globalisation as a way of comparison between educational policies. However, Arnove and Torres (2012), argue that comparison has to be in context. There needs to be a dialogue between the global and the local. While Stromquist (2002), explores ways where technology and knowledge have provided interconnections in the globalised world, Tikly (2001), studied the post-colonial theories to develop an understanding and connection between the relation of globalisation and poor societies from the postcolonial era. Ball (2010), asserts that education over time is changing and understanding the purpose for education has also been challenged. In today’s world, education keeps getting more tightly tied to economic competition and the knowledge economy.
According to Spring (2009), the arguments presented above by scholars can be fitted into three theoretical positions on globalisation and education. He claims that ‘all cultures are integrating into a single global culture’ (Spring 2009, p.8). World culture theorists like Lechner and Bolo (2005), Ramirez (2003) and Baker and Letendre (2005) state that education is becoming more ‘Western’ as nations and societies look to the west for successful education models. Supporters of this theory state that this has happened due to the widespread movement of western models of education and government (Meyer, Boli, Thomas & Ramirez, 2004, p.90).
The second theoretical positioning of globalisation and education is connected to the world system theorists such as Wallerstein (2004). Unlike the world culture
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theorists, who believe that selecting educational ideas is free and voluntary, the world system theorists think otherwise. They posit that educational ideas and influences are imposed on nations and societies by powerful networks of organisations such as the World Bank, and UNESCO among others (Spring, 2009). Wallerstein (2004) the most notable world system theorist argues that these organisations legitimise and propagate certain types of knowledge when dealing with emerging nations. World system theorists tend to view globalisation and education as “part of an effort to impose particular economic and political agendas that benefit wealthy and rich nations at the expenses of the world’s poor” (Spring, 2009, p. 13).
The third positioning of globalisation and education is taken from the culturalists which include Anderson-Levitt (2003) and Phillips (2004) who do not agree that a western schooling model is imposed on local cultures by powerful transnational organisations. As described in Section 2.3 of this thesis researchers posit that education systems around the world borrow and appropriate successful educational models not out of curiosity or through an impromptu decision to morph with others cultures and nations (Dale, 2000, Spring, 2008), it is instead a sophisticated process called policy borrowing. Policy borrowing according to Phillips and Ochs (2004) is the “conscious adoption of policy observed in another” (p.774) and is a common feature of policy making for centuries of human history (Green, 1997). The idea of borrowing educational ideas is the key feature of these theorists.
The proposed research will look at globalisation and education from the third theoretical positioning which is the culturist notion where borrowing educational ideas from other nations is practised through a “conscious adoption” of policy mandates. Yes, Bhutan’s earliest attempt at educational policy borrowing has been a case of direct ‘borrowing’ of the entire education system of India. Over time direct policy borrowing continues as Bhutan’ policymakers borrow terms and practices from the world. As the borders of countries fragment and turn more porous, ideas and ideologies float freely around. No country can claim it as the country from where these ideas come from is largely unknown. Bhutan now has borrowed policy ideas like lifelong learning, 21st century pedagogies, Early Childhood Care and Development, Special Education Needs and many more without knowing which country these policies belonged to. There is a danger in borrowing ideas as they may not easily be understood by the borrower or fit into the local context of education.
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Globalisation has put pressure on nations to provide education that is more competitive, focuses on computer technology and develops a business mentality. Also, the education systems are now increasingly training the student to be global citizens rather than regional or national (Carnoy, 2017). As globalisation continues, there is a convergence of ideas and ideologies through the act of educational policy borrowing which increases the demand for education quality (Carnoy, 2016). This demand in shift of quality education has warranted the rapid promotion of testing and more testing as countries are compared against each other and international testing continues to grow through agencies that promote it like the International Association for Evaluation of Education Organisation (IAE), the Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the World Bank (WB), the Inter-American Bank and the Asian Development Bank (ADB). These agencies share a quantitative view of education and therefore promote and spread the inter-and intra- national comparison on standardised tests of student knowledge (UNESCO, 2005; OECD 2011). Thus, changing the face of education in a globalised world.
3.6 GLOBALISATION INFLUENCES THROUGH TRANSNATIONAL ORGANISATIONS ON DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
Globalisation by far has the greatest impact on developing countries such as Bhutan because these countries rely on industrialised or developed countries for financial support. Developing countries are usually identified as economically underdeveloped, have high rates of poverty, do not use their natural resources well and are heavily dependent on industrialised nations (Rizvi & Lingard, 2010). These countries are usually located in Asia, Africa, Oceania and Latin America. These developing countries have attempted to transform their socio-economic and political environments by embracing the globalisation trend mainly through their education. Education has been recognised as one of the critical pathways to promote social and economic developments. In response to these imperatives, international agencies have provided financial aid and loans to developing countries in improving their education systems. Globalisation has resulted in strengthening the influences of these organisations like the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the United Nations (UN). Jones (1996) states that for developing nations international development programmes have a significant influence.
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These global discourses on development are usually enforced or established through policy prescriptions that spread over the world (Robertson, 2007). The two most recognised policy prescriptions are the Washington Consensus (1980-90) and the Post Washington Consensus (1990-2005). According to Robertson et al., (2007), the developing countries were the most affected by these two consensus policies. They argue that the power of the international organisations on education policy increased after the implementation of these two consensuses. According to Mundy (2002), the World Bank was the chief policy player who created a globalised education policy for developing countries.
Another new worldwide agenda to continue the international organisation's influence on developing countries was the Education for All (EFA) conference held in 1990 in Bangkok, Thailand. This conference was organised and conducted by five organisations: United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation, World Bank, United Nations International Children’s Education Fund, United Nations Development Programme and the United Nations Population Fund. Robertson et al. (2007), state that this policy was an attempt to overcome the failure of previous policies initiated through the Washington Consensus and the Post Washington consensus. In the late 1990s, a summit was conducted that resulted in the Millennium Development Goals (MDG). This policy was organised by the United Nations (UN). The Millennium Development Goals (MDG) 1 and Millennium Development Goal 2 anticipated providing greater opportunities to developing countries through funding from international donor agencies
Globalisation has increased and strengthened the influential position of these international organisations and the role they play in education in the developing world. Rizvi and Lingard (2011) suggest that globalisation has changed and reformatted educational policy. The authors suggest that the process of globalisation has evolved and shifted educational policies in terms of how these are developed, implemented and evaluated. Al’Abri (2011) says that the UN’s Millennium Development Goal, Education for All and the broader globalised education policy discourses of the knowledge economy and lifelong learning have empowered these organisations in all spheres of development; however, the strongest influence can be felt in the educational policies that they prescribe and mandate (p.8). Dakopoulou (2009) suggests that international policy goals are achieved through two different means. The first being
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the power of persuasion and the next by imposing conditionality attached to loans. The power of persuasion is usually used with the developed nations while the second condition is usually reserved for the developing nations. Financial assistance is generally the most powerful persuader for the less developed nations to adopt international education policies. In more extreme conditions the failure to implement agreements may result in fines and penalties.
Similarly, Bhutan has been a recipient of much aid from various organisations (see Table 3.1). Many have been provided on a bilateral level while others have been on loan. Alongside this, Bhutan has also been a signatory to the Education for All and the Millennium Development Goal among others which, therefore, mandates Bhutan to adopt certain educational policies like the universal primary education which would eliminate gender differences and cause a standardisation in education in the developing nations (Robertson et al., 2007). This policy borrowing situation has provided Bhutan with finance from international agencies to design and implement the imported policies, which it would otherwise not be able to implement.
Taylor et al. (1997), argue that changes in education do not happen in a vacuum and educational policies do not just appear. There is a system and process which includes an ideological and political climate which is responsible for shaping and calculating the timing as to when educational policies occur, and the expected outcome form it. (Taylor et al., 1997). As a nation within the sphere of developing nations, the Bhutanese education system has also been greatly influenced by globalisation, mainly through the multilateral organisations and Non-Governmental Organisation. Education has evolved in Bhutan as outside agencies have brought in changes in the policy discourse and through policy implementation in the schools. Burbules and Torres (2000) argue that the impact globalisation has on education is immense. The ideologies of the different transnational organisations are reflected in the education agenda and most times prioritise or directly impose policies on all aspects of education like “curriculum, evaluation and assessment standards, teacher training, school governance and financing” (p. 5) on borrowing nations. Globalisation has influenced the school education system as well as policymakers in Bhutan. Inclusions in the policy discourse with ideas such as education for all, transformative learning for the 21st century, child-friendly schools, inclusive education, non-formal education and lifelong learning are now popular terminology and practices embedded in the Bhutanese
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education system. It has not been very long since these discourses have come into the education policy in Bhutan, but there has been no research to date that strives to understand whether these terms are comprehended properly or not. The current research has attempted to fill this gap.
3.7 LOCALISATION/GLOCALISATION
This section provides a brief overview of localisation or otherwise termed glocalisation. The aim is to explain and clarify how the term is being employed in this study. As Hannerz 1996, p.27 observes, “the local is the space in which a variety of influences come together, acted out perhaps in a unique combination, under those special conditions”.
What is localisation? According to Hines (2000) “localisation is a process which reverses the trend of globalisation by discriminating in favour of the local” (p. 27). Shuman in his ground-breaking book Going Local (2013) described localisation as the use of local resources to achieve sustainability; Shuman further states that the “control moves from the boardrooms of distant corporations and back to the community where it belongs” (p.6). According to Lane (1998) localisation refers to a general strategy where competitive advantage is still strongly influenced by intangible assets owned by the country of origin, and this works as an advantage for the country as this ownership of asset allows the country to influence international companies and the strategy and policy these companies have.
From an education perspective, localisation is defined by Taylor (2004) as the freedom for schools and the local education authority to adapt the curriculum to local conditions. He further emphasises that it also means the content of the curriculum and the processes of teaching and learning to be related to the local environment. UNESCO (2002), which is also an active promoter of traditions and cultural heritage of local communities, state that taking local heritage into consideration is important if people are to succeed in life. UNESCO (2002), observed that national education systems fail mainly due to the lack of relevance to the life of the learners. This lack of relevancy weakens the connection and bond between communities, learners and school. As Byron (1999), noted that for many nations with ethnic and linguistic diversity, mostly in the developing world, there is a preoccupation to try and develop school curricula that respect and preserves the local way of life. This movement shows that localisation
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can work if teachers are motivated to own a local curriculum and implement it (Cowley and Williamson, 1998, p.81)
Byron (2000) describes that localisation of education is important as it helps children acquire local values to enable them to participate within their communities successfully. However, several issues make localisation problematic, especially in these areas, as Hannerz (1996) states “the local is changed by the influence of external cultural, economic and social aspects. The local is increasingly becoming an area where the global or what has been local somewhere else, also has some chance of making itself at home” (Hannerz, 1996, p. 27).
In Bhutan, localisation is a movement gaining momentum in the economic and business area (Dorji, 2016). Local artisans are encouraged to mass produce local products and sell them so that they are self-sufficient and subsequently learn to sustain their communities. In the education system too, the localisation of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) into Gross National Happiness (GNH) is Bhutan’s biggest counter movement challenge to globalisation. Gross National Happiness is taught to children from classes 7-12. Lessons are concentrated on developing life skills which focus on meditation to develop good emotions and positive attitude towards learning. Besides Gross National Happiness, other localisation efforts in Bhutan include a mass social forestry day where trees are planted by everyone in schools and the introduction to the 13 traditional arts in schools instead of using international arts and crafts. However, a caveat is in order. As Appadurai (1991, p.199) warns the “standard cultural production is now an endangered activity”. Within the local set up there are simultaneous exposure to the global through lifestyles and a range of choices presented to individuals. Therefore, as Long (1996, p.47) observes, there is a high intermix of the global with the local resulting in a glocal phenomenon.
3.8 IMPACT OF GLOBALISATION ON EDUCATIONAL POLICY BORROWING IN BHUTAN
Drawing on Sinagatullin (2006) there could be both negative and positive impacts on education through globalisation of educational policies in Bhutan. Sinagatullin (2006) continues to exert that globalisation may accelerate the destruction of national systems of education and indigenous traditions of folk pedagogy, force out and displace languages and negatively influences rural education. However, there are positive aspects of such impact as it promotes the integration of national educational
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structures of Bhutan within the global pedagogical space. It also enriches the pedagogical processes with democratic principles and canons. It introduces and legalises English as an important tool of education and global communication. Finally, it attempts implementation concepts for multiculturalism and global education (Sinagatullin, 2006).
Similarly, Scholte (2000) argues that the impact of globalisation on education can be both at the positive and negative levels and this contradiction is evident in the Bhutanese education system. Positively, the impact of globalisation is bringing in rapid development in technology which provides the Bhutanese education system with access to educational policies practices from around the world. This, therefore, facilitates a better transition towards an information-based society which is a pre- requisite for everyone as a global citizen. However, Scholte (2000) warns that globalisation also has a negative impact. The value of culture and tradition and the value of national education systems diminish as education systems try to emulate and copy other education systems which seemingly have better education policies and do better in international assessments. Also, with education now becoming commodified, the seeking of knowledge which may be a lifelong learning trend is being practised to get more transferable knowledge that can then become an asset in the competitive knowledge markets where knowledge and information provide better job opportunities. Increasingly, as the K-12 education policies like educating for Gross National Happiness proposes, we are all being made into lifelong learners and learner- citizens within “a learning society”. (Tuschling & Engemann, 2006, p. 43)
Through globalisation, the practice of education in Bhutan is being reconceived, and the meaning of being “educated is changing as a result” (Ball et al., 2010, p.524). Education nowadays is being tied ever more tightly to the needs of; “economic competition and the knowledge economy” (p. 524) and this posits as (Priestly, 2002, p.10) notes, that “national education systems” have remarkably changed through supranational system like World Bank quite noticeably by the processes of globalisation Jones and Coleman (2005) also suggest the ongoing impact of globalisation on nation states including Bhutan.
Globalisation has changed the value of education in Bhutan. In the 21st century, the Bhutanese educational system is faced with a double challenge where education has to equip students with new knowledge, skills and values that are necessary to
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compete in a competitive global market and also challenged to produce graduates who are responsible adults, good citizens both of their country and of the world at large. Therefore, globalisation challenges us to rethink not only on how education should be provided or is needed but also makes us think on the ultimate purposes of education.
Policy borrowing has a long-standing history as noted by Green (1997). Societies have implemented policies that were taken from other transnational contexts and have implemented these with experiences of failure and success. However, in today’s world, global competition has mandated many countries to look towards other educational systems for knowledge and ideas on education and policies (Dolowitz and March 2000; Lingard, 2010). Now, therefore, in Bhutan, the concepts of globalisation, nation-state and education are closely intertwined. This leads to the discussion of the theory of discourse as outlined by Gee (1999).
3.9 GEE’S DISCOURSE ANALYSIS THEORY
Experts and scholars who have conducted researches within the field of discourse mostly agree that the term discourse analysis is vague. A few definitions are therefore provided here to highlight how discourse analysis has been understood. Fasold (1990) defines discourse as the “study of any aspect of language use” (p. 65). Potter (1996) states that discourse is made up of “talk and texts as part of social practice” (p. 105) while Slembrouck (2005), gives a more elaborate definition of discourse as “the organisation of language above the sentence or above the clause and therefore to study larger linguistic units, such as conversational exchanges and written texts (p.1). Like Potter (1996), Slembrouck (2005) also believes that discourse analysis is about language use in different social contexts and is, in particular, focused on interaction or dialogue among speakers. Van Dijk (2002) argues that discourse is a very multidisciplinary form of study and therefore crosses beyond being just a linguistic practice. He defines discourse analysis as a study that involves “linguistics, poetics, semiotics, psychology, sociology, anthropology, history and communication” (p.10). Discourse analysis according to Van Dijk (2002) takes into account the multidisciplinary role of being textual, cognitive, social, political and also historical. It can therefore safely be purported that while engaging in discourse analysis, researchers can look at functional grammar, sociolinguistics, pragmatics or even cognitivism since these fields have tenets that are interrelated (Van Dijk, 2002; Slembrouck, 2005).
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For this research Gee’s theory on discourse analysis has been selected for three reasons. First, Gee is the only scholar who has claimed that discourse analysis is both a theory and a practice. According to him “the theory of language is that language has meaning only in and through practices. The theory of language is, therefore, the theory of practice” (Gee, 1999; p .8) and discourse theory is successful when these two interact with each other. Gee’s concept of the big D and the little d discourses (1999) which he conceptualised provides the reader with a better understanding of how the discourse/Discourse are differentiated and how they can be used in research. Gee used the term Discourse with a capital ‘D’ to indicate the socially situated conventions of actions (1999) and discourse with a small ‘d’ to indicate language. An explanation of the two d/D discourses is provided below which forms the central idea of Gee’s discourse analysis. The other reason for using Gee’s discourse analysis is that his research is situated within education. He says that “much work in discourse analysis, especially in the field of linguistics has no particular interest in education or issues germane to education. My own work has often centred on education” (2004, p.3). Gee’s theory of D/discourses draws on several theories which include elements from sociolinguistic, cognitive science and philosophy. By including these Gee provides a theory which assists in analysing discourse and social practice and which is significant especially in understanding the relationships between language, social identity and social context (Knobel, 1999). Gee (1999) considers that we use language mainly for three things: to say, to do and to be. While writing or speaking we say something; therefore, we provide information, we also do something which involves action and, finally we chose to say and do something which provides our identity, and therefore, our being. So, when we listen or read, we have to know what the speaker or writer is saying, doing, and being in order to understand fully. (Gee, 1999) To facilitate in understanding the theory of discourse and the relationships between discourse and social relations, social identities, contexts and specific situations of language use, Gee (1999), makes a clear distinction between small ‘d’ discourse and big ‘D’ discourse. Both are important in the development of his theory Gee’s big ‘D’ discourse he defines as: A socially accepted association among ways of using language, other symbolic expressions, and artefacts, of thinking, feeling, believing, valuing and acting
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that can be used to identify oneself as a member of a socially meaningful group or “social network (Gee, 1996, p. 131). Therefore, discourse with a big D means the integration of how people talk, listen, write and read along with how they act, interact, express emotions beliefs and value within a specific social group or network (Gee, 1999, 2001). Hence, a person can be a part of several social discourses. S/he can participate within the discourse of different social group/communities and belong to different social communities. For example, the discourse of teachers, the discourse of nurses, and the discourse of policy analysts among others, can be, discourses that a person can participate in according to his/her affiliation which helps in creating their socially significant identities. However, for any given discourse to be successfully conducted the most vital element required is language. For Gee, the small ‘d’ signifies the language being used and defines it as: any stretch of language (spoken, written, signed) which “hangs together” to make sense to some community of people who use that language… [M]aking sense is always a social and variable matter: what makes sense to one community of people may not make sense to another (1990, p. 103). Gee’s theory, therefore, indicates that the meaning in language is situated and is related to the discourse in which the person is participating. The little ‘d’ discourse looks only at the language that the group of people choose to interact in. An example is a language a teacher chooses to use while interacting with her students. Her choice of words, the structure of her sentences, and her diction will distinguish her as a teacher through her discourse patterns. Furthermore, the interpretation of the discourse is guided by the flow in patterns and connections of the language. As a teacher she is explaining things, asking questions, providing instructions, encouraging her learners, and disciplining and monitoring her students. These discourse patterns, markers and connectors allow her to strengthen her identity as a teacher. Hence, the group to which this person belongs to expresses experiences and perspectives which are similar to those of the other people within this group and so engage in conversation by using a similar discourse/language to express these shared traits. Thus, the meaning of the words is situated within a certain discourse and will mean a different thing when situated in another discourse. This situated discourse Gee refers to as social language (Gee, 2001).
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Furthermore, Gee continues to argue that all social languages are fixed within the upper case ‘D’ discourse. The distinction between the big ‘D’ and the small ‘d’ is designed to illustrate how the four R’s operate but also includes beliefs, values, and interactions that occur in a social context and affinity group (Gee, 1996, 1999, 2015). Language and elements of language are integral elements of Discourse. The situated meaning in language is interlinked with the situated context of Discourse. The theory of Gee’s discourse, therefore, highlights the importance of interaction between the small ‘d’ and the big ‘D’ discourses for any meaningful discourse to take place. He says, “the little ‘d’ is embedded in the big ‘D’ of discourse analysis “into the ways in which language melds with bodies and things to create society and history” (2015, p. 2). Gee (1999) also constantly reminds the reader that theory and method are part and parcel of each other as expressed above and therefore cannot be separated. He goes on to say that methods often are taught like it can “stand alone” (p.5) but that it is the theory of the subject which is the foundation that allows the investigation to take place.
One of the methods that Gee refers to is his five tools of inquiry. These tools which are the social language tool, the situated identity/ies tool, the intertextuality tool, the figured worlds tool and finally the big Discourse/Conversation tool. These tools are embedded in the theory of the big ‘D’, and little ‘d’ discourses and can be used to understand the relevance and position that language plays in social interaction. These tools assist in unpacking the subtleties of language and the manner in which language is employed within different contexts. These tools are elaborated in Chapter 3 which discusses the research design.
3.10 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK EXPLAINED
The various discussions provided above situates the practice of educational policy borrowing within the phenomenon of globalisation and comparative education. The phenomenon of globalisation is the most dominant concept that influences the practice of educational policy borrowing through comparative education studies in the international education market. Similarly, the Bhutanese education system has felt the impact of globalisation, and therefore the phenomenon of globalisation has been chosen as the theoretical framework for this study.
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The discussion on globalisation and education in section 3.5 indicates that globalisation and education cannot be separated anymore. The global influences on national education communities are enormous as education systems all over the world look towards other education systems that have more successful education practices and seek to borrow best practices from them (Steiner-Khamsi, 2014). Urry (2003) agrees that national education policies are now shaped by educational trends that are in the global education market. Due to this, national education systems are feeling the pressure to conform to international standards by teaching students skills that are transferable and transnational, providing exposure to information and communication technologies and teaching them a foreign language. These new skills are emphasised to help meet economic development and create new disciplines of study (Altbach & David, 1999).
Similarly, Robinson (2007) discusses globalisation as an “Isomorphic” (p. 138) process in which he states that values, practices and institutional ideology will spread uniformly all over the universe. The catalysts responsible for this are the supranational and institutional networks (Boli & Thomas, 1999; Meyer et al. 1997). However, for the isomorphic process to continue, educational institutions have been identified as the predominant system through which the culture and values can be transmitted (Robinson, 2007). Due to this, the synergy between globalisation and education cannot be separated anymore.
The theoretical framework that is chosen for this study provides the structure to understand how educational policy borrowing within the comparative education paradigm functions through the phenomenon of globalisation in the Bhutanese education system.
3.11 SUMMARY
Policy borrowing usually takes place from developed countries to developing countries. There are different beliefs about this. Some scholars claim that it is a result of power and legitimacy seeking relations (i.e. central countries versus periphery countries). While developed countries, which are usually advanced economically and technologically, push the rest of the world to adopt their educational policies as a show of their hegemony, host countries might feel obliged that they must adopt these policies. Indeed, when looking at education policies around the world, one can see that there is an increasing similarity in education policies. However, one can also argue
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that developing countries are looking to the developed countries because of the huge amount of resource and research that are available in the hope that these may be brought to them. Developing countries lack resources. Developed countries provide funding opportunities which can make the job of policy borrowing easier to implement and they are better able to follow through with finding out whether a designed policy is effective enough or nor effective at all. In contrast, developing countries’ lack of funds and resources can cause the policies to be merely written on papers, regardless of whether they are being put into practice. Educational policy borrowing has allowed Bhutan to participate in regional and world education stages. Since Bhutanese education has become internationalised, students from other countries can come to Bhutan and study just like Bhutanese can go to other countries for studies. Besides this, the donor investment may imply the country has debt; however, it has been argued that the debt is a small price to pay for the overall improvement it brings to the education system. In general, it is believed by many in Bhutan that education policy borrowing has provided a better education system for Bhutan. The current research has explored three educational policies that have been borrowed to determine the influence that has shaped this practice in Bhutan
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Chapter 4: Research Design
4.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes the research process that was undertaken to examine the research question: What are the influences of educational policy borrowing practices on the Bhutanese education system? And two sub-questions:
1. How did educational policy borrowing practice emerge as a field of practice in the Bhutanese education system? 2. What are the key influences that have shaped policy borrowing practices in Bhutan?
To understand these questions an interpretivist approach is used in the study as described in Section 4.2 of the chapter. This is followed by a description of the data collection method used in Section 4.3. An overview of Discourse Analysis is provided in Section 4.4 with a detailed description of Gee’s (1999) discourse analysis provided in Section 4.5. Data coding techniques are described in Section 4.6 with a description of thematic analysis for the research described in Section 4.7. Gee’s (1999) five tools of inquiry are outlined in Section 4.8. This is followed by a discussion of the credibility of the research in Section 4.9, ethical considerations in Section 4.10, as well as the limitations of the project in Section 4.11. The chapter concludes in Section 4.12 by stating the significance of the discourse analysis method for studying Bhutan’s education policy documents over a period. The following section provides an overview of the interpretivist approach taken for the research.
A qualitative, interpretive methodology was adopted for the current research, as it provides an in-depth analysis suitable to the purpose of examining a set of policies that document the changes to education in Bhutan consequent on comparative education and globalisation. The qualitative, interpretive approach assists in determining how education stakeholders comprehend the currency and relevance of policies within the Bhutanese context and how imposing these policies on the education systems has a ripple effect through schools and communities.
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4.2 THE INTERPRETIVIST APPROACH
All research has an underlying philosophical assumption which establishes ‘valid’ research, and this includes research methods that are appropriate for a given study. Hence, to conduct a study, we need to be aware of the philosophical assumptions and identify methods that will help to validate the study under focus. This chapter describes the research method underpinning the current study along with its philosophical assumptions.
Domegan and Fleming (2007), state that qualitative research aims to explore and identify issues regarding a problem. The problem is investigated as little is known about it nor how complex it is. Myers (2009) posits that qualitative research helps the researcher to comprehend the sociocultural contexts that surround the study. Qualitative research facilitates the understanding of complex issues and differences that are explored in the world under study (Philips, 1998, p.267). In qualitative research, different knowledge claims, enquiry strategies and data collection methods and analysis are employed (Creswell, 2012).
In the interpretivist approach to research, a researcher observes the world with different lenses to construct and interpret meaning. To the researcher, there is no objective knowledge which is isolated from thinking and reasoning. Interpretivist research is based on the view that there are multiple perspectives in arriving at epistemological conclusions and, as suggested by Myers (2008), these are constructed through language, consciousness and shared meaning. Babbie (2005) states that interpretivist researchers observe certain social aspects in a society which may help them discover patterns which then further helps them understand broader principles. Myers (2008) and Robson (2002) propose that reality is created by the individual’s perception and experience as it emerges; therefore, there is not one reality but multiple realities. The interpretivist paradigm as Aikenhead (1997) states consists of observation and interpretation.
There are four basic features of an interpretivist research method according to Bhattarcharjee (2012). First, there is a theoretical sampling strategy. In this strategy, the samples are selected based on whether the selection fits the phenomenon to be studied, and the samples are also examined to see if they possess characteristics needed for the study. This, therefore, indicates that interpretivist researchers are comfortable with small samplings if they fit the nature and purpose of the study. The current
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research adopted this sampling strategy in choosing to analyse three of Bhutan’s educational policies. The sampling is purposeful as the selected educational policies chosen for analysis fit the phenomenon to be studied, educational policy borrowing in the Bhutanese education system.
The second feature of the interpretivist approach (Bhattarcharjee, 2012) is the insider’s perspective. Unlike most other research methods where the researcher is on the outside looking in or must remain neutral to all happenings, in interpretivist research, the researcher is at the centre and is steering the direction of the research. Applying this strategy to the proposed study fits the researcher’s engagement with the policies due to her background as an educator in Bhutan with a vested interest in the topic and the potential impact it has on her future teaching practices.
The third feature indicates that in interpretivist research, the analysis is holistic and contextual; it does not reduce or isolate any findings. The focus of an interpretivist research is usually on the language: the signs and the meanings. This focus is paramount for the examination of education policy to determine if and how appropriateness of the policy language borrowed from other countries appropriate in the Bhutanese educational context.
The fourth feature of interpretivist research (Bhattarcharjee, 2012) shows that data collection and analysis can proceed simultaneously. Also, the researcher can change the research question if the original one is unable to generate new or useful insights thus, making interpretivist research a more user-friendly approach compared to other approaches that provide no flexibility. This approach provides the best fit for the proposed researcher in analysing educational policy borrowing.
Comparable to other research approaches, interpretivist research has its limitations that a researcher must be mindful of when using it as a methodology. A prime limitation could be that due to contextualisation and researcher interpretation, the data analysis could be perceived as a subjective endeavour. An interpretivist approach has been adopted for this research keeping in mind that multiple realities can be created in an interpretivist approach. Unlike other approaches which show an interest in generating new theory, most interpretivists prefer to evaluate theory and refine it. Likewise, this study aims to examine and understand the social phenomenon of educational policy borrowing in the context of Bhutan. Table 4.1 below explains in a tabular form how this study is situated in the interpretivist paradigm. The table shows
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the purpose of the study, the nature of reality (ontology), nature of knowledge and the relationship between the researcher and the phenomenon being researched (epistemology), and the methodology that is being used.
Table 4-1 The Interpretivist approach for the study Feature Description Purpose of the To comprehend the impact of globalisation through research educational policy borrowing trends in the education system of Bhutan and to understand how localisation discourses are situated.
Ontology There are several relevant knowledges about teaching and learning proposed in the documents analysed: The teacher-learner relationship set up in the documents The portrayal of discipline and school management The portrayal of the dynamics of the donor-receiver as presented in the educational policy documents of Bhutan
Epistemology All social events are understood, influenced and interpreted by social interaction in a social context; language and meaning are examined as socially situated. The researcher is engaged in an interactive process which, in this study involves reading through the three policy documents for analysis.
Methodology The data is collected from policy documents published by Interpretive the Ministry of Education, Bhutan to achieve: Research using Authenticity: interaction with archived material. Discourse analysis: - Plausibility: sound interpretation using Gee’s discourse analysis. Criticality: discourse analysis interpretation Reflexivity: reflections on the themes and use of language in texts. (Adapted from Cantrell, 2001).
In brief, the reason for using the interpretivist approach in the research is due to its scope to understand issues of influences and the impact a phenomenon can have in certain social settings (Deetz, 1996). In the current research, the phenomena are the borrowed policy discourse and how these have shaped Bhutanese education. Next, the interpretivist approach allows the researcher to explore hidden reasons behind complex/multifaceted social processes through an in-depth reflective examination of data. This approach is described more fully in the next section.
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4.3 DATA COLLECTION METHOD
Silverman (2006) states that many qualitative researchers do not value the written text. Instead, texts tend to be used mostly for background information or as a reference when instead they can be used as an important material source. Silverman further identifies two advantages for using textual data as they are rich in subtleties and nuances which are different from the spoken word. The first advantage is that textual data can show the reader what the writer is feeling, what the writer values and how the writer deals with each situation. The second advantage is the capacity to document what the writer/participants in the world are doing. As Taylor (2004) reiterates, texts construct representations of the world, social relationships and social identities (p. 435).
For this study, three education policy documents published by the Ministry of Education (MoE) Bhutan, written over three different periods in time, will be analysed to understand the trends of educational policy borrowing in the Bhutanese education system and the impacts that this has had upon education. Unfortunately, the documentation process from the inception of modern education in 1961 has not been recorded. Very little is known or documented about policy borrowing in the early 60s and 70s. As Roble (2016) notes, there is a paucity of information on the early planning and development of the modern system of education regarding the intended purposes and functions of the curriculum in the early 1960s-70s in Bhutan.
For the current study, three documents that were published by the Ministry of Education, Bhutan have been selected for analysis. The documents span the years from 1988 to 2017. Although ‘Western’ education was introduced to Bhutan in 1961, no education policy was written by the Ministry of Education and circulated to schools until 1988. Hence it was important to select that document to understand the Bhutanese perspective of education. The first policy document selected for analysis was the 1st Quarterly Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions, 1988. This was the first official education policy document that was circulated to all the schools. The document introduced formal policies to the schools along with information on how and why these policies needed to be implemented in the schools. This document was initially planned to be circulated to schools four times a year, and thus was called the Quarterly Education Policy Guidelines and Instruction (QEPGI). While the intention was for this document to be circulated four times a year, only two circulations occurred, and
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so the document became a biannual publication until 1997, when the QEPGI ceased to be published in favour of an annual Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions (EPGI) document; however, the EPGI served the same function as the QEPGI. The 1st QEPGI (1988) was selected for analysis for several reasons. From the researcher’s perspective, it is a pioneering document that provides information about the Bhutanese education system at that time. It discusses educational policies as well as the roles and responsibilities that heads of schools and teachers play in the implementation of these policies. It discusses issues on how these policies affect Bhutanese identity and the ways that this identity can be safeguarded against the strong presence of global pressures on Bhutanese education. The QEPGI includes new Bhutanese focused policies and reasons for amendments of old policies. The QEPGI is a rich and detailed document and for these reasons was chosen for analysis.
The second document chosen for analysis is the 30th Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions (EPGI) (2012). The EPGI documents follow the same line as the QEPGI (1988) document but, as described above have evolved from the original QEPGI document. The EPGI (2012) was selected for analysis to understand what evolution or changes to educational policies and practices had occurred in Bhutan since the 1988 QEPGI. To the researcher, this document presents information on how educational policy borrowing practices have continued since 1988, thus showcasing the journey of the Bhutanese education system until 2012. Similar to the QEPGI (1988), the EPGI (2012) discusses the need for teachers’ professional development, curriculum reforms, and the roles and responsibilities of principals and teachers. The highlight of the document is the discussion on the inclusion of Gross National Happiness (GROSS NATIONAL HAPPINESS) into schools in Bhutan. GROSS NATIONAL HAPPINESS is unique to Bhutan and was deemed a vital area of consideration for analysing the EPGI (2012) document.
Finally, the third document selected for analysis is the 31st Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions 2017. The 31st EPGI is the most recent education policy s document for Bhutan. The introduction to the 31 EPGI document states that the EPGI was reintroduced after a gap of five years and so was included for analysis to give an up-to-date perspective of educational policy for Bhutan. Like the other two documents, the 31st EPGI (2017) also discusses education policies. The document is slightly different in its presentation as it provides a brief report in the Foreword to all of the
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education policies introduced in 2013 to 2017. The reason for this inclusion was that no EPGI documents were published since the 30th EPGI in 2012; the Foreword updates the reader about what has happened in Bhutanese education policy during these years. To summarise, all three education documents provide information on education policy. The documents include policies already in place and also introduce new policies with detailed information attached in the appendices of the policy document. The documents are valuable resources to the schools as they act as guidelines to how policies can be implemented and provide aims and objectives to understand why these education policies are mandated. The three policy documents were selected for the study to understand the progress of education and the practice of education policy borrowing in Bhutan from 1988 to 2017. A copy of each of these policies is included in Appendix B. 4.4 DISCOURSE ANALYSIS
Discourse analysis is perhaps one of the oldest forms of a systematic study of language. However, as a discipline discourse analysis has been recognised only since the 1960s (Harris, 1970). The interest in language as a social phenomenon and, subsequently in discourse analysis grew towards the end of the late 20th century. Discourse analysis is still contested as a method, and there is hardly a consensus among scholars who engage in discourse analysis as to what exactly discourse analysis is and what can be studied (Jorgensen & Phillips, 2011). According to Fairclough (1995), discourse analysis is a method of analysis that allows the researcher to investigate textual materials to understand the specific meanings that the texts are articulating about a certain topic of interest. Gee (2011) supports the above statement and says that discourse analysis is the study of language both to say things and to do things. A language is a tool used by humans to help others, to build things, and to show emotions among others. Thus, discourse analysis involves logically examining the various structures and strategies of texts and how the discourse is constructed within them (Chouliaraki, 2008; Fairclough, 1992, 1995, 2003; Rose, 2007; Wodak, 2008). Discourse analysis can, therefore, be defined as the interpretation of texts, based on detailed argument and attention to the material examined (Gill, 2000). As a result, Fairclough (2003), Fischer and Forester (1993) and Hastings (1998) recommend that qualitative researchers use discourse analysis to evaluate public policy documents. Hastings (1998) suggests that discourse analysis can assist in uncovering how
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language is used to connect to broader processes and practices, for example, the reproduction of social relations and the construction of knowledge.
Discourse analysis works with textual materials. Weaver (2002) states that “it does not try to uncover the actors’ hidden agendas, secret motives or their true thoughts” (26-27). It is important to remember that while analysing discourse on public texts that they are analysed for what they express and not to find other meanings in it. Weaver (2002) continues to exert that researcher should examine “the shared codes which are used when actors relate to each other, not what the individual decision makers believe or what the shared beliefs among a population are” (p.26-27). Here, in particular, the discourse is the object of analysis. The researcher, therefore, should work on what is being said and written, identifying motifs and themes and understanding the consequences these discourses have on society (Jorgensen & Phillips, 2011).
4.5 GEE’S DISCOURSE ANALYSIS (1999)
Since Gee’s discourse analysis (2011) is chosen as the method to analyse the data, Gee’s interpretation of discourse analysis will be looked at closely to provide a clearer understanding of how the analysis of the data is going to be done. Gee’s (2005) discourse analysis is similar to yet also different from the definitions provided above by different scholars. The point of similarity lies in the process by which verbal and written information can be interpreted. Gee, however, goes beyond this and argues that discourse analysis is not the mere understanding of oral and written communication. Gee (2011) states that “discourses have no definite and permanent boundaries since people are always creating new ones, changing old ones, and contesting and pushing the boundaries of proposed discourses” (p.37), there are however two purposes that remain constant. The first purpose being “to support the performance of social activities and social identities” and the second purpose is “support human affiliation within cultures, social groups, and institutions” (Gee, 2005, p.1)
Furthermore, Gee (2011) considers that discourse analysis can be approached from different perspectives and that usually these are determined by the discipline of study undertaken for analysis. Some approach it from the discipline of linguistics, where the focus is on grammar. Others approach it from a discipline which is more focussed on ideas, issues and themes, where the grammatical details are not too much
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of a concern (Gee, 2011). This study focuses more on the latter perspective where the policy documents are examined mainly for ideas, issues and themes.
Gee (2011) further goes on to say that human communication is a complex phenomenon, especially when social and cultural elements are included. As a species, human beings are especially good at finding meaning in everything written and spoken. We look for meaning everywhere and very quickly interpret what others say according to our own social and cultural perspectives. Often, Gee considers that interpretations are wrong and falsely made. Therefore, engaging in discourse analysis provides the researcher with a more concrete means to make better and clearer interpretations as words, sentences, phrases in an utterance or a text are interpreted as is and the words are not looked at to have multiple meanings or expressions (Gee, 2011).
In undertaking discourse analysis, we gain knowledge about a context in which an aspect of language has been used to form hypotheses about what that aspect of language means and is doing (Torfing 2005, p.10). Therefore, Thomas (2004) rightly argues that “while it is important not to privilege the discursive over other moments in social life, it is necessary to recognise that an analysis of the discursive moment is essential to the furthering of our understandings of social life, in this case of the public sphere” (229).
The aspect of language is closely studied both to identify the contextual use of language and to comprehend the interpretation of concepts by the speaker or receiver author or reader (Gee, 2011, p. 20). Gee (2000) coined the term “social languages” to indicate how “people create from the grammatical resources of a language quite specific sub-languages” (2000, pp. 412-413). Gee observed how languages are used in specific ways to illustrate how particular themes are promoted and meaning-making occurs. Combined with this is Gee’s notion of Discourse/discourse. As discussed in Chapter 3, while discourse with a capital D indicates beliefs, values, ways of acting, interacting and combining to promote “distinctive environments” that promote identities, the small d of discourse indicates the linguistic level of meaning-making. While discourse with a capital D indicates beliefs, values, ways of acting, interacting and combining to promote “distinctive environments” that promote identities, the small d of discourse indicates the linguistic level of meaning-making. Both of these meanings are employed in this study to focus on how ideas, themes, beliefs, and values
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are reproduced in policy documents and the significant focus that is adopted through the use of specific language.
Interpretivist researchers usually derive their data through direct interaction with the phenomenon they are studying. According to Creswell (2012), in qualitative research data analysis follows a set of procedures. First the data are prepared and organised; next they are reduced into themes by process of coding and categorising; and finally, the data are represented in figures, tables or even as a discussion. Several authors have also highlighted that data analysis is a procedure that happens simultaneously with data collection, data interpretation and report writing (Creswell, 2012; Miles and Huberman, 1984). Yin (2009) identifies the dominant traits of data analysis as pattern matching, explanation building, and cross-synthesis. Patton (2005) and Yin (2009) also explain the importance of coding and categorising data into broader categories or themes and then comparing them in the discussion. Bogdon and Biklen (2003) define qualitative data analysis as a system where the researcher works with data and puts these into manageable units and then codes them, followed by synthesis and looking for patterns. This process helps the researcher to concentrate on the entire data at the start of the analysis. Qualitative data analysis allows the researcher to take the data set apart and then once again reassemble it with a better understanding of the phenomenon under study.
Categorising allows the researcher to search for similarities and differences within the patterns. This process helps the researcher to reflect on certain patterns and threads which provide a deeper meaning. Strauss and Corbin (1990) state that coding, categorisation and organisation of the data is the first step in data analysis. Through this, one searches for patterns and critical themes and meaning.
4.6 CODING DATA
Coding is a qualitative technique that is used to identify a word, phrase, or sentences that represent an aspect of data that captures the essence or feature of the data (Saldana, 2015). This can be either language-based data or visual data usually collected through interview transcripts, participant observation field notes, journals, documents, and photographs among others. While using coding to generate or analyse data, two approaches can be used; the exploratory questioning approach with open ended questions and the confirmatory approach which has closed ended questions. The
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former approach is usually qualitative and is used to understand a phenomenon and capture the realities, while the latter is quantitative and is used to understand the causal relationship of certain things (Trochim, 2006; Saldana, 2015).
Merriam (1998) says that the analysis and interpretation of the findings of a study are usually determined by the constructs, the language, the models and the theories that underpin the focus of the study. Creswell (2012) and Mason (2002) observe that the approach the researcher takes towards qualitative inquiry, the ontological, the epistemological and the methodological issues and influences, affect the coding decisions. Sipe and Ghiso (2004) believe that “all coding is a judgement call” as the researcher brings their subjectivities, their personalities and their predispositions to the process (p. 482). The process of coding is therefore experiential, and problem- solving techniques are learned in the process without having special formulas to abide by (Saldana, 2015). However, coding is not about labelling things rather; it is linking. The links help the researcher to understand the data better as these links lead to other ideas that generate more data about the central idea, therefore making the data more robust (Saldana, 2015).
Once the coding is completed, the classification/categorisation can begin. While categorising, the researcher takes these codes and organises them into groups or categories as they share similar characteristics. Lincoln and Guba (1985) explain that categorising involves one’s understanding of classification and the ability to use tacit and intuitive senses. This ability can help one to determine which data can be grouped according to their similarities and differences.
Coding and categorising may need to be done several times as it is very rare that a researcher can get them correct on the first attempt. Qualitative inquiry is demanding and requires meticulous attention to the discourse in language to establish the ideas, themes and patterns one is seeking. Saldana (2015) described this process when he observed and interviewed children in a primary school to generate his data. When he started to code and categorise the data, he had to read several times to determine appropriate codes and categories.
Following the observations noted above, in this study, the data was coded based on the discourse analysis approach used by Gee (1999, 2011). The coding was conducted first through reading each of the policies, then breaking down the text into sentences before examining individual words and phrases using Gee’s six building
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blocks of analysis. Gee (2011) identified six building blocks or clues to analyse language. These building blocks include semiotic building (signs and symbols, belief systems), world building, activity building, socio-culturally situated identity and relationship building, political building, and connection building. The building blocks are applied simultaneously in the discourse analysis in a coherent form.
Further, they are carried out in negotiation and collaboration with due regard for other related oral and written texts and contextual situations. Even when we are silently reading, these building blocks are carried out in negotiation and collaboration with the writer in various guises. An example of how the coding as prescribed by Gee’s six building blocks is represented below in Table 4.1.
Table 4.1. Discourse Analysis: Gee’s six building blocks for DA
These codes were applied to each of the three Bhutanese education policies analysed in the research and produced a rich bank of words and phrases from the documents that identify the global discourse embedded in the education policies. Coded discourse included words such as ‘millennium development goals’, ‘peer interaction’, ‘lifelong learning’, and ‘child-centred learning’. A sample of coding from the policy documents is illustrated in Table 4.2.
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Table 4-2. Coding according to Gee’s six building blocks
Coding of the data leads to creating themes, as described below.
4.7 THEMATIC ANALYSIS
Thematic analysis is poorly defined and seldom acknowledged; however, it is a widely used qualitative analytic tool (Boyatzis, 1998; Roulston, 2001). For most beginning researchers, it is a convenient research method which helps them to develop vital research skills which will help them to engage in other forms of qualitative analysis (Holloway and Todres, 2003). According to Braun and Clarke (2006), “thematic analysis is a method for identifying, analysing and reporting patterns (themes) within data” (p.6). However, there are others (Attride-Stirling, 2001; Boyatzis, 1998; Tuckett, 2005) who cannot agree on one clear definition and how thematic analysis is approached. They also state that thematic analysis does not have a distinctive ‘brand name’ and therefore actually does not exists by itself as an analysis method, unlike narrative analysis. Thus, the thematic analysis does not have any credit of its own despite most analysis being thematic. Instead, it is usually described as discourse analysis or content analysis (Meehan, Vermeer & Windsor, 2000). Nevertheless, thematic analysis continues to be the foundation of much qualitative research. As Attride-Stirling (2001) suggests, the thematic analysis allows researchers to not only analyse their data, but it also helps them to understand the assumptions that informed their analysis, to evaluate their research, to compare and/or synthesise their studies with others; it can also help them plan related projects for the future.
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Thematic analysis allows the researcher to categorise data into theme-sets. This implies that processed data can be displayed and classified according to themes that are similar or may be different (Miles & Huberman, 1994). The thematic analysis allows different levels of themes to be processed. This, therefore, provides the researcher with an analysis mechanism to study the relationship between the variables and the factors which then helps in creating a reasonable and logical chain of evidence (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Creswell, 2012; Miles & Huberman, 1994). Coding is normally done to help the researcher connect one part of the analysis with the other part. By so doing, the researcher can look at the data holistically and identify themes and patterns within the data to understand and interpret what the data means (Miles & Huberman, 1994; Halldorson, 2009; Coffey & Atkinson, 1996).
Two major themes emerged from the analysis of the three policies. The first theme was related to the global/local impact on Bhutanese education. This theme shows the essence of how global influences shaped Bhutanese education. These influences were then situated within the local to represent Bhutanese life. Both global and local continue to be present in all three documents analysed for the research.
The second major theme was related to loyalty/national identity. The theme encompasses the many aspects of the Bhutanese culture and national identity. Loyalty and respect to the King and participating in the Bhutanese culture are strongly featured in the documents. National identity is portrayed through school participation in national holidays and other events unique to Bhutan. The two themes were identified through Gee’s six building blocks as illustrated in Table 4.3 below.
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Table 4-3. Categorising themes according to Gee’s six building blocks
After the identification of the two major themes, it was necessary to drill down into the documents to explore these themes in more depth. The technique to further the analysis was to use Gee’s (1999) five tools of inquiry. This technique is described below.
4.8 FIVE TOOLS OF INQUIRY
The analysis of the themes in the three policy documents will be analysed using Gee’s (1999) five tools of inquiry. The five tools of inquiry are the:
1. Social language tool
2. Socially situated meanings/identities tool
3. Intertextuality tool
4. Figured worlds tool
5. Big D discourse/conversations tool.
As Gee (1999) mentions, these tools of inquiry assist in an in-depth examination of the discourses and themes of a text and are “primarily relevant to how people build identities and activities and recognise identities and activities that others are building around them” (p. 20). A brief description of each of these tools follows.
Social languages as Gee (1999) observed are about the different varieties of language used for different purposes. Examining how different varieties of language
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are used is a tool of inquiry as it illustrates the purpose of the text and establishes its function. The social language tool looks at two things: who and what or what Gee calls “who doing what” (p.13) Similarly, Weider and Pratt (1990) also argue that for oral or written words to have meaning, the who and a what should be included. The who and what or the “who doing what” refers to the situated identity that is created through the use of social language. Social language can, therefore, include all utterances made by individuals and or institutions which can be authored or authorised. Gee (1999) further explains that the who and the what are not distinct from each other. He says “you are who you are partly through what you are doing, and what you are doing is partly recognised for what it is by who is doing it. So, it is better to say that utterances communicate an integrated, though often multiple or heteroglossic who doing what” (p.14).
Social language(s) is/are what we learn and what we speak in different social settings or communities to express who we are and what we stand for as an individual or an institution or a community. Gee (1999) states that “different styles or varieties of language are used for different purposes to enact different identities in different settings” (p.28). A few types of social languages are: teachers discussing teaching and learning, doctors discussing a medical issue, mothers discussing child rearing among others. In the Bhutanese context, the concept of Gross National Happiness, which is at the centre of all developmental activities, will exhibit a social language which can be identified through the use of particular words, phrases and sentences. Similarly, the educational policy documents under review in this study will exhibit several social languages for different purposes. This social language is, therefore, useful to explore and identify themes which are under study in this research.
Situated identity according to Gee (1999) is how identity is created through meaningful language. The text answers the questions of who is speaking and what is intended, projecting certain identities and activities for focusing on the ‘who’ and the ‘what’ of the text. Agar, (1994), Clark, (1996) and Hofstadter, (1997) argue that a situated identity is a personality that is created almost immediately by a person in any given situation/context which is based on the person’s personal experience, helping the person to choose the most appropriate language to communicate in that given situation. Gee’s situated identity is, therefore, a “thinking device” (p.54) which guides the researcher towards questions that can draw out more information. For example,
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according to Gee (1999), some of the questions a researcher can ask him/herself to understand the purpose of the discourse within the situated meaning tool are:
What situated meaning or meanings for a given word or phrase is it reasonable to attribute to their author considering the Discourse in which words were used?
What situated meaning or meanings for a given word or phrase is it reasonable to attribute to those who are listening or reading these words or phrases, again considering the Discourse in which the words are used?
What situated meaning or meanings for a given word or phrase is it reasonable to attribute to those who are listening or reading these words or phrases, from other Discourses than the one in which the words were uttered or written?
What situated meaning or meanings are reasonable, from the Discourse in which these words were used or by other Discourses, to assume are potentially attributable to these words by interpreters, whether or not we have evidence anyone activated that potential meaning in the current case? (p 73).
The educational policy documents of Bhutan will also display several situated identities/meanings within them. This tool will enable the researcher to understand the role that these identities play in shaping the education system of Bhutan.
Intertextuality is one of the five tools of inquiry. Gee (2011) explains intertextuality as “cases where one oral or written text directly or indirectly quotes another text or alludes to another text in yet more subtle ways” (p.54). Gee emphasises that there is history in words and this has passed on from one generation to another through spoken words and written texts. Besides this, words have moved in and out from one discourse to another and through different institutions all over the world. Fairclough (1992) explains that “intertextuality is basically the property texts have of being full of snatches of other texts, which may be explicitly demarcated or merged in, and which the text may assimilate, contradict, ironically echo, and so forth” (p. 84). Both Gee (2011) and Fairclough (1992) see it as a process where texts and various styles of language interact which can then create new meanings and change old ones. Words which are borrowed from one text to another text can be done in many ways. Gee(2011) uses Shakespeare as an example whereby he says “it can directly quote another text (as in “Shakespeare said: ‘Love is such sweet sorrow.”’), or indirectly quote it (as in “Shakespeare said that love was such sweet sorrow”), or just allude to
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what hearers or readers in the know will realize are words taken from some other source [(as in “My love for you is sweet sorrow, indeed”(p.54)]. Intertextuality is, therefore, a useful tool of inquiry that will help the researcher to make a ‘cross- reference’ to another text or type of text and this is an integral part of discourse analysis. Moreover, the researcher will also be able to identify the various texts that the educational policy documents in Bhutan have made references to or intertextually connected to, in order to provide quality education to Bhutanese children.
Figured worlds is a concept that has been known by several names: cultural model, discourse model, folk theory among others. According to Gee (2011) figured worlds “are simplified, often unconscious, and taken-for-granted theories or stories about how the world works that we use to get on efficiently with our daily lives” (p. 76). A figured world can be a socially and culturally interpreted world or context which presents as something that is understood to be typical or normal and depends greatly on the social and cultural group one belongs to.
Gee (2011) considers that figured worlds is a vital tool of inquiry as it plays the role of a mediator between the “micro level of interaction and the macrolevel of institutions” (p.76). Figured worlds interact with the local discourses and the discourses of institutions to “create the complex patterns of institutions and cultures across societies and history” (Gee, 2011, p.76).
Gee (2011) further goes on to explain that there are three types of figured worlds, “espoused worlds, evaluative worlds, worlds in-interaction.” (p 90). The espoused worlds is a conscious world we adopt through our belief system which is supported through our theories, stories and ways of looking at things in the world. The evaluative worlds according to Gee are used “consciously or unconsciously…to judge ourselves or others,” (p. 90), while figured worlds in-interaction are those worlds that “consciously or unconsciously…guide our actions (regardless of what we say or think we believe),” (p 90).
The notion of figured worlds is a complex tool of inquiry and can be complicated while dealing with different figured worlds. However, being observant, using as many clues provided through additional “texts, media, social practices, social and institutional interactions and diverse discourses that influence them” (p.96) can provide an enriching experience. Understanding the figured worlds in the Bhutanese educational context will be interesting especially since the modern mass education
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system is a completely foreign concept, with educational initiatives which are also borrowed from global education systems.
Big D discourse according to Gee (1999) combines and integrates “language, actions, interactions, ways of thinking, believing, valuing, and using various symbols, tools and objects to enact a particular sort of socially recognisable identity” (p. 21). Discourse with a big D, therefore, is the overarching umbrella that holds everything together. As the definition above expresses, discourse is not only about language, grammar, syntax, word choice and so on but also includes other “stuff that is not language” (p.28). It, therefore, shows that it is the combination of and integration of “language, actions, interactions, ways of thinking, believing, valuing, and using various symbols, tools, and objects to enact a particular sort of socially recognisable identity” (p. 29). In today’s world, the big ‘D’ discourses have expanded with the boom in technology, urban development, increased social interactions and access to international markets. However, the “key to Discourse is recognition” (35). Having the ability to make “others recognise you as a particular type of who (identity) engaged in a particular type of what (activity), here and now, then you have pulled off a Discourse” (p. 35). Conversations with a big ‘C’ are embedded within the big ‘D’ discourse and means comprehending and adopting the debates, ideas, and themes around key topics. “Sometimes when we talk or write, our words don’t just allude or relate to someone else’s words (as in the case of intertextuality), but they allude or relate to themes, debates, or motifs that have been the focus of much talk and writing in some social group with which we are familiar or in our society as a whole. These themes, debates, or motifs play a role in how language is interpreted” (p.29). Some examples according to Gee (1999) are debates on smoking, abortion or school reform.
Similarly, in Bhutan, there are several Discourses and Conversations that are important to the country. At the Ministry of Education, school reforms and school change and development are at the centre of most discussions. This tool will help in identifying some of the major concerns and issues in the Bhutanese education system. It is hoped that a close process of reading and re-reading the three educational policy documents will assist in identifying the Discourses and Conversations that are significant to Bhutan at the national and international level.
Drawing on the tools provided by Gee (2011), the documents will be examined by using Gee’s first tool known as the social language tool to study the specific lexical,
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grammatical choices, and co-locational patterns adopted by policymakers to write policy as presented from the perspective of the policymakers. The second tool which is identified as the situated meaning tool looks at word structures and contextual meanings to study the importance given to stakeholders who are involved. The third tool that Gee identifies is the textual and thematic analysis more commonly known as the intertextuality tool. Intertextuality within this study will enable the researcher to identify the allusions and references that policy documents make to other policy texts elsewhere in relation to global and local themes. The fourth tool described by Gee, which he classes as figured worlds, will be used to highlight the various notions that policy writers have about policy enactment in Bhutan. Finally, the fifth tool which Gee identifies as Conversations/big D discourse tool will be used to understand the discourse patterns which play an important role in the discussion of education in Bhutan.
4.9 CREDIBILITY OF THE RESEARCH APPROACH
Traditionally, in qualitative research standardised testing instruments are rarely used with smaller, non-random samples of participants for data collection. Therefore, it is sometimes deemed harder to arrive at ascertaining the credibility of the research study. Assessing the accuracy of the findings in qualitative research is difficult but not impossible. There are, however, strategies and criteria which have worked, and which can be used to ensure the quality of the research findings. Lincoln and Guba (1981; 1985), Krefting (1991) and Creswell (2012), states that the evaluation of qualitative research is through four strategies: credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability. The authors argue that these strategies match up with the quantitative criteria of internal and external validity, reliability and neutrality. Moreover, each strategy to measure the quality of a qualitative research uses criteria like reflexivity, triangulation and thick description.
Fairclough (2003), proposed three functions of text, which include terms of action (ways of acting), representation (how things are represented), and identification (ways of being) and that text in any form can be analysed. As described in this chapter, Gee (2003) added the building tasks of language, which also incorporate the functions of language. These approaches align with the interpretivist approach of the data analysis. Lincoln and Guba (1985) suggest checking the credibility of the interpretivist approach through engaging in data triangulation. To do this, the maintenance of data,
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transcribing them verbatim and analysing them carefully, work toward providing credibility of the data analysis. Although this study may not be able to use triangulation in the true sense of the word to assess credibility, it will use quasi-triangulation by constantly judging the credibility of the analysis against the tool kit provided by Gee (2011).
In relation to the current research, for example, no other country has the notion of Gross National Happiness. It is therefore not replicable outside of Bhutan. However, it is a vital component of who is and what it means to be Bhutanese and so must be included. Many of the values of Gross National Happiness, however, can be easily recognised by people outside of Bhutan and so add to the notion of reliability. Merriam (1998), Seale (1999) and Lincoln and Guba (1985) provide strategies like triangulation, member checking, peer examination, clarifying researcher’s bias and auditing, to evaluate the reliability of the study. The researcher will use auditing of Discourse and discourse (providing a thick description), along with other tools of inquiry- such as intertextuality, situated identity, social language and figured worlds as represented in texts to assess the reliability of this study. 4.10 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS
While engaging in research, it is always important to take into consideration ethical issues. Bryman and Bell (2007), have noted that there is a lack of academic literature on the topic of informed consent as an ethical issue. Robson (2002), says that protecting the confidentiality of participants is also a crucial ethical concern. Since this study will be analysing government education policy documents which are publicly available on the Ministry of Education website of Bhutan and not engaging with human participants the common ethical issues that might emerge with human participants will not be addressed in keeping with the requirements of the QUT Human Research Ethics guidelines. Exemption has thus been sought and has been provided. The ethics clearance number is 170000100; the study has been deemed as not requiring any further clearance.
4.11 LIMITATIONS
All research that is qualitative has limitations which may impede the study or the analysis/result to some extent. Goulding (2002), states that, since qualitative research is mostly descriptive and subjective due to the researcher’s positioning and interpretation, it is considered to be less rigorous from some points of view. Another
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criticism of qualitative research identified by Bryman and Bell (2007) is that it is not transparent as there is no way to see how and why a researcher reaches certain conclusions. These two limitations will hopefully be addressed in this study. However, three other limitations may affect the study.
Discourse analysis is a broad and detailed field of study; however, this study will use specific aspects of discourse analysis for the study of policy documents. As not all modes and features of discourse analysis are employed, this study might be considered limited in scope; however, to overcome this limitation, the approach undertaken will be in depth and follow closely the tools of inquiry as outlined by Gee (2011). Nevertheless, the study acknowledges that a detailed discourse analysis of three policy documents is a herculean task and beyond the scope of the study. Therefore, at the cost of seeming to be limited, this study chooses to examine the major discourses and themes through a selective application of the five tools of inquiry and the six building blocks as outlined by Gee (1991).
Another perceived limitation might be in the number of policy documents chosen for this study; only three. However, to overcome this limitation, the study has included a set of policies that span three decades to highlight the progress, change and the enduring discourses present in the policy documents. Further, the study aims to provide a rich and thick thematic discourse analysis to provide insights into the practices of educational policy borrowing in Bhutan.
4.12 SUMMARY
This chapter has presented why the interpretivist method through Gee’s (2011) discourse analysis will be used to analyse the phenomenon of educational policy borrowing in Bhutan. Educational policy borrowing has been examined through the influences exerted by comparative education and globalisation which especially compel developing countries to participate in the practice of borrowing.
This chapter has discussed why this method is best suited for this study and how the two themes that emerge from these documents will be analysed. Apart from this, the chapter discussed the validity of the data, ethical considerations and the limitations of the study.
Chapter 5 will discuss the three educational policy documents in greater detail and provide a detailed analysis of the two major discourses that emerge from the
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documents. It will look closely at how Gee’s six building blocks and five tools of inquiry identify specific language nuances that indicate the themes of loyalty/national identity and globalisation/localisation
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Chapter 5: Analysis
5.1 INTRODUCTION
As outlined in earlier chapters, this study aims to evaluate the various discourses in Bhutanese education policy documents to ascertain how the education system has been conceptualised over the last 57 years in Bhutan as reflected through the discourses. The three education policy documents from the Ministry of Education, Bhutan that were analysed were circulated in 1988(QEPGI), 2012 (EPGI) and 2017 (EPGI). The chapter is divided into three sections, with each section discussing one education policy document. The 1st Quarterly education policy guidelines and instructions (QEPGI, 1988) is analysed in Section I of this chapter. Within Section I, the background to the document is presented. This is followed by an initial data analysis sample to show how the primary discourses are presented. The chapter then provides an analysis of the loyalty/national identity discourse and the Globalisation/localisation discourse. Section 5.6 offers a conclusion to this document. Similarly, the 30th Education policy guidelines and instructions (EPGI, 2012) is analysed in Section II of this chapter. Within Section II, a background to the document is presented. This is followed by an initial data analysis sample to show how the primary discourses are presented. The chapter then provides an analysis of the loyalty/national identity discourse and the globalisation/localisation discourse. Section 5.11 provides a conclusion to this document. Finally, the 31st Education policy guidelines and instructions (EPGI, 2017) is analysed in Section III. Within Section III, a background to the document is presented. This is followed by an initial data analysis sample to show how the primary discourses are presented. The chapter then provides an analysis of the loyalty/national identity discourse and the globalisation/localisation discourse. Section 5.16 provides a conclusion to this document.
Although the analysis of these policy documents does not claim to be exhaustive, the methodology has a focussed approach drawing on Gee’s (2011)
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theoretical concepts which include the six building blocks (semiotic building, world building, activity building, socio-culturally situated identity and relationship building, political building and connection building) and the five tools of inquiry (social language, situated identities, intertextuality, figured worlds and Discourse/Conversation. These theoretical concepts provide the framework for analysis and how the data in the policy documents discursively represents the change of the Bhutanese education system overtime. The documents follow the report genre which here conveys government intention compiled through research and analysis of issues. Typical of reports, these policy documents cover a range of educational topics and focus on transmitting information that has a clear set of goals and purposes. The language is explicit, objective, in third person narrative with frequent passivation. The language is overall authoritative and dictates roles, purposes and measures to be undertaken.
SECTION I
5.2 BACKGROUND TO THE 1ST QUARTERLY EDUCATION POLICY GUIDELINES AND INSTRUCTIONS (QEPGI, 1988)
The QEPGI (1988) policy document was the first formal document officially circulated to all government schools in Bhutan that followed the adopted western system of education. Before this, all schools in Bhutan received information from the Department of Education through circulars and office orders. However, sending out circulars was becoming more difficult for the following reasons. First, the number of schools in Bhutan began to expand rapidly. In 1961 when a Western style of education was first introduced; there were 11 schools. By 1981, this number had grown to 119 schools (Annual Education Statistics, 2016, p. 6). These were mainly primary schools and were in remote rural communities. These communities had little or no access to constructed roadways with the nearest district town usually a minimum of three days walk away. The capital town of the district was an important centre for school head teachers. It was from these district towns that the head teacher picked up school mail from the post office, teachers’ salaries from the Bank and rations from the Food Corporation of Bhutan (FCB). The head teacher usually went to the district town once a month, either at the beginning or end of the month, which meant that important
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circulars or letters from the Department of Education were left sitting in the post office for a month a more. Another reason that hampered the circulation of information to schools in a timely manner was the weather. Bhutan has three to four months (June-September) of intense rain in the summer called the Monsoon. Since the Himalayan mountains are still young, the land is not stable, and there are numerous landslides and swollen rivers that cut off these remote communities from the rest of Bhutan. In these extreme weather conditions, the circulars and official letters were unable to be distributed to the schools in time. Sometimes, motorable roads were blocked and/or cut off from the capital city, Thimphu, or to other parts of Bhutan due to the rain, creating a chain reaction of lost and late information. Finally, despite circulating a lot of information to the schools throughout the year, the Department of Education had no way to monitor 1) whether these circulars were reaching the schools, and 2) whether the schools were following the policies in the circulars. For the above reasons, the QEPGI was sent out to schools in July of 1988 after the summer holidays. The first QEPGI (1988) is, therefore, an important document to analyse for the following reasons. As described above, rather than having numerous circulars and office orders, the QEPGI (1988) was the first and only formal official document that addressed national education policies during the 1980s. This circulation of the QEPGI helped to formalise the education system in Bhutan and thus began a formal move to improve and modernise the Bhutanese education system. Henceforth, all information related to the various aspects of education like teaching, learning, curriculum, administering and so on were all addressed in one policy document and could be referred to whenever help was needed by the head of school or teachers. The QEPGI was also a major indicator that showed the evolution of communication of information in the Bhutanese education system. Starting with the QEPGI, the schools now had a document sent to them every three months which provided the schools with information on policy, guidelines and instructions. This replaced the ad hoc distribution of circulars that were sent to schools throughout the year. This distribution of the QEPGI ensured that schools did not have to worry about receiving information late since the policy document was valid for the next three months. Most importantly the QEPGI illustrates the evolution of educational policy and the changes and improvement it brought to education in Bhutan. The circulation of the
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document shows not only the far-sighted vision of the 4th King, His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuk but also the willingness of educators in Bhutan to have the education system evolve and grow. The initiative was conducive in providing support to schools in Bhutan especially for those in rural areas of the country. With the adoption of the QEPGI as the official document for education matters, the education system became organised around common concepts applicable to all schools; it was also a site for policy makers to direct education to desired goals and outcomes. The QEPGI (1988) was sent out to all schools in Bhutan that followed western style education. Initially, the Government aimed to send out policy documents on a quarterly rotation a year to all schools; therefore, the policy document was called the quarterly. However, only two QEPGIs per year were circulated to schools, as and when they were ready to be sent. The reason for this change in plan is unknown as there is no documented information on why this transpired. The last QEPGI was circulated in November of 1995. Although quarterly policy documents are no longer issued, it is important to analyse the first document to understand the process of how educational discourse was first envisaged. The fabric of the document comprises various tensions between the local and the national. The national dominates the discourse with an attempt to modernise the education system in line with a global educational discourse. Thus, there is a constant push and pull of various contending ideas such as the need for hygiene, the need for children to be independent learners who are committed to schooling, the role of teachers and principals as requiring to be different to the previous perceptions of teaching and teachers, in particular being different from their Indian counterparts who had led schools previously, as well as the urgent need to take account of pay and caderisation (transforming a group of people into cadres or party functionaries). Two themes are prominent in the document: the theme of globalisation/localisation and the theme of loyalty/national identity. To illustrate how these two operate, I undertook a close reading of two sample sections from the document using deductive analysis through Gee’s (2011) six building blocks. The following provides an initial analysis of the QEPGI. This will be followed by a more in-depth analysis using Gee’s (2011) framework of discourse analysis.
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5.3 INITIAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF THE 1ST QEPGI
Before undertaking the analysis based on Gee’s (2011) theoretical concepts in detail, I present below two sets of examples each for the QEPGI document. The first set of examples consists of a sample table (5.1) which uses Gee’s six building blocks to categorically group words, phrases and sentences into the six building blocks they represent, and a sample paragraph (5.1) which is put in a tabular form to analyse the discourse of loyalty/national identity in the document. The second set of examples for analysis is similar to the first set of examples described above. This set is also represented in a table (5.2) and a sample paragraph (5.1); however, this sample discusses the globalisation/localisation discourse. Table 5.1. Gee’s six building blocks analysed for loyalty/national identity discourse Six Building Blocks of Gee’s Discourse Words/phrases identified from Analysis paragraph 5.1 Semiotic building block(significance) Being a sovereign and independent nation Younger generation continuing the tradition and culture of the Bhutanese World building block Different from those elsewhere Activity building block Continue to provide Bhutan… Younger generations develop… A deep sense of pride and respect Greater understanding and appreciation of Diglam Chogsum Socio-culturally situated identity and Our rich religious and cultural relationship building heritage, distinct and different Political building A small country with a small population, sovereign independent nation Connection building Our forefathers, our younger generation,
Sample paragraph 5. 1: Loyalty/national identity 1. It must be noted that our forefathers have passed on to us national
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2. values derived from the sacred traditions of our rich religious and cultural 3. heritage and which are distinct and different from those of anywhere else. 4. As a small country with a small population, these values will, as over the 5. past many centuries, continue to provide Bhutan with its unique national 6. Identity and strengthen its status as a sovereign independent nation. It 7. Is, therefore, paramount that our younger generations develop a deep sense 8. of pride and respect for our traditional values through a greater understanding 9. and appreciation of Diglam Chogsum (QEPGI, p.5)
The nine-line paragraph above has been numbered and underlined to analyse each line individually for the two discourses of 1. Loyalty/national identity and 2. Globalisation/localisation In line 1 of the paragraph, the mention of “our forefathers” indicates that there is a connection with the past that the country wants to uphold for continuity of the Bhutanese culture and national identity as well as loyalty. The focus on the words “ours” and “us” in the line also indicates what Guibernau (2007, p.1) described as the collective sense of belonging to a nation and sharing features that distinguish them from other nations (p.1). Therefore, this line is symbolically situated in reaffirming Bhutanese identity. Line 2 reaffirms what Line 1 starts to express. Line 2 expresses that the sacred traditions and the rich religious and cultural heritage are the biggest contributors to the national value and identity of the country. These are valuable and unique resources that Bhutan must learn to treasure and to pass down to the younger generation. Like line 1, the continuation of loyalty/national identity is still a prominent discourse here. Line 3 continues to remind the Bhutanese of their identity. Here the globalisation discourse is indicated through the phrase “different from those of anywhere else”. This comparison indicates Bhutanese awareness and understanding that other cultures exist outside Bhutan and also understand from their global interaction that Bhutanese culture is “distinct and different” and therefore the need to safeguard it is even greater. Line 4 reminds the reader about the size and population of Bhutan. It indicates that the country’s geographical smallness and a small population are not disadvantages; instead, they put Bhutan in a place of privilege as compactness and a sense of cohesiveness around values can be maintained more effectively. Therefore, the continuity of loyalty/national identity is strengthened.
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Line 5 reaffirms the continued discourse of the people’s loyalty/national identity evident in Line 4. It is also a reminder to the reader that the loyalty/national identity has been Bhutan’s greatest asset for many centuries and this, therefore, should continue into the future. Line 6 expresses the need to “strengthen its status as a sovereign independent state” which continues to indicate the loyalty/national identity discourse. However, it also implies a global discourse of nation states all over the world endeavouring to keep their sovereignty and independence by capitalising on assets that are unique to them. For Bhutan, these assets are its traditions and culture and the Diglam Chogsum that has been passed on from generation to generation. Therefore, the line reiterates that Bhutan should preserve its heritage and allow it has to continue to flourish over time. Line 7 brings the whole loyalty/national identity discourse in this paragraph to a full circle by connecting the past of line 1 “our forefathers” with the present “younger generation” of Bhutanese who can continue to feel pride in being Bhutanese. Our forefathers have continued thus far to keep the national values intact. It is therefore now the responsibility of the younger Bhutanese generation to continue what is given to them to ensure that Bhutan remains a sovereign independent state. Lines 8 and 9 continue to discuss the discourse of loyalty/national identity and integrate all aspects of the national values into the three broad Bhutanese virtues of discipline, culture and tradition and religious practices known as the Diglam Chogsum. Therefore, the lines state that “greater understanding and appreciation of the Diglam Chogsum” will allow the small nation state of Bhutan to continue as an independent sovereign state. The sample presented above reflects the discourse of loyalty/national identity in a more explicit manner than the discourse of globalisation/localisation. The need for this discourse gains even greater symbolism since it happened mainly after Bhutan’s exposure to globalisation through the introduction of western education in 1961. Before 1961, Bhutan’s closed-door policy guarded it against outside influences and the need to discuss loyalty/national identity was not felt so much nor was it imagined to be threatened. The 11line sample presented below illustrates the globalisation discourse. However, the resistive discourse of localisation comes out more explicitly than does the globalisation discourse. The sample is presented to showcase what the paragraph preceding this also discusses, which is the impact of globalisation. The next 11-line
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sample presented below shows the globalisation discourse, however, the resistive discourse of localisation comes out more explicitly than does the globalisation discourse. The sample is presented to showcase what the paragraph preceding this also discusses, which is the impact of globalisation. Sample paragraph 5.2: Globalisation/localisation discourse 1. In pursuance of the policy of the Government to make education more 2. relevant to the national needs and aspiration as well as in the view of the 3. budgetary constraints educational tours normally undertaken by High schools 4. and other Institutes to places outside Bhutan are henceforth discontinued 5. and prohibited. All such educational tours by the students of the 6. institutes and High schools shall be instead made to places within the 7.kingdom. In this connection, it is suggested that development projects, 8. such as, the Penden Cement Factory, Chukha Hydel Project, Khaling and 9. Gyeltshen Power Projects, Bondey Farm, Gedu Plywood Factory, Dairy, Piggery 10. and Fishery farms as well as the numerous holy shrines within the country 11. are selected for the purpose of future educational tours by the Institutes 12. and the High schools (QEPGI,1988)
Table 5-1. Gee’s 6 building blocks analysed for globalisation/localisation discourse 6 Building Blocks of Gee’s Discourse Words/phrases identified from Analysis paragraph 5.2 Semiotic building block(significance) Discontinuation of educational tours outside the country World building block Activity building block Make education more relevant, Educational tours
Socio-culturally situated identity and Educational tours shall be instead made relationship building to places within the Kingdom political building connection building Tours within Bhutan to different projects and religious shrines
Line 1- 2 reminds the reader about the Government aspiration to make Bhutanese education relevant to Bhutanese students to fulfil the national needs. This discussion is pertinent as it happens under the auspice of the nationalisation and localisation of education. Since the introduction of Western education in 1961, the policy discourse
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is the first time that the education system in Bhutan was conscientiously making a statement towards developing an education system that was Bhutanese. Line 3-4 explains that external educational tours in which high school and institute students engaged in the past will not continue. Engaging in educational tours beyond the boundaries of one’s country has numerous benefits due to the experience one gains from the exposure and the immersion in a culture that is different from one’s own. This experience which is part of the Western model of education allows a student to develop as a global citizen is referred to through a comparison with the localisation discourse, which takes priority. There is a resistance to the global discourse. The need to localise the educational tours within the country is deemed more important than going outside the country. Lines 5-12 as mentioned above continues the localisation discourse. These lines provide names of projects and areas that can be visited within Bhutan. However, what this paragraph lacks are the benefits that can be derived from educational tours within the country, but can be seen as a strategy used to strengthen the localisation discourse. The words prominent in this paragraph are ‘discontinued and prohibited’ instead of words related to the localisation discourse. Having provided an analysis of two sample paragraphs from the QEPGI (1988) policy, I now focus on examining the overall discourses and Discourse that emerge through a close study of the five tools of inquiry provided by Gee (2011), namely: social language tool, situated meaning/identity tool, intertextuality tool, figures world tool, conversation and big D Discourse tools. The following sections examine the themes of loyalty/national identity and the theme of globalisation/localisation. It is, through these tools of analysis that the central ideas that are projected regarding discourse to the king, country and the people of Bhutan are identified.
5.4 LOYALTY/NATIONAL IDENTITY DISCOURSE
5.4.1 As identified through the social language tool
The 1988 QEPGI document has an extensive number of explicitly expressive identifiers of words, phrases and sentences that illustrate the discourse of loyalty/national identity. According to Gee (2011, p.44), the social language tool can be best described as Who’s doing what? Which can be expanded into two questions: 1) who is speaking? And 2) what are they saying? Even within these two questions,
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there is a context that determines how you speak, which therefore indicates the social language you choose to utilise based on the context, which could either be formal or informal (Gee, 2011, p.47). The QEPGI is a formal document, hence the social language chosen for this social interaction is formal. Throughout the document social language is used to discuss the overarching big D discourse of education in Bhutan and what is being done and by whom to reinforce the significance of this. However, within this big D discourse, other discourses emerge, one of which is loyalty/national identity. Words and phrases like priceless virtues, loyalty, dedication, appreciation for culture and tradition, unique identity, showing love, loyalty and dedication to his Majesty, the country and the people are used repeatedly in the document to tell teachers, heads of schools and students how they need to continue their loyalty to Bhutan, enhance their national identity, and look after their culture and traditions. A sample of words, phrases and sentences that indicate loyalty/national identity discourse through the social language tool is presented below. must ensure the kingdom’s future well- being (p.3) develop loyalty and dedication to his Majesty, the country and the people (p.3) loyal and dedicated Bhutanese citizens (p. 2) understanding of our national policies and aspirations (p.3) teaching and learning of the Diglam Chogsum and Dzongkha to receive the highest priority (p.4), develop a deep sense of pride and respect for our traditional values (p.4) continue to provide Bhutan with its unique national identity (p. 4).
The sample presented above shows an authoritative language being used. Words like must, ensure, develop loyalty, loyal and dedicated, understanding, highest priority are used to indicate the expectations of the government about the role education will play in the shaping of its citizens. Some other words identified throughout the document but not quoted above are: a deep sense of pride, continue to provide, is prohibited and discontinued, must instil, maintain discipline. These show that the loyalty/national identity discourse is important and should be continually reinforced and strengthened. These words and phrases also reaffirm the social identities that a citizen of Bhutan should have, along with the virtues of strong
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loyalty/national identity. Also, when it comes to the loyalty/national identity discourse, there is a strong indication that the administrator (head teacher) and educator (teacher) are responsible for inculcating these virtues in their students. The discourse of loyalty/national identity is therefore strongly embedded in the document.
5.4.2 As identified through the socially situated meaning/ identities tool
‘Situated meaning’ according to Gee (2011) refers to the form that language can take in different situations and contexts (p.65). In essence, it means how, within a particular context, one situates the words. Situated meaning is usually reinforced by the patterns of experiences in an individual’s world. Words/ phrases and sentences used in the QEPGI document, for example, situate the discourse of loyalty/national identity in a way that it is not only understood by the reader, but it convinces the reader of the duties he/she shoulders in following it and imparting it to students in schools. However, as explained above, much depends on the experiences of the individual. For the researcher, as a Bhutanese individual working in the education sector, the loyalty/national identity discourse that this document presents is understood as an essential aspect of the overall educational learning experience, whereas an educationalist from another country may understand part of the broader big D discourse but will not be able to understand the significance of other discourses in the policy, in particular, the loyalty/national identity discourse. This is because words that are used in the document are socially situated and culturally relevant to the Bhutanese context. The loyalty/identity discourse, in turn, creates socially situated identities. In the process of disseminating and implementing educational policies to schools, different identities are enacted by different sets of people involved in the education cycle. For instance, to build a nation state that has a strong national identity, citizens need to perform different responsibilities that can lead to this outcome. Therefore, education policy makers, administrators, teachers and students who are part of this nation state and the education system all play a role in making these national aspirations achievable outcomes. The QEPGI document sets out the roles that each person in the education system plays in achieving loyalty /national identity. The role of the Director of the Education Department, the Head of School/Institutes, the teacher and the student are
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mentioned to show how socially situated identities are created as they interact with each other. First, under the overall authority of the King, the document/circular is signed by the Director who is the highest authority in the Education Department. His role entails the responsibility to introduce and disseminate policies to schools regarding policy guidelines and instructions, implementation of procedures, and how to use teaching manuals, among other duties. The social identity he assumes as the head of the department is significant for the discourse to continue. Next, the head of the school is positioned/portrayed as having a crucial role in helping to achieve the goals and aspirations of the Education Department. The head of school/institution is mentioned 12 times (pp. 2-8) in the QEPGI document, emphasising the important social identity s/he maintains and how the heads of schools/institutions should maintain relationships and/or liaise between the Department of Education and the school. Amongst other socially created identities, the head of school also assumes the role of a leader; he is expected to “maintain a high degree of discipline among teachers and students” (QEPGI, p.2), “have good administration of their institutes” (QEPGI, p.2). The head of the school is also expected to be a mentor, so he can “instil the highest standard of Bhutanese values” (QEPGI, p. 2). For teachers, the socially constructed identities occur through the “caderization of the teaching profession” which would also ensure career advancement opportunities (p.4). By career advancement the document focuses on the grade level teachers can achieve. Along with caderisation, “ the lowest grade for teachers will be grade 11, which was previously grade 17, and instead, they will now be able to rise up to grade 2” (p.4). These levels of achievement are unique markers to Bhutan’s educational career system. Teachers would also be “entitled to civil service benefits like loans” (p. 4) which continues the discourse of loyalty through the benefits accruing to the profession, and an “entitlement to all benefits, medals and certificates to be awarded” (p.3). Along with this, teachers are expected to assume greater responsibilities to “provide children with a wholesome education” (p.2). Furthermore, they are expected to “make education more relevant to the national needs and aspirations” (p.8) and enhance “teaching and learning of the Diglam Chogsum and Dzongkha” (p.4). The
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loyalty discourse operates here by the “enhancement of recognition, prestige and status of teachers”. The socially created identity of a student positions him/her primarily as a learner but also someone who has “greater responsibilities to manage their Mess” (a Mess where students eat, socialise and in some cases, live) (p. 8). The Mess in this QEPGI document refers to the school feeding program in boarding schools. A boy and a girl captain are selected to look after the funds and the procurement of rations along with the supervisor of a Mess, usually the hostel warden. This position helps “to facilitate the student to have a major say” (p.8) in the management and running of the school feeding program. The discourse operates to convey the civic undertaking that students have towards the state through shared responsibility.
5.4.3 As identified through intertextuality tool
Within social languages, words and phrases are often borrowed from one context to another context for different reasons and effects. Gee (2011) calls this borrowing of words, intertextuality (p.58). Fairclough (1999) states that intertextuality is the property that texts have, which is that they are full of “snatches” (p. 84) from other texts which are taken up to either augment a point or to contradict it. Gee (2011) identifies that intertextuality mainly focuses on the “interaction of Discourses in society” (p.112). The intertextuality tool can be used at two levels. At the local level, one policy document of a country can be intertextually connected to other policy documents of that given country where common discourses on loyalty/national identity are explored. At the international level, universal elements that discuss the themes of loyalty/national identity can be identified by comparing a local document with other key documents across the world. In the 1988 QEPGI policy document there is a stronger element of local intertextuality than there is an international intertextual connection. The loyalty/national identity discourse may have universal loyalty ideals embedded in it. However, the local intertextuality addressing the local loyalty/ national identity discourse is more evident. Intertextuality operates in the QEPGI through references to the past in words and phrases such as forefathers have passed on, national values, younger generation develop a deep sense of pride and respect for traditional values (p. 5), intertextually linking education with traditions and being traditional, to indicate how the education
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sector is aligned with the larger society in which it is situated. For example, the document creates an intertextual web of loyalty and national identity through particular issues facing Bhutan due to the prior importing of teachers, curriculum and teaching techniques. The document sets out the current practice and current views of education. The text evokes the loyalty discourse through judgement passed on previous modes of operation as inadequate. Indirectly, it bemoans the inadequacy of a national identity and calls for heads of schools “who can ably instil in our younger generations a deep sense of pride and respect for our traditional values”. Those “who do not measure up to required standards would be replaced” (p.2). It is reiterated that the Department of Education would “henceforth be undertaking evaluation of performance” (p.3), thereby pointing to previous policies that might not have insisted on evaluation. Intertextuality is also present in the approach undertaken in the policy through the use of ‘our’, a relational pronoun that establishes greater responsibility for all in accepting the policy (p.5). The loyalty discourse in the QEPGI resounds with policy documents elsewhere that have loyalty and allegiance to monarchy stated as a national value. In summary, the intertextual connection in the loyalty/national identity discourse can be found as a common theme within the QEPGI document, where the Bhutanese Department of Education discusses themes like the promotion of culture, strengthening national identity, and prioritising the national language.
5.4.4 As identified through the figured worlds tool
Gee (2011) argues that the figured worlds tool is a thinking device we use to look at words/phrases that show something that is “typical or normal” (2011, p.69). However, how one perceives what is typical and normal is influenced by an individual’s social and cultural interaction and upbringing. Urrieta (2007) points out that figured worlds is, therefore, a means by which an individual understands him/herself in relationship to the people they interact with and the social communities they are part of. This leads to figured worlds being altered and new identities being created. Loyalty/national identity is a universal theme. However, different cultures and societies perceive and enact it in varied ways. In Bhutanese tradition and culture, the monarchy has always been revered and therefore plays a pivotal role in the society. Official meetings in Australia such as conferences and seminars usually commence by acknowledging the traditional owners of the land; similarly, all Bhutanese documents
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acknowledge our monarchy and therefore always dedicate our loyalties to our monarchy. In the QEPGI, the opening line acknowledges the King: “As per the gracious command of His Majesty the King” (p.1) This is the figured world tool that allows Bhutanese to understand their world order, their culture, tradition and way of life. Similarly, some questions to ask to understand the figured worlds of the Bhutanese are: 1. What does education mean to a Bhutanese? 2. What constitutes being loyal or what reinforces the national identity to a Bhutanese?
Some textual examples of loyalty/national identity through the figured worlds are presented below: Utilise our schools/institutes to develop loyal and dedicated Bhutanese citizens (p.3) in addition to learning the 3 R’s the schools and institutions will also instil in our students a full awareness and understanding of our national policies and aspirations (p.3; F=1) teaching and learning of the Diglam Chogsum and Dzongkha shall henceforth receive the highest priority (p.4; F=1) continue to provide Bhutan with its unique national identity (p.4; F=1).
To people in the outside world, who do not understand the culture and tradition of Bhutan, the phrases above may look like propaganda. However, to the Bhutanese, being loyal to the King and monarchical statutes constitutes being typical. Furthermore, for the Bhutanese people, an explicit reminder of their loyalty to the King, country and the people is seen as a ‘normal’ concept. Gee (2011) explains that in figured worlds, things are learned through experience; however, more important is the fact that these experiences are “guided, shaped, and normed by the social and cultural groups to which we belong” (2011, p. 76). The figured worlds for the Bhutanese expressed through language usage may look authoritarian/assertive to the outside world. However, this language is commonplace in Bhutan. It is not offensive, it is not forceful, as it constitutes the lifeworld of being Bhutanese. Therefore, being “sons and daughters of the soil what the government is looking for …is something money cannot buy, namely love, loyalty and dedication to his Majesty, the country and the people” (p.3) are normal notions of being Bhutanese. The figured worlds of
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learning for students is comprised of a ‘wholesome education’ which, in the Bhutanese context, would comprise full awareness of national policies, aspirations and the value system of love and loyalty to the King. Another example to illustrate figured worlds in the Bhutanese context is the rearing of domestic animals in the schools. Animals like pigs and chickens were raised in the school campus by staff in the school, mainly cooks. Therefore, it was normal to see a pig sty or chicken coop within the campus. This practice is mentioned in the QEPGI document: “Staff of some schools/institutes especially cooks, are rearing private pigs and other domestic animals within the school campus” (QEPGI, 1988, p. 8). These animals were fed the leftover food from the hostel and thereby seen as useful and necessary on campus. Its reference in the document is important because, in 1988, this practice was discontinued, mainly to inculcate better hygiene and sanitation practices and also to attend to proper diet and health concerns. Holland and Lave (2001) say that some activities within certain figured worlds are intermeshed with trans-local systems. Trans-local in this context means conditions of one place impacting on other linked contexts which can be within a local or a global space. This practice of keeping animals is mentioned because this discourse was implicitly comparing the figured world of Bhutanese education with the figured world of education in countries such as India, Great Britain and the United States where the practice of rearing domestic animals in the school grounds was prohibited.
5.4.5 As identified through the Conversation and big D discourse.
Gee (2011) states that Conversations with a capital ‘C’ are related to public debates, arguments, motifs, issues, or themes that large numbers of people in a society or social group know about and engage in (p. 112). Conversations surrounding education are usually issues related to curriculum, performance and assessment of students, and the quality of teachers. In the QEPGI 1988 policy document, the discourse on loyalty/national identity is a Conversation in itself that has been discussed through previous policy documents or circulars that were sent out and referred to extensively in the QEPGI policy. Although the opposing views are not recorded in the QEPGI document, or elsewhere, the explicit need to engage in the loyalty/national identity discourse is perceived as necessary to balance Bhutan’s increasing involvement and interaction with the international world. The ongoing Conversation in the document around loyalty is explicit and is seen throughout the document. The
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document constantly reminds the head teacher, teachers and students of their loyalty to the King, people and the country: love and loyalty to the King/country (QEPGI, p. 3). The need to appreciate national values, love the national language, and the Diglam Chogsum (the three essential virtues of discipline, tradition and culture and spiritualism) is also expressed in the QEPGI document. The Conversation on teachers’ professionalism, teacher development and the recognition given to them by society continues to feature as an important discourse that reaffirms the loyalty/national identity. This Conversation continues into the Annexures of the document. For example, Annexure 1, section 2 focuses on the promotion of culture (Annexure 1, p. 3), using phrases like “his majesty the King has graciously commanded” (p. 6) indicates how Conversation is valued through the policy document, thereby providing the implied message of loyalty to King and country. The big D discourse as indicated earlier in this chapter is the overarching discourse that helps to promote focus. In this study, discussion of the Bhutanese education system is under focus, which is, therefore, the overarching discourse. However, the Discourse of education is centred primarily on loyalty and national identity. While discussing the education system of Bhutan, there are several other associations besides language that need to be taken into consideration. These associations include elements that consider how one thinks, what one values, how one interacts with others, and how one acts in the education environment. Gee (2011) argues that the big D discourse is always about language and “other stuff” (p.34). In the QEPGI document, within the big D discourse, there is a recognisable discourse on loyalty/national identity which is critical to Bhutanese education. The focus on respective core Bhutanese values or the Diglam Chogsum is part of the Discourse of education. This Discourse acknowledges several elements of what it means to be loyal (e.g. deep sense of pride and respect) and to express a national identity (e.g. tradition and culture of the Bhutanese) that is central to the Bhutanese education system. This Discourse, therefore, gives loyalty/national identity great importance throughout the document.
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5.5 GLOBALISATION/LOCALISATION DISCOURSE
5.5.1 As identified through the social language tool
As discussed in Chapter 3 on the theoretical framework for this research, globalisation is a pervasive phenomenon that has irreversibly changed the political discourse of a nation state and the education practices within it (Marginson, 1999, p.28). Education has not been immune to the forces of globalisation. There is a greater orientation towards market flexibility, in this case, greater choice being accorded to schools. Globalisation has changed older education systems and also created new ones, thus strengthening the linkages and inter-connectedness as nations move slowly towards each other in educational theories and practices. This inter-connectedness allows nations to share “policy rhetoric, objectives and measures regarding education and curricula” (Green, 1999; Arnove, 2009). Education curricula are therefore promulgating transnational skills to students as a response to globalisation. These global skills include having a strong knowledge base, being ICT competent, and being fluent in the English language. Marginson (1999) argues that having these skills enhances one’s survival and motivation towards lifelong learning and being a global citizen. The international phenomenon of globalisation may have arrived in Bhutan very recently; however, the influence it has had on all spheres of Bhutanese life is tremendous. Since the 1960s globalisation in Bhutan has increased and gained momentum. The education system may be the largest institution that promulgates globalisation through the policies and practices it adopts, and every student has been affected. While the 1988 QEPGI document shows a stronger inclination towards localisation than towards globalisation, it must be understood that globalisation and localisation are two aspects of the same phenomenon (Robertson 1995; Blackmore, 1999) which both affect educational reforms. In the current study, the localisation discourse of the QEPGI is evidence of a resistive approach to globalisation. Also, localisation usually has a greater local impact on educational reforms in areas related to the privatisation of education, school accountability, school management and community involvement (Wang, 2000; Altbach, 1999). It can be argued that the localisation discourse at that time, similar to the period between the 1960s and the 1970s, was not strong enough to counter the globalisation phenomenon which remains
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a powerful force and has an impact on Bhutan as the country needs to be part of the global community. The global discourse is, therefore, evident even in the QEPGI 1988 document in many words, phrases and sentences. The force of globalisation and the neoliberal attitude to education have contributed tremendously to what the education department had achieved to 1988. Through the social language tool, several words/phrases and sentence can be identified in the global discourse that focuses more on the accountability of head teachers, teachers and students in the education sector. Examples are cited below. 1. the first year is a period of probation for most of the head of schools/institutes (p.3; F=1), 2. heads of schools/institutes to show dedication and ability to effectively implement policies and programmes (p.3; F=1), 3. heads should be able to instil and maintain a high degree of discipline amongst students and teachers (p.3; F=1) 4. to facilitate the students to have a major say (p.8; F=1), 5. develop responsibilities and accountabilities for application in their adult lives (p.8; T-1), 6. reduction in wastage during preparation and storage of food (p.8; T-1), 7. devise a better control system to avoid misuse and corruptions of stipends (p.8; T-1) 8. all government scholarships in India up to ICSE shall be discontinued (p.8; F=1) Much of this language is local. It is directed explicitly to how teachers need to discipline students to effect the smooth running of schools. The discourse is explicit in commanding teachers against corrupt habits. Other words/phrases evident in the document show the global influences that are seen entering the education system of Bhutan. These include: regular evaluation of performance, enhance the recognition of teachers, prestige and status, caderisation of the teaching profession, career advancement opportunities, hostel feeding programme, physical and intellectual growth, sample menu, improving diet habits, locally grown cereals, manual on the hostel management system, qualities of leadership, reduction in waste, the virtues of responsibilities and accountabilities.
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These words and phrases do not otherwise feature in normal language in Bhutan. The researcher contends that they are in the QEPGI document due to global influences that shaped social language within the education system. The adoption of these terms and phrases indicate an overall policy thrust in Bhutan’s effort to be part of global culture. The global discourse of education aims at an education system that can develop citizens capable of shouldering the building of the nation state. In the Bhutanese context, the market oriented discourse is positioned against the national discourse; for example, the document states “it is noted that with money the Government can buy or import from other countries any number and kind of experts” (p. 3) and counters it with the importance of “sons and daughters of the soil” (p. 3), thereby buttressing globalisation with fundamental features of nationalism. Twentieth century globalisation was in its early phase in the 1980s. The impact of the global in the QEPGI is regarding the influence of India on the Bhutanese education system. The period of the1980s in Bhutan was a time of inner reflection and inward looking. Policy borrowing from global educational systems, especially India, provided Bhutan with some serious lessons for reflection. The policy makes these influences very explicit: that “the education system has been ‘nationalised” (p. 2). The need to resist larger global influences is presented sensitively, to enable accounts of resistance to a liberal thrust to education at the local level. Thus there is, on the one hand, the technocratic advice to manage economic aspects of education, and on the other, a social agenda focused on social justice, reducing inequality and attending to inclusion. The restructuring of the education system has meant a transfer of responsibility from the nation state to the individual. The choice of words and phrases in the QEPGI policy document suggests that Bhutan has adopted the idea that education should be balanced by localisation while engaging with the ongoing global education practices. The QEPGI discourse indicates that there should be a mix of the global as well as the local element of content in the school curriculum; global and local goals and purposes in education policies; and in the outlook of the leaders and administrators. However, an education that does not reflect the lives of the local people can only make learning difficult and cause alienation. To this effect, the Department of Education in 1988 decided to localise the education system in the QEPGI document while still
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maintaining a connection to the globalised revolution in education. Some examples of the global discourse are: The initiative, decision and ability to effectively implement the new government policies, good administration of their institutions that is balanced with “heads of schools constitute the elite group among our national teachers and…we will find these priceless virtues amongst them” (p.3). Providing “wholesome education and necessary skills” (p. 4) where education is not only to adapt to the workforce but “instil a full awareness of national policies and aspirations” (p. 4). The localisation discourse can be seen through these activities: 1. Enhancing the status of the national language Dzongkha 2. Nationalising the heads of schools 3. Nationalising a Bhutanese workforce 4. Localising educational tours 5. Discontinuation of scholarships to study in India, mainly to Kalimpong and Darjeeling. These activities were stipulated to make education in Bhutan relevant to the country and its people. Words, phrases and sentences that express this localisation discourse are presented below: 1. heads of the bulk of our schools have been nationalised (p.1; F=1) 2. make education more relevant to the national needs and aspirations (p.7; F=1) 3. numerous projects and shrines within the country are selected for the purpose of future educational tours (p.8; F=1) 4. educational tours to outside countries are henceforth discontinued and prohibited (p.8; F=1) 5. Government scholarships to India for PP-X shall be discontinued after 1988 (p.9; F=1) 6. Government to use this saving from the withdrawal of scholarships to India for improving facilities in schools within Bhutan (p.9; F=1). This localisation discourse helps to situate Bhutanese efforts to include local educational activities as a way to balance the global/local discourse. As for the learner, it provides them with something which is familiar and closer to home while they learn about the larger world around them at the same time. This provides the Bhutanese learner with a more productive and interactive learning process as they engage in both
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the local and the global and understand that both the global and local values can coexist if nurtured from the beginning and performed appropriately.
5.5.2 As identified through socially situated identity/identities tool
The document recognises the need for reframing the education system to the economic and political needs of the country, yet it does so in the knowledge of the de- territorialisation that is an aspect of globalisation. While the new forces of a global understanding of education are around market capitalism, and there is a sense of economic values impacting on education, as Lefebrve (1991) observes, the nation state is re-configured and re-imagined in new directions. This occurs through new legislation, new forms of managing and by promoting new modes of thinking about education. The need to localise and develop an identity which was socially situated within Bhutanese society was seen as important. To enact this local identity, the Department of Education decided to prioritise the localisation discourse in the QEPGI document. The discourse in this document indicates the Bhutanese Education system needs to be nationalised to provide a relatable social (national) identity to all involved in the education process. Having relevance to the Bhutanese world and culture, while at the same time engaging with the bigger world outside, was deemed important for the growth of the country. To this effect, the plan to localise and make curriculum relevant to the Bhutanese context was an ongoing project. The ideologies of neoliberalism and liberalism that are reflected in international education reforms (Carney, 2009, p.68) operate through “curriculum documents that conceptualise learning in terms of individualised skills and competences” through “management and organisation” for example, “policies of decentralization such as local or site-based management”, “policies of choice in schooling… and systems of executive leadership and decision making”. They are also promoted through “learning processes for example through learner centred pedagogy, the teacher being a facilitator and students being independent learners”. These changes in discourse to include both local and global visions are evident in the QEPGI. Along with this, the need for the heads of schools and the teaching staff to be nationalised was reinforced to enhance Bhutanese situated identity. Cheng (1996) explains that school transformation initiatives are a worldwide practice which can enhance and develop the quality of education and motivate schools to perform better.
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Below is some sample discourse from the QEPGI that indicate how the Department of Education envisioned the socially situated identity of Bhutanese education. The localisation/national identity discourse examples identified through the document are: 1. to make education more relevant to the national needs and aspiration (p.8, 9; F=1) 2. numerous projects and shrines within the country are selected for the purpose of future educational tours (p.8; F=1) 3. all government scholarships in India up to ICSE shall be discontinued (p.8; F=1) 4. develop awareness of national policies (p.1; F=1) 5. Government to use this saving from the withdrawal of scholarships to India for improving facilities in schools within Bhutan (p.9; F=1) 6. make education tours more relevant to national needs and aspirations (p.8; F=1), 7. education tours to outside countries are henceforth discontinued and prohibited (p.8; F=1). From these examples, it is clear that the Department of Education is withdrawing its heavy reliance on the Indian education system to ensure that education in Bhutan is localised in control and delivery. Likewise, the socially situated identity in the global discourse is prominent in the QEPGI document. The need for Bhutan’s education system to meet global standards and assessment was a driving force for educational change while maintaining the local touch. To this effect, the roles that the head teacher, the teacher and the student plays are clearly defined. Chapman (1996) argues that people worldwide have begun to accept education as an important value/goal. Schools are therefore the place where students learn how to learn, and teachers learn how to teach while the principal learns to provide better teaching/learning conditions. This system of caderisation of national teachers and head teachers express the Department of Education’s desire to help develop a better system whereby teachers are recognised for their services in providing a world class education to their students. The role that teachers are expected to take on is evident in the document from the following words, phrases and sentences: 1. attaches great importance to the teaching profession (p.3; F=1) 2. enhance recognition, prestige and status of teachers (p.3; F=1)
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3. increase their service benefits and facilities (p.3; F=1) 4. teachers will be entitled to all the benefits of civil services (p.3; F=1). The globalisation discourse in the QEPGI document has made Bhutanese educators aware of the social identities that can be created through different global social interactions. The caderisation of the teaching profession is one of the biggest global influences alongside the nationalisation of the head of schools in reforming Bhutanese education. These interactions with global education systems encouraged the creation of a stronger Bhutanese social identity for the head of schools and the teachers and education for all. As Carney (2009) observes, these policy notions are “essentially transnational in character” as these project a global message around education that are evident in other contexts. This also builds up intertextual links with other contexts that I now discuss.
5.5.3 As identified through intertextuality tool
The localisation discourse at the international level developed mainly as a resistive discourse towards the phenomenon of globalisation. Due to this, the intertextuality in the localisation discourse seen in the 1988 QEPGI document resonates with many international discussions on localisation. The messages in the document resonate with practices elsewhere, as these reflect the vision, the central ideology of focusing on the individual in learning processes, and in “mantras of self– determination and ownership, choice and value, and efficiency and competency” (Carney, 2009, p. 69). A few examples cited from the document that show the presence of the discourse of localisation discourse : 1. Education relevant to national goals and aspirations 2. Discourage import of vegetables, use locally grown vegetables 3. Train and develop national teachers. The intertextual connection through the global/neoliberal discussion is evident through the following words/phrases identified through the document: Wholesome education, boarding facilities, development of human resources, caderization of the teaching profession, teachers’ professional development, awards and recognition, feeding programme. Although the origin of when, where and how long ago these word/phrases were used may not be traceable, it has long been in the global discourse and used in different
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documents by different nationalities. Thus, providing the intertextual connection from the world to text connection or from world to world connection.
5.5.4 As identified through the figured worlds tool
When western education was first adopted by Bhutan in 1961, no one opposed it, as the consensus was that it was a ‘good thing’ and would bring unprecedented development and opportunities to Bhutan. That was the socially and culturally figured worlds of the Bhutanese. Bhutanese always imagined that the outside world had more and better ideas to contribute, and so Bhutan copied from outside, having no regard to what they already had within the country. However, in 1988, Bhutan’s interaction with the outside world changed its perception of figured worlds. As global interactions increased, the influence of global practices and the global ideology of education penetrated the Bhutanese education system. This opening up to global influences is expressed through the QEPGI 1988 as the figured worlds change more with global interactions. The linguistics devices/tools that are used changed in keeping with global language norms. Bhutanese educationalists are now required to ask questions regarding the placement of their figured worlds against a more global figured world. According to Gee (2011), while in the figured worlds tool of inquiry, questions like the few selected below can usually be asked: 1. What figured worlds are relevant here? 2. How consistent are the relevant figured worlds here? 3. Are there competing or conflicting figured worlds at play? 4. Whose interests are the figured worlds representing? 5. What sorts of figured worlds, if any, are being used here to make value judgments about oneself or others? (Gee, 2011, pp. 95-96). According to Bhutan’s interaction with the global community, some of the normal beliefs that show how the Bhutanese figured worlds works can be seen, are in the value the country accords to education. The belief that education provides learning avenues and improves lives for children is very strong, and the QEPGI 1988 document expresses this several times: 1. the endeavours of our education system will be to provide our students with a wholesome education (p.4; F=1) 2. to give greater responsibilities to the students (p.8; F=1)
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3. to inculcate qualities of leadership and virtues on responsibilities (p.8; F=1) 4. to prepare students for application in their later adult lives (p.8; F=1) 5. to provide a voice to the students (p.8; F=1). In earlier times, giving voice to students and giving greater responsibilities to students was unheard of. However, with global influences, the meaning of figured worlds is also changing in the Bhutanese education system. Similar to this, another example of figured worlds in the Bhutanese mentality is with the continued employment of non-national teachers. Although Bhutan nationalised the head of schools in 1988 and also increased the number of national teachers in schools, there remained constant employment of non-national teachers from India and other countries. There was a total of 850 non-national teachers in 1988 (p. 6) and the Department of Education was still hopeful of recruiting more, stating that they were “confident that they could retain and attract highly qualified, trained, experienced and dedicated non-national teachers who felt essential for the future educational development of the Kingdom” (p. 6). This new-found confidence that the Department of Education suddenly gained could have happened with the global interaction it had with India and other countries. Through this interaction, Bhutan became aware of the constant need to improve its efficiency in administration, enhance teacher professionalism, and provide a state of the art educational infrastructure and learning resources through curricula reviews. Using these measures to improve education, the Department of Education felt confident that it could attract the best non-national teachers who would bring Bhutan a global perspective and along with it a world class education. The last example of figured worlds occurred through the discontinuation of educational tours to outside countries (p.8). The QEPGI 1988 document emphasised that educational tours would now become localised. Up to 1988, the concept of educational tours meant that schools in Bhutan took their class X students for school trips outside Bhutan. These trips were taken to supplement what was learned in the classroom and also to provide students with cultural experiences by interacting with different cultures. The policy decision to localise educational tours was innovative as it focused on understanding and enjoying the local. Local culture could be appreciated, and greater value could be given to it: the global concept of the positive value of educational tours has influenced the Department of Education, but such tours are to
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promote the local. This knowledge and information will allow teachers to provide a better local experience to the students they escort.
5.5.5 As identified through the Conversation and the big ‘D’ tools
The major Conversations or discourse identified through the localisation discourse are focussed on the value of communication of education policies to schools, as this helps the Department of Education to disseminate information better. It also provides the schools with reference material which they can use whenever they need to clarify policy issues. Nationalising of head teachers is another pattern of Conversation seen through the localisation discourse in the policy document. It was seen as necessary to deal with new changes and challenges in education “as circumstances dictate that we should now have all our schools/institutes headed by nationals” (QEPGI, 1988, p. 3). The other localisation discourse identified through this inquiry tool of Conversation is the development and training of national teachers in Bhutan. Until this point in time, most teaching staff in Bhutan comprised teachers from other countries, mainly India. However, the need to train Bhutanese teachers for Bhutanese classrooms was considered important and timely since Bhutan was localising the education system and they needed “something that money necessarily cannot buy, namely, love, loyalty and dedication to His Majesty, the country and the people” (QEPGI, 1988, p.3). On the other hand, the globalisation discourse under this tool of big D Discourse mainly revolved around two issues: wholesome education and being accountable. Wholesome education was an education concept brought in with the introduction of the western education system in Bhutan. The global discourse of wholesome education (QEPGI, 1988, p. 1, 4,) is the over-arching discourse under which aspects of localisation are introduced to make education more locally relevant: “ the endeavour of our education system will be to provide our students with a wholesome education in the sense that, in addition to learning of the 3 Rs and the necessary skills, the schools and institutions will also instil in our students a full awareness and understand of our national policies, aspirations and the value system, love and loyalty to the King and /county, and the appreciation for and the pride of being Bhutanese” (QEPGI, 1988, p. 4). Accountability is another big D discourse that is evident throughout the document. The QEPGI reminds head teachers, teachers and students of their
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responsibilities in the education sector. The head of the school is reminded of the different responsibilities he shoulders. He is also given incentives and awards when he performs his duties well. The teacher, like the head of school, is reminded of her responsibilities. To encourage and enhance her teaching, she is provided with professional development and a better career path. The student too is held accountable for his learning and is reminded of the role he plays in safeguarding the cultural and traditions of the country as his sole and sacred duty.
5.6 SUMMARY
The QEPGI 1988, is an education policy document assertive in its policies and strong in its discourse language. It outlines explicitly the Department of Education’s goals and aspirations for the students and the roles and responsibilities of the head of schools and the teachers. The document also dictates the methods through which these policies can be implemented and achieved. The discourse of loyalty/national identity is asserted throughout the document. Strong words and phrases like: instil in our younger generation (p.3) our tradition and culture (p.3) highest priority in our education system (p.5) our forefathers have passed (p.5) our unique country (p.5). This expresses Bhutan’s desire to remain an independent sovereign state in the future. However, it also realises that global interaction is important and therefore maintains this discourse with references to ideas like wholesome education, caderisation of the teaching profession, nationalising of head teachers, providing responsibilities to students, improving health and sanitation and the continuous employment of non-national teachers. To this end, what the Department of Education aspires to is to orient the Bhutanese education system to the global knowledge economy by acknowledging that different discourses interact at different levels. Global discourse can influence local decisions, and local discourses can enrich global interactions. In Part II, the 30th EPGI will be analysed using a similar structure to that used for the 1st QEPGI.
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SECTION II
5.7 BACKGROUND TO 30TH EDUCATION POLICY GUIDELINES AND INSTRUCTIONS (EPGI), 2012
The second policy document for analysis in this research is the 30th Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions (EPGI 2012) for Bhutanese education. This document was selected for data analysis as it was the most recent document when the proposal for the current study was presented in October 2017. When the EPGI (2012) was published, more than two decades had passed since the launch of the first QEPGI in July of 1988. Since then, education in Bhutan had undergone several changes in administration, curriculum, teaching practices, and assessment patterns, and had an increase in student enrolment. The education system in Bhutan has also gone through several five-year plan periods and has produced many different education policies that indicated the changing nature of education in Bhutan. Owing to these changes, the evolution of educational policy borrowing practices has progressed apace. These changes are reflected in the language and intent of the education policy documents. The main 30th EPGI 2012 document is 13 pages long and focuses on 11 policies. The remaining 67 pages out of a total of 80 pages are comprised of the annexures. There are several new policies in this document. Also, although the formal social language remains the same, the nuances in describing Bhutanese education had altered over the 20 years between the publications of the two policies. Similar to the QEPGI (1988), the 30th EPGI (2012) is analysed through Gee’s (2011) discourse analysis and follows a similar pattern to how the QEPGI, 1988 was analysed. At the time the EPGI 2012 document was written, there had been much social and educational change in Bhutan. The Foreword of EPGI 2012 mentions the Royal Wedding celebration and the great achievements of educators throughout the land. There is also mention of challenges such as a growing “indiscipline amongst youth and a lack of decorum and discipline in our schools” (p. iv). In these two examples, it can be seen that there continues to be discourse about both the local (Royal Wedding) and the global (unruly school children) in policy documents. As with the analysis of the QEPGI (1988) policy document, the EPGI (2012) will be explored through the dimensions of loyalty/national identity and globalisation/localisation discourses that emerged.
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5.8 INITIAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS
Similar to the samples provided above for the initial discourse analysis of the 1st QEPGI (1988) policy, analysis of the 30th EPGI 2012 will follow a similar pattern. Two sets of examples from the EPGI 2012 document will be presented. The first set of examples is presented in Table 5.3, which uses Gee’s six building blocks to categorically group words, phrases and sentences into the six building blocks they represent, and a sample paragraph (5.3) which is in a tabular form, presents the discourse of loyalty/national identity in the document. The second set of examples is similar to the format used for analysis of the QEPGI (1988) policy. These also contain a table (Table 5.4) and a sample paragraph (5.4).
Table 5-2 Sample Table: Loyalty/National Identity discourse through Gee’s six Building blocks Six Building Blocks of Gee’s Discourse Words/phrases identified from the Analysis sample 5.3. a Semiotic building block (significance) Launched the Sherig Century celebrations World building block Observed as teachers’ day, the role of education in nation-building Activity building block Express our deep gratitude to our monarchs Express our deep appreciation and gratitude to all our teachers, past and present for educating generations of Bhutanese Socio-culturally situated identity and Birth anniversary of the 3rd King relationship building 2nd May as Teachers’ day Political building Educating generations of Bhutanese Connection building Shaping education over the last 100 years
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5.3 Sample paragraph: Loyalty/National Identity discourse through Gee’s 6 Building blocks 1. The Ministry of Education launched the Sherig Century celebrations on May 2, 2012 2. coinciding with the birth anniversary of the third King, Jigme Dorji Wangchuck, which is 3. also observed as the Teachers’ Day. The celebrations presented an opportunity to express 4. our deep gratitude to our monarchs for shaping education over the last 100 years and to 5. acknowledge the role of education in nation-building. The occasion also provided the 6. opportunity to express our deep appreciation and gratitude to all the teachers, past and 7. present, for educating generations of Bhutanese.
Line 1-2 discuss the launch of 100 years of education (Sherig) in Bhutan coinciding with the birth anniversary of the third King, Jigme Dorji Wangchuck, who was also known as the “Father of Modern Bhutan”. These lines are significant as they portray the homage Bhutanese pay to the King who understood the value of education as a way to modernise a nation. Lines 3-4 in the same vein as the above lines continue to build on the significance of 2nd May as a day celebrated by the Bhutanese education family as National Teachers’ day. The day provides a dual symbolic representation where monarchs and teachers are celebrated and honoured for shaping of education in Bhutan. The phrase ‘shaping of the education’ signifies the evolution and changes that have occurred in education in Bhutan. Lines 5, 6 and 7 continue to elaborate on the importance of the Sherig celebrations. The phrase “acknowledges the role of education in nation building” sums up the whole paragraph, giving due credit to the value of education. The role that education plays is unmatched, as it brings with it literacy, opportunities and development of a nation, thus building on the loyalty/national identity discourse. In this sample, the Big D discourse is one of belonging to the Bhutanese identity; nouns like Sherig Century celebrations, Teachers’ Day and verbs like launched, observed, presented, and provided express a certainty about the figured world of the Bhutanese education system. The discourse and the figured world indicate how loyalty and national belonging have significance and how people’s positions matter. This is reflected in the entire policy document.
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5.4 Sample paragraph: Globalisation/localisation discourse through Gee’s (2011) Building blocks 1. ICT is crucial for realising the national vision of transforming Bhutan into an IT- enabled knowledge society 2. The Ministry now reminds the schools to make best use of the training and facilities 3. provided under the Project to impart ICT skills to the children and to use ICT to improve 4. the teaching-learning process. Similarly, the schools are urged to encourage our students to 5. increasingly use ICT facilities as a useful tool to enrich their learning.
Table 5-3 Sample Table: Gee’s six building blocks analysed for globalisation/localisation discourse 6 Building Blocks of Gee’s Discourse Words/phrases identified from the Analysis sample 5.3. b Semiotic building block(significance) ICT skills, ICT facilities World building block Project to impart ICT skills Activity building block Reminds the school to make best use of ICT Schools are urged to encourage students to use ICT facilities increasingly Socio-culturally situated identity and Useful tool to enrich their learning relationship building Improve the teaching-learning process Political building ICT skills to the children Connection building Enrich their learning
Line 1 indicates how the global themes of technology creating a society that is well informed in present day knowledge are central to the contextual development of education. The UNESCO World Report in 2005 had termed knowledge societies as societies nurtured by diversity and its capacities. As the Report claims, new technologies and the Internet can achieve “equal and universal access to knowledge” (p. 17) and the purpose of a knowledge society is to “promote new forms of solidarity” (p. 18). Lines 2-3 reminds teachers to “make best use” of the ICT training and facilities provided to them through the Chiphen Rigphel project. The direct raw translation of the phrase ‘Chiphen Rigphel’ is one benefitted, knowledge is spread, which truly
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encapsulates the concept of globalisation. Appadurai (2001) defined globalisation as a multi-directional concept that involves the flow of things though ideas, ideologies, people, goods, images, messages, technologies and techniques. Similarly, these lines express that the ICT training and facilities that the teachers are provided with should be harnessed for these ‘goods’ to flow. ICT facilities and training had been introduced into Bhutan from NGOs and other international agencies. The use of ICTs as a way of enhancing student learning is a global concept that has been widely encouraged in the EPGI policy. Because of the global connections to ICTs in education, is it not acceptable that teachers not ‘make the best use’ of these facilities. Lines 4-5 tell the teachers the purpose of their training was to improve their teaching/learning process and also to help children to use the ICT facilities as these are a useful tool to ‘enrich their learning’. To make the best use of ICTs, teachers need to make the best use of their training. At the local level, enriching student learning is a priority. Underlying this notion is that Bhutanese children need to have enhanced ICT skills to compete in a global learning environment. Most importantly, the word ‘urged’ shows that the Ministry of Education was aware of the benefits of ICT and therefore insists that students use it to empower their learning. Green et al. (2009) note that most countries that are successful in globalisation are countries that have focussed strongly on providing quality education to their people. This suggests that, if Bhutan is to participate favourably in the global arena, the Bhutanese education system needs to provide the resources, as it is doing.
5.9 LOYALTY/IDENTITY DISCOURSE
5.9.1 As identified through the social language tool
The social language identified in EPGI (2012) document is one that is strong in nouns and verbs that indicate certainty and the big D (Gee, 2011) Discourses of education in Bhutan. It shows certainty, authority and an obligation that needs to be fulfilled in a formal document discourse. Modal verbs are used throughout this document to help confirm this. A few examples are: “effort should be made”, “celebrations will continue throughout”, “teachers will be trained”, “conditions must be created”, and “all schools must ensure that”. The mandates from the Ministry of Education expressed to principals, teachers and students are clear and precise. In areas that need additional information Annexure,
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2 is attached to expand on the information provided in the document. There has been a shift in local/national identity discourse from the QEPGI (1988) to the 30th EPGI; in the 30th EPGI, there is a greater focus on the many different regional centres of education in Bhutan, with a greater reflection on how each region is doing and where further improvements can be made. The 30th EPGI begins with comments about the recent Royal Wedding (Foreword) and how various regions have celebrated this event in a show of national unity. Some examples from the document are presented below which show the use of the social language of loyalty/national identity discourse. 1. Celebration of 100 years of education in Bhutan and the opportunities that this occasion provides to express “our deep gratitude to our monarchs for shaping education over the last 100 years and to acknowledge the role of education in nation-building. The occasion also provided the opportunity to express our deep appreciation and gratitude to all the teachers, past and present, for educating generations of Bhutanese” (30th EPGI, p. 2). 2. In celebration of the joyous occasion of the Royal Wedding, the Ministry of Education launched the Queen’s Endowment for Cultural Studies. This annual scholarship supports undergraduate studies in Sanskrit, Pali, Astrology, Ayurvedic/Herbal Medicines, Fine Arts and Music. The Queen’s Endowment aims to revive and preserve some of the age-old and time-tested human pursuits and further enrich our country’s unique culture (30th EPGI, p. 13). 3. All schools shall observe values orientation week at the start of the academic session every year. The main objective of the week is to strengthen values and life skills education in schools and inculcate the essence of Bhutanese etiquette. (p.3; F=1). In the three paragraphs above there is a clear and strong discourse guiding the population in being loyal citizens: “our deep gratitude to our monarchs for shaping education over the past 100 years; preserve some of the age-old and time-tested human pursuits and further enrich our country’s unique culture”. This discourse is both past and future oriented in that it encourages Bhutanese citizens to embrace the best of the past as they move into the future. From the three paragraphs, the words and phrases that connote loyalty/national identity are as follows.
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Table 5-4. Words taken out of the 30th EPGI 2012 Nouns Verbs Auspicious (p. iv) joyous occasion (p. iv) Royal wedding (p. iv) Express our deep gratitude to our monarchs (p.2) Deep gratitude (p.2) Acknowledge the role of education in nation building (p.2) Monarchs (p.2) Express gratitude to teachers past and present for educating (p.2) Queen’s Endowment for Cultural Launched the Queen’s Endowment for Studies (p.13) Cultural Studies (p.13) Age-old and time-tested human pursuits Preserve some of the age-old and time- (p.2) tested human pursuits (p.2) Unique, culture, values(p,2) Enrich our country’s unique culture, observe values (p.2) Values and life skills (p.2) Strengthen values and life skills education (p.2) Essence of Bhutanese etiquette (p.6) Inculcate the essence of Bhutanese etiquette (p.6) Youth programs (p.11) Encourage students to engage in youth programs (p.11)
These words and phrases encourage citizens to live their lives at both a national level (“inculcate the essence of Bhutanese etiquette”), and at the local level (“have quality time with parents and family”). This discourse reaffirms the social identities of what is expected of Bhutanese citizens in the areas of loyalty to the country and maintaining a national identity as uniquely Bhutanese.
5.9.2 As identified through the socially situated identities tool
The socially situated identities discourse is usually reinforced by patterns of experience in an individual’s world (Gee, 2011). This discourse in the 30th EFGI document will be discussed through the three main groups of people the document addresses principals, teachers and students, and how they contribute to the loyalty/national identity discourse. The principal as the head of the school shoulders the highest responsibility in the school system. The document restates this in the following sentences. “The principals must see themselves playing a larger role than merely administering schools. They must ensure there is justice and equity in the way they deal with teachers and with students” (30th EPGI, p. 3).
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The example presented above situates the social identity of the principal as the person who is responsible for a number of things. Firstly, the principal’s role is greater than just being an administrator. He needs to show leadership, provide mentoring and support to his students and teachers and above all be just and fair in his dealings with both the teachers and the students. The social identity of the principal is therefore portrayed at the top of the school hierarchy as one which facilitates a safe environment conducive to effective teaching and learning. The discourse in the 30th EPGI has shifted to a more localised role for principals than was portrayed in the QEPGI 1988. In the 30th EPGI, the role of principals has expanded to include accountability to the Education Department but also a bigger role in working with local school populations to create a cohesive national identity. The emphasis of the discourse is present at the beginning of the policy document to highlight all the significant achievements in the education sector (awards in academics, sports, dramatics, and agriculture). This discourse reinforces how identities are socially situated within education in the country through the public recognition of rewards. Teachers are also part of the socially situated population in the 30th EPGI. “The quality of education depends on the quality of teachers” (30th EPGI, p. 8) is a powerful statement from the document that positions the social identity of the teacher. The teacher’s role and the social identity it carries as a forerunner to quality education is a big responsibility to shoulder. A few examples from the 30th EPGI of the responsibilities teachers are expected to carry out is provided below. 1. To prepare our young men and women with the right values and skills, usefulness and gracefulness, to meet the ever-growing needs of a developing country against the backdrop of a fast globalising world (p.i; F=1) 2. Schools are seen as part of the larger community and the child must be taught to serve the community (p.3; F=1) 3. Children have to be taught to promote mutual respect and cooperation – between the educated, intellectual and the ignorant (p.3: F=1) 4. Conditions must be created for the children to think, reflect and show concern 5. Schools are urged to encourage our students to use ICT facilities increasingly.
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A teacher’s social identity provides her with the opportunity to teach and train the students in her custody into becoming good people in society, and thus transmits the loyalty/national identity discourse. Recognising the important social role that teachers play in the education of the children there are several references in the document on how to facilitate and enhance their roles and responsibilities: 1. National Based In-service Programmes (NBIPs) are offered regularly by the Ministry to update teachers on curriculum, educational issues and co- curricular activities (p.8) 2. Attaches utmost importance to the professional development and qualification upgrade of teachers through a number of In-Service Education of Teachers (INSET) programs (p. 8).
These training opportunities are provided in order to “build a cadre of highly motivated and competent educators who are endowed with an abiding love of children, a deep love of learning, and who passionately value education as a positive instrument of empowerment” (p. i; F=1). The paragraph above conveys a very important message that indicates the reasons for the teachers to be given training and workshops besides enhancing their knowledge and improving their career advancement opportunities. Through participation in the workshops, the Ministry hopes to change the attitudes of the teachers in their dealing with students and in their perception of the value of education. These changes, in turn, will continue to enhance the social identity of the teacher. The student, like the principal and the teacher, holds a social identity that benefits the education system. “The Constitution of Bhutan mandates for the provision of free education to all children till grade ten” (p. 5) reminds the reader of the nation’s obligations to the student. As a student, there are learning opportunities that are provided to them in the hope of “promoting a system of continuous and life-long learning though formal, non-formal as well as informal modes to enable our citizens to participate meaningfully and constructively in the life of the society” (p. i; F=1). However, the most important Bhutanese social identity that is being created here for students is a Bhutanese education system infused with the ideology of Gross National Happiness (Gross National Happiness) and the idea of Green schools. As the document says, “Educating for Gross National Happiness cites ways and means with which Gross National Happiness values can be ingrained in schools” (p. 3). The Gross
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National Happiness school concept was introduced in 2010, two years before the publication of the 30th EPGI 2012 document. Since its launch, the EPGI states that “the results are very encouraging. Several schools have reported visible and substantial improvements especially in terms of physical ambience, mindfulness, students’ understanding of and regard for culture, nature, etc.” (pp. 3-4). Hence the GNH concept is mandated to continue in the curriculum. This unique social identity of Bhutanese schools provides a fertile ground for the spread of the loyalty/national identity discourse.
5.9.3 As identified through the intertextuality tool
Intertextuality is the borrowing of words and phrases from one context to another context (Gee, 2011). In the 30th EPGI document, the intertextuality tool draws on previous policy documents, such as the QEPGI 1988, to connect to the themes of loyalty and national identity, but also connects to the theme of global/localisation. Three themes that are noticeably present in the document are curriculum, socially useful productive work, and the universal purpose of education. 1. Curriculum is the soul of the education system It is important to ensure that the curriculum offered in our schools is relevant to the changing needs and priorities of the country (p. 8) 2. Shall review the integrity of the Socially Useful Productive Work (SUPW) experience and recommend ways to recognise self-initiated personal enrichment work done by students outside their school hours (p.10) 3. To prepare our young men and women with the right values and skills, usefulness and gracefulness, to meet the ever-growing needs of a developing country against the backdrop of a fast globalising world (p.i).
The first example taken from the document discusses the general and universal idea of the curriculum as central to an education system. This universal idea is then intertextually woven into the idea of making this relevant to the Bhutanese education system. Furthermore, it links it to the loyalty/national identity discourse by emphasising that the curriculum should cater to the “priorities of the country”(p.8). One of the priorities of the country has been to develop love and loyalty to the King and the country and to strengthen the national identity of Bhutanese. The curriculum, which is a borrowed practice from global education systems, is used by the Bhutanese
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education system to discuss the discourse of loyalty/national identity and at the same time to boost it. In example two, SUPW is the equivalent of community service/volunteerism. The idea has been borrowed from global education systems and UN conventions, and then contextualised and used at the national level in Bhutan to help the student develop virtues befitting a true Bhutanese. The SUPW concept provides students with time after their school work to engage in meaningful socially productive work which is recognised/rewarded. The type of work students usually volunteers to do in the rural schools at the community level include providing hair cutting to village people who do not have access to more formal venues for haircuts; washing and bathing old people who live by themselves, cleaning houses for people, helping with planting and harvesting crops, among other activities. At the school level, older students look after younger students by washing and bathing them, cutting the grass in the school campus, planting trees and shrubs to greenify the campus, and volunteering in the kitchen, among other activities. In urban schools, at the community level, students help the police to maintain order by being student police partners; they escort old people to the temples to do their rounds of prayers, and they visit hospitals to help village folk who do not know their way around. At the school level, as in rural schools, students are engaged in beautifying their campus. The SUPW process hopes to help children develop love and loyalty for their community and their country. The third example discusses the universal idea of the purpose of education. There may be local variants on certain themes, however in general what constitutes the purpose of education, is universally the same. The Bhutanese education system, while defining the purpose of education, understands that there is a need to look at two dimensions: the global and the local. This is important so that education can “meet the ever-growing needs of a developing country against the backdrop of a fast globalising world” (p.i). The key institutional norms that have been reimagined over the decades have been to perceive education as a basic right of each Bhutanese child; free education for all children (p.5); developing skills and values; child development; and quality of education (p.8). The discourse of nationalism overlaid with global issues of education reflects compliance with loyalty as well as the approval of large global bodies as being important. The phrase above is therefore appropriate at showing the intertextuality between the global and the national. Bhutan’s constant endeavour to provide an education that helps a student gain “right values and skills, usefulness and
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gracefulness” (p.i) has not been unwitting. The purpose was to prepare students to serve with loyalty and develop a national identity which is strong and deeply embedded, to help them to engage in global interactions with ease and confidence. This authenticates the Bhutanese education system by intertextually connecting the national endeavours in education by purposefully borrowing global educational practises that enhance the quality of education in Bhutan and in turn empowers the national identity and the loyalty discourse.
5.9.4 As identified through the figured worlds tool
Holland et al. (2001), argue that the figured worlds tool provides a key for people to learn new perspectives about the world around them. The knowledge that people gain is then given a new meaning, new passion or emotion. Besides this, figured worlds help people to expand their capabilities, which allows them to influence their behaviour in these worlds. It is therefore “a socially and culturally constructed realm of interpretation in which particular characters and actors are recognised” (p. 52). In the Bhutanese context, the typical/normal ways of showing loyalty/national identity would be towards the King, the country and the people also known locally as the Tsa wa sum, or literally as the three important roots being the King, people and the country. In the 30th EPGI 2012, the figured worlds is expressed through the cultural phenomenon of monarchy and loyalty towards it. The figured world of loyalty has immense meaning for Bhutanese as social interaction that has significance for the Bhutanese. It is in the figured world of education that people in their role are socially organised. Hence in the document, one finds the goal to ‘build a cadre of highly motivated and competent educators who are endowed with an abiding love of children, a deep love of learning, and who passionately value education as a positive instrument of empowerment” (Vision, page i). In addition, the document stresses the role of the principals as significant. The principals are positioned as “playing a larger role… ensuring there is justice and equity”(p.3). The special focus on the principals indicates how the activity of education becomes meaningful through their actions. Further, the education system is built up as a meaningful context through the manner in which it links with the larger social and cultural context: 1. Celebration of the auspicious Royal Wedding 2. Paying tribute to the leaders and educators of the past and the present
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3. The birthdays of the 3rd, 4th and present King being celebrated as National Teachers’ Day, National Children’s Day and National Education Day 4. Queen’s Endowment Scholarship for preservation of culture and traditions 5. Educating for Gross National Happiness
The five examples from the 30th EPGI show what it is to belong to the educational system. It is the world into which the Bhutanese are recruited, a world where activities such as the birthdays of the royal family are considered with respect; it is a world where individuals are told what it means to belong; in this case, belonging is dependent on understanding Gross National Happiness which becomes a pivotal point on which schools, teachers, students can reaffirm their sense of identity. The word ‘auspicious’ signifies something that is special and good and comes with many promises and hopes. This symbolic union through the Wedding is therefore celebrated joyously by the Bhutanese people. It encourages the Bhutanese people to reaffirm their loyalty to the King, and it also brings the whole nation together in the celebration thus strengthening national identity. The second example, with the emphasis on the noun ‘tribute’, symbolises the gratitude that Bhutanese people feel towards the King and to all the educators of the past and the present. It also connotes that by paying tribute, the Bhutanese people understand that education is an important element for developing loyalty and the national identity of the Bhutanese people. The third example reaffirms the symbolic connection between our kings and their constant effort in making the Bhutanese understand the value of education. The Kings’ birthdays are celebrated as National Teachers’ Day, as National Children’s Day and National Education Day. All three days show the King’s strong commitment to education. This dual connection allows the Bhutanese to understand the implicit meaning that education and the monarchy play in loyalty and protecting national identity. The fourth example provided above expresses the Queen’s continuous efforts at helping to preserve the cultures and traditions of the land by providing scholarships to enhance them. Her dedication is an example that Bhutanese are proud of, and through it, to understand the value of preserving one’s traditions and culture. Finally, the fifth example, educating for GHN, encompasses everything that represents Bhutan and Bhutanese. This phenomenon in the Bhutanese education
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system is still relatively new: it has been there since 1972, when the 4th King Jigme Singye Wangchuck, declared that “Gross National Happiness is more important than Gross Domestic Product” (Oxford Poverty & Human Development Initiative (OPHI) Oxford Department of International Development, 2008). Educating for GROSS NATIONAL HAPPINESS has now been established in Bhutan as the ‘norm’. All schools imbue it to show allegiance and loyalty to the King, people and the country.
The five examples provided above from the 30th EPGI 2012 show what is normal/typical figured world actions for a Bhutanese. These actions of loyalty/national identity come naturally to Bhutanese, as identity has been inculcated in the Bhutanese mind for centuries. These actions are also reinforced in the discourse of the 30th EPGI policy document.
5.9.5 As identified through the Conversation and the big D Discourse tools
The Conversations surrounding the loyalty/national identity discourse are around affirmation of respect and belonging. There are seven points in total in the mission statement of the Ministry of Education. The three that engage the big Discourse tool for loyalty/national identity discourse are points 2,3 and 4. 2. to build a broadly liberal, culturally sensitive, forward-looking, standards- based education system that combines the best of received wisdom of successive generations and the results of innovation and enterprise in the diverse fields of human endeavour; 3. to create the necessary learning space and opportunities to engage the genius and potentials of all the children and youth of the country in keeping with provisions of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Bhutan, and to realise our pledge of green schools for green Bhutan; 4. to prepare our young men and women with the right values and skills, usefulness and gracefulness, to meet the ever-growing needs of a developing country against the backdrop of a fast globalising world. All three selections are heavily laden with deep meaning for the loyal/national identity discourse. The first point covers the aspirations of the Ministry of Education and the initiatives the Ministry of Education is taking to “build a broadly liberal, culturally sensitive, forward-looking, standards-based education system”. The selection of the adverb ‘broadly’ and the adjective ‘sensitive’ suggests the caution that
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the Ministry of Education is taking towards balancing liberalism and culture. The Ministry does not think that complete liberalisation is the answer: instead, there needs to be a balance. At the same time, the Ministry feels that using the ‘wisdom of successive generations’ is important to progress and necessary for safeguarding the loyalty and national identity of the country. The second point focuses on the children and youth of Bhutan as they are the future of Bhutan. This obligation of the government towards the children of Bhutan is to “create the necessary learning space and opportunities to engage the genius and potentials of all the children and youth”. This inclusion of the phrase ‘all the children’ represents Bhutan’s growing awareness of including all youth, including those that are academically superior (geniuses), others that have Special Education Needs (SEN), and also the Early Childhood Care and Development (ECCD) community. Within this mandate, while focussing on the child, the Ministry also remembers ‘our pledge of green schools for green Bhutan’. Here again, the pledge for green schools and green Bhutan suggests that the national asset (80% forest cover) should continue to be protected through healthy sustainable practices in the schools. Finally, the third point discusses the need to have proper values and skills for Bhutanese to function both in the national and international milieu. Words like ‘ever- growing needs of a developing country’(p. 6) suggest that change is happening rapidly in Bhutan and Bhutanese people must learn to cope with and adjust to these changes. Gracefulness is, therefore, an asset which will be helpful in dealing with all the adjustment that a Bhutanese has to make. To sum up, words and phrases like “broadly liberal”, “culturally sensitive”, “best of received wisdom of successive generations”, “realise our pledge of green schools for green Bhutan”, “right values and skills”, “usefulness and gracefulness” are recognisable words that indicate the discourse of loyal/national identity. The loyalty discourse stresses professional responsibility alongside moral agency. The internal motivation to be loyal and value oriented is furthered by the overarching focus of the document as reflected in the title, Cultivating the Grace of the Mind, which indicates accountability to clients, that is students, is to be achieved through procedures that enable educators to communicate their values, and their moral beliefs. The Conversations that Gee notes are the debates and themes central for discussion are primarily to do with who is a loyal citizen and an effective educator. The public debate on what is good education, or an ideal form of education for Bhutan, is resolved in the
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document through its explicit acknowledgement of the role of education in nation- building. In conclusion, the pivotal role of education in nation building is reiterated through verbs like ‘build’, ‘combines’ ‘create’ ‘engage’ ‘realise’ ‘prepare’, ‘meet’ that create a pattern of belonging. The phrases and participant positioning are typical throughout the document. They are re-affirmed in different permutations. However, all these form the discourse on the central role of the nation and the central role of being loyal citizens.
5.10 GLOBALISATION/LOCALISATION DISCOURSE
5.10.1 As identified through the social language discourse
As Dale (2007, p. 58) observes, globalisation induces paradigm shifts in the way nation states respond to policy. The resultant effect of “international competitiveness” (p. 58) is subtly present in the document in the manner in which discourses are organised. The glocal discourses are explicitly set to convey a sense of urgency regarding the changes that need to occur in the education system. The forward looking, futuristic language indicates how “globalised policy agendas and processes interact with traditions, ideologies, institutions and politics that have developed on national terrains” (Ozga & Lingard, 2007, p.69). As these authors argue, globalised policy discourses have emerged, and these are adopted by policy makers to “reshape education systems”. Subsequently, there needs to be a study of how far a ‘travelling policy’ is entrenched in the local by means of adaptation. This is explicit in the EPGI 2012 document, and examples are as follows: All the Dzongkhags and Thromdey signed a Performance Compact with the Ministry in 2010 outlining the aspirations and goals to be achieved by 2013. The key targets in the Performance Compact are achieving 100% Net Enrolment Ratio in primary education, enhancing teachers’ satisfaction, reducing repetition rates, etc. As Ball (2007, p. 44) observes, “national policy making is inevitably a process of bricolage; a matter of borrowing and copying bits and pieces of ideas from elsewhere”. This is evident in the example above which illustrates how global policy initiatives are transferred to the local context to illustrate “the commodification of
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knowledge”. For the first time, the education system can be perceived as made “susceptible to profit” (p. 45), and the notion of the Performance Compact indicates the “enterprise culture and the cultivation of enterprising subjects” (p. 45). Nouns and adjectives such as ‘knowledge- society’, ‘diverse fields of human endeavour’, ‘globalising world’, ‘cadre of highly motivated and competent educators’, ‘positive instrument of empowerment’, ‘life-long learning’, ‘performance compact’, ‘IT-enabled knowledge-society’, ‘uniform implementation of policy’, ‘curb rural- urban migration’, ‘curriculum reviews’, ‘assessment patterns and tools’ among others indicate co-locations (Gee, 2005), which form established patterns of global discourse, and signal current education practices and the situation identities that educators and learners are expected to form within. The social language used in this document, especially in the globalisation section, suggests that the Bhutanese education system is adapting well to the prescribed needs of the global world by borrowing education policies that need much adjustment. One such example is the IT enabled knowledge society which requires both human resources and physical resources for the enactment of the policy. The willingness of the government to spend funds on creating this IT enabled knowledge society demonstrates that the government sees value in it. Lifelong learning too is another policy that the Bhutanese education system is endorsing. The value of lifelong learning in the mental health of the ageing Bhutanese population as well and the illiterate population is increasing. Many non-formal and informal learning centres are now full of enthusiastic learners who not only learn words and numbers but also participate in do-it-yourself (DIY) projects. Rizvi and Lingard (2010) say that education can be created into a field of social activity. In this space, the people can interact and develop rules which can help them learn better.
5.10.2 As identified through the socially situated meaning/ identities tool
The social language patterns assist in discerning the situated identities, in this document, of the ‘glocal’ with education systems, having the responsibility of translating larger supranational policy agendas into a local, transferable ‘solution’. The socially situated identity that the Bhutanese education system is creating is one that incorporates both the local and the global elements of education. The localisation discourse comes out through the document quite strongly, especially in the following areas:
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1. Values education and the need to practise it in the schools …all schools shall observe values orientation week at the start of the academic session every year. The main objective of the week is to strengthen values and life skills education in schools and inculcate the essence of Bhutanese etiquette (p.3; F=1) 2. The school agriculture program has always been a unique feature of the Bhutanese education system. the objective of the programme is to instil dignity of work in our students and supplement and provide a balanced diet in schools (p.7; F=1) 3. Educating for gross national happiness is yet another Bhutanese initiative which has been in the school system since 2010. The objective for this was to help children to think, reflect and show concern since love and care for the environment and nature should be imbibed from a young age (p.3; F=1) 4. The assessment system in Bhutan has come under much public scrutiny as some students are not sitting for the national examination for various reasons, which leads to funds being wasted. To this effect, the Ministry of Education has devised a policy whereby: no BCSE and BHSEC candidate would be allowed to withdraw from the Board Examinations with the exception to medical cases requiring hospitalisation and supported by documentary evidence signed by an authorised medical officer (p.10; F=1). While the policy above makes students think twice before deciding not to appear for the Board Examination, the policy below provides a better alternative: Students who have failed in class X and XII are allowed to repeat once in the same government school from 2014 academic session. This initiative is expected to benefit students who fail in Class X and XII owing to economic and other reason (p.2; F=1). The global discourse, on the other hand, looks more at creating a socially situated identity which is within the realms of education in the global sense. Two prominent themes appear in this section: 1. Youth concerns 2. ICT and its importance for global integration.
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The global discourse on youth concerns is discussed at length through the school discipline policy and the national youth policy as seen below: deeply concerned over the growing indiscipline amongst youth and lack of decorum and discipline in our schools (p. 4; F=1) development of youth programmes and services to address the emerging challenges and concerns faced by the young people (p.11; F=1). Socially situated identity within the global discourse aims to make education in Bhutan conducive to its Bhutanese learners. A favourable school environment is created by recognising that the student comes first and is at the centre of all changes and development in education. Therefore to recognise that the child comes first, youth programmes are introduced in the schools to provide diverse forums, where help is provided for youth to cope with issues they are concerned about. Also, youth programmes allow the Ministry of Education and the schools to maintain discipline by keeping children occupied in various activities during the school holidays and after school. Moreover, as Bhutanese youth interact with the outside world through media and technology, they are exposed to a life that is different from the one they know. Although often the exposure is good for youths, sometimes, when they see something different from that experienced in their cultural upbringing it can have a negative effect on them. Also, the issues and concerns that youth all over the world face are the same. Bhutanese educators understand that youth issues, if left unchecked, may act as deterrents and effect students’ achievement and success. As such, youth programmes and services have been initiated to tackle issues before they become bigger problems. Another example where the socially situated identity within the global discourse is recognisable is the initiative on ICT, locally known as the Chiphen Rigphel. The policy document points out that “ICT is crucial for realising the national vision of transforming Bhutan into an IT-enabled knowledge society” (p.2). To help achieve this vision the largest Chiphen Rigphel Project to build skills in ICT was launched. The project aimed to train “5000 teachers, equipping computer laboratories in 168 schools and setting up of 27 training centres” (p. 3). Ozga and Lingard (2007) argue that ICT is a crucial step in development and “is a policy trajectory that is preoccupied with the construction of a ‘knowledge economy” (p.70). They continue to say the education systems are sites for “a central globalised education policy
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discourse of the current moment” (Ozga & Lingard, 2007, p.71), drawn upon to indicate how nations can acquire competitive advantage in the international context. Similarly, Bhutan’s attempt at establishing ICT in schools serves several purposes. First, ICT will allow Bhutan to participate in global educational discussions confidently and therefore fulfil its need to be a part of a central globalised educational discourse. Next, the education in Bhutan will diversify through the introduction of ICT which will enable the Ministry of Education to meet national goals and aspirations to transform Bhutan into an IT based knowledge society. Most importantly, as Bhutanese teachers and students use ICT more confidently, they will be able to make a difference to teaching and learning which will boost the Ministry of Education’s socially situated identity and make it more recognisable within the global educational arena.
5.10.3 As identified through the intertextuality tool
Through the intertextuality tool, several features that have been borrowed from the global education markets are identifiable in this document. However, only some have been selected for discussion: 1. The importance of the teaching profession 2. The importance of having a set number of professional development days for teaching 3. Position ranking according to the performance of schools. The document states that “teaching is the most important profession and teachers are the main pillars of a progressive society” (p.5; F=1). This global idea about the role the teacher has in a society boosts teachers’ confidence. The Ministry of Education provides many training programs to improve teaching practices. The intertextual connection is therefore helpful to Bhutanese teachers as it allows the teacher to be part of a global profession. The other global discourse which connects Bhutan to the rest of the world is the amount of instructional time. Students’ and teachers’ time in school should be used effective and provide ample teaching and learning opportunities. The Ministry would like to remind all schools, once again, on the importance of ensuring 180 days of Instructional time. The time allocation is worked out based on syllabus and extra-curricular activities that should be covered in an academic year to provide comprehensive, effective and interactive learning environment in our schools (p. 5; F=1).
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Finally, the third global discourse selected for this section is on the performance management system (PMS). This is a concept borrowed from the global education sector. Bhutanese schools have begun being measured against each other in their performance since 2010. Prior to this, schools were never rated although they were encouraged to perform well. Global influences and pressures have made Bhutan adopt this practice to remind all schools of the importance of hard work from management, teachers and students. The phrase from the document clearly states this: “the Ministry would like to congratulate all the schools, which have ranked in the top 10 categories” (p.7; F=1). The Ministry of Education also acknowledges that some schools’ performance may be caused by certain factors and is therefore willing to “identify the causes for low performance and coordinate immediate support”. (p.7; F=1). The Ministry of Education’s “intention of PMS is to support and push all schools up the performance ladder” (p.7; F=1).
5.10.4 As identified through the figured worlds tool
Western education in Bhutan is perceived as development and advancement. Western education approaches have helped Bhutanese to connect with the outside world. Therefore, it is usual for an average Bhutanese to associate schooling with a better life in the future. For example, finishing their education will provide them with with an opportunity to get a job and thus the means to help their village folks at home. Therefore, any policy that comes from the western education system is considered beneficial and welcome as it will help them to enhance their education and their prospects. Thus, the figured worlds which are discussed in this section are ‘typical’ ways of accepting the good that results from education: ICT, Gross National Happiness, use of guidebooks, and boarding facilities. The phenomenon of globalisation has been disseminated through ICT. ICT is, according to Bhutanese, is one of the best things that has happened in the world. For Bhutan, it, therefore, becomes pertinent as “ICT is crucial for realising the national vision of transforming Bhutan into an IT-enabled knowledge society. In support of this national vision, the government has launched the Chiphen Rigphel Project, the largest ICT skill building project in the country” (p.2).
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Similar to global notions about the importance of ICT, Bhutan, has taken up a focus on the importance of integrating ICT in education. However, the belief that ICT will enable a knowledge society is so strong that the training of all teachers in phase- wise has been one of the largest projects undertaken. Holland et al. (1999) note that in this case, the figured worlds is a socially organised phenomenon. Here the people are sorted into groups, and they learn to relate to each other through different social interactions. The project theme as shared earlier translates as ‘one benefits and knowledge spreads’ which is the driving slogan that spreads ICT through the training of teachers. Through this theme of incorporating information and knowledge, most high schools are equipped with computer labs and an IT instructor. All other schools have a few computers each and all staff and teachers are encouraged to use it and maximise its benefits. On the localisation discourse, the biggest achievement for the education system of Bhutan is the concept of Gross National Happiness. To briefly explain this concept, what Bhutan has done is that it has taken the index of measuring economic growth known as Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and completely overturned this to focus on happiness and named it as Gross National Happiness. This concept of Gross National Happiness is then infused into the education system. Thus, “Educating for Gross National Happiness cites ways and means with which Gross National Happiness values can be ingrained in schools” (p.9). What the Gross National Happiness philosophy does is to teach students to “promote mutual respect and cooperation – between the educated, intellectual and the ignorant. Conditions must be created for the children to think, reflect and show concern” (p.9). Finally, boarding school facilities have always been something Bhutanese students have enjoyed. Although children living in a dorm with other children is a western import, it has been embraced well by the Bhutanese students. The benefits of living in a boarding school are many, from becoming more independent, having more time to study, greater interaction and social skill development, and engaging in many more co-curricular activities. On the other hand, there are benefits of being a day scholar too, where the child can continue to help their parents at home with farm work, share more time with their parents, and the child does not need to live a regimented life where everything is dictated by the bell from sun up to sun down. In spite of all these benefits to family life, parents prefer to put their children in boarding schools.
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It has now become a challenge for the Ministry of Education to accommodate many students as school enrolment increases, yet facilities and resources remain the same. Therefore, the Ministry of Education has come up with a policy whereby students are screened, and only those who meet the criteria are admitted as boarders. This is done to decongest boarding schools and ensure that boarding facilities can be made available to those children who genuinely need it to continue their education; the Dzongkhags are reminded to comply strictly with the boarding policy issued by the Ministry in the 25th EPGI (2006) (p. 4). The figured world is changing as Bhutan interacts more and more with the outside world and adapts to the world views of others. Where there is a clear figured world created through the loyalty and national identity discourse as seen above and in the QEPGI 1988 document, this document sets out multiple figured worlds that can be adopted on a needs basis by educators and learners. Besides the figured world of belonging to the Bhutanese values system, policy makers recognise the importance of belonging to the larger global, supranational discourses that signal major shifts in institutional practices, but do not contextualise the figured world as such. Therefore, it is a fluid, unspecific and boundary less figured world of performance, knowledge workers and internationally competitive education.
5.10.5 As identified through the Conversation and big D Discourse tools
The concern to provide quality education to students in Bhutan is the big D Discourse that emerges from this document. Within this big D discourse, there are prominent other Discourses that contribute to the discussion of providing quality education and the challenges that the Ministry of Education faces. The Discourses will be discussed under two broad themes: initiatives and challenges. Four major initiatives have been undertaken in this document to promote the quality of education: 1. Spreading of ICT through the Chiphen Rigphel project 2. Curriculum reforms to enhance quality of education 3. Revision and changes in assessment patterns to provide fairer assessments 4. Enhancement of Gross National Happiness schools to strengthen the localisation process of quality education.
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Time and time again the benefits of ICT have emerged through the discussion in this document as a forerunner for development, a creator for opportunities, a means of communication, and a tool for realising national aspirations. The discourse of the 30th EPGI suggests that the investment made by the government on ICT has proven its importance in the enhancement of education. The next initiative to improve education in Bhutan is the regular curriculum reforms that have occurred over the years. The curriculum is continuously being reviewed and reformed. New best practices have been borrowed from all over the world with hopes for keeping up with popular curriculum trends. Old practices have been discussed and removed from the education system if these were not bringing significant changes to students’ learning. The third initiative is the revision and changes in assessment patterns. The education system has always tried to provide the fairest form of assessment for its students. Therefore, different types of assessments have been included which assess the all-round development of a child and not only the child’s intellectual development. The final initiative in the localisation discourse is the enhancement of Gross National Happiness schools in Bhutan. This is one of Bhutan’s finest and most authentic initiatives taken to balance the global and the local in the Bhutanese schools. The Gross National Happiness concept school has provided Bhutan, an exemplary model which can be borrowed by other countries to provide an education system that involves the social, cultural, emotional, intellectual and physical wellbeing of the child. The challenges that the Ministry of Education is faced with are: 1. Emerging youth issues in the Bhutanese schools 2. Performance management system of schools. With modernisation and education, Bhutanese children are more exposed to the world around them. The media is the biggest tool that provides them with information and current affairs and through these they have started to expect more from their education and schooling. When these expectations are not met, youth resort to anti- social behaviours which includes forming gangs, indulging in hooliganism, and taking drugs among others. The Ministry in its efforts to curb this anti-social behaviour has initiated many youth programs. These programs are meaningful and organised during school holidays so that there is mass participation; however, some programs cannot cater to all age groups, so this becomes a challenge for the Ministry. The Ministry has
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to try and engage this group but sometimes there is a lack of funds, so this challenge continues. The other challenge is the performance management of schools. In earlier times, schools were not assessed against each other as the Ministry of Education did not want schools performing badly to develop a sense of inferiority. Nor did they want well performing schools to become complacent. However, over time, due to globalisation, the Ministry of Education introduced the performance management of schools to provide students with an education that would allow them to study with confidence in other parts of the world. Now, the Ministry is faced with challenges especially with the fair distribution of teachers who excel at teaching and fair distribution of funds and resources. These big D Discourses that emerge from this document remind us that educational discourses continue to be shaped by the forces of a globalised world. As education systems worldwide seek to integrate into an accepted ‘norm’ of education, local priorities are pushed aside for a globally structured form of education. Education systems are therefore compelled to borrow policies from other systems that are considered successful due to their performance in league tables.
5.11 SUMMARY
The EPGI 2012 document is different in its presentation from the 1st QEPGI, 1988. This document has a theme which is “Cultivating the grace of our minds’, and it also has seven mandates drawn up as the vision for the Ministry of Education. These two features guide the policies and the national objective of the document.
There are several new policies and concerns in the document which demonstrate the Ministry of Education’s efforts to address them. The new policies that feature in this document are:
1. The celebration of the 100 years of education in Bhutan (p.2)
2. The ICT training through the Chiphen Rigphel project (p.2)
3. The educating for Gross National Happiness with a focus on green schools (p.3)
4. The Queen’s endowment for cultural studies (p.13).
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Other issues related to curriculum reforms, teachers’ professional development, the feeding program continue to feature in this document, so schools are reminded that these are important aspects to be continued.
In Part III, the last document, the 31st EPGI will be discussed.
PART III Part II discussed the themes of loyalty and national identity in the EPGI 2012 policy document. The analysis illustrated that the national agenda on education had shifted from a locally situated perspective with subtle global influence on a wider, deeper global perspective on education. The most recent policy document released in 2017 takes the themes a step further, with both the loyalty, national identity and globalisation discourses being prominent. The push and pull of these discourses reflect the manner in which contemporary issues are defined, and the forces of transnational transfer of ideas as these collide with local policies. Importantly, the analysis illustrates the constant pressure that is there from the move to standardisation as a popular thrust of globalisation and these, in turn, bringing about “powerfully entrenched local cultures” (Smoliez, 2006, p. 118).
5.12 BACKGROUND TO THE 31ST EDUCATION POLICY GUIDELINES AND INSTRUCTIONS (EPGI) 2017
The EPGI was revived in 2017 after the last issue of the 30th EPGI circulated in 2012. This was the 31st edition. The two reasons for its revival are stated in the Foreword of the document as follows. The first reason stated was that there were several changes brought into the Ministry of Education’s (MOE) organisational structure which included changes in the management, and also changes in leadership, which needed to be shared with the MOE family. Due to this, the EPGI was “revived to provide a single point of reference on education policy guidelines and instructions for schools, dzongkhags, thromdes, ministry, and other stakeholders” (31st EPGI, 2017, p. ii). The second reason was to ensure that there were no gaps between education policies and policy implementation. Therefore, the document includes key policy guidelines and instructions issued by the Ministry from 2013 to June 2017. The document contains several policy matters such as “school admission, revision of school academic session, child safety, health and wellbeing, boarding policy, central
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and autonomous schools, school curriculum, scholarships and undergraduate matters, youth and sports, scouts and culture education, human resource matters, teachers’ workload, among others” (p. iii). While all the EPGI documents were mainly meant for use within schools, the Secretary of Education who signed the Foreword hoped that this EPGI would “be of interest to other professionals within the education system, our development partners, and the general public.” (p.i). Subsequently, although there are similar foci in the other documents, the wider glocal focus here stands out. The 31st EPGI document is 111 pages long; however, the main policy document is only 11 pages. There are eight policies discussed. This EPGI 2017 document, unlike the two previous documents, does not provide substantial information. Most of the policy is written in dot points within the main pages and substantiates the information in the annexures. This document shares similar concerns regarding education in Bhutan with the other two documents. Similar concerns discussed in all three documents are related to the curriculum, teachers’ professional development and school feeding program, boarding facilities and admission policies. The EPGI 2017, however, achieves a new thrust by focusing on inclusive education, transformative pedagogy, Early Childhood Care and Development (ECCD), the Special Education Needs (SEN) program, school precautionary and safety measures, disaster management and preparedness in cases of natural calamities like flooding and earthquakes, among others. While new policies are introduced with cautionary measures like the substitute teacher for teachers on maternity leave, some older policies which were removed from the curriculum in 2008 are reintroduced. One such case was the reintroduction of Shakespeare into the secondary school classrooms. The study of Shakespeare was abolished in 2008 by the Ministry of Education to give way to more contemporary English literature, in the hope that the students would better understand and enjoy English. One of the many reforms made in the new English curriculum for Bhutanese schools which was in keeping with the revision guidelines was Revision 9 which states “Care has been taken to introduce texts that are written in contemporary English” (Curriculum and Professional Support Division, 2008, p.16). From 2018, students in class 11-12 will revert to the older mode of learning English literature through studying Shakespeare. Some new experiences balance this reversal in the English curriculum: Bhutanese students will engage in such events as the first National STEM Olympiad,
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the first National Drama Festival, and Bhutan’s first participation in the Programme for International Student Assessment for Development (PISA-D) examination. Lastly, the document discusses the efforts of the Bhutanese education system in developing strategies to promote the national language Dzongkha, which has been a concern since 1961 when modern education and the English language were first introduced. The 2017 policy document also discusses the decentralisation of some HR functions to the districts, as well as the creation of a Directorate of Services in the MOE to provide a more efficient service system. Below is the data analysis of the 31st EPGI 2017 which was conducted following a similar pattern to the previous two documents described in this chapter in Parts I and II.
5.13 INITIAL ANALYSIS OF THE 31ST EPGI
Based on the two documents above, a similar initial analysis of the 31st EPGI document is undertaken. The first set of examples comprise a sample table (Table 5.5) which uses Gee’s six building blocks to categorically group words, phrases and sentences into the six building blocks they represent, and a sample paragraph (5.5) in a tabular form is used to analyse the discourse of loyalty/national identity in the document. The second set of examples follow a similar method of analysis to that done with the other two policy analyses. This analysis is presented as a table (Table 5.6) and a sample paragraph (5.6) respectively, to discuss the globalisation/localisation discourse.
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Table 5.5. Sample Table: Gee’s six building blocks analysed for loyalty/national identity discourse Six building blocks of Gee’s discourse Words/phrases identified from the analysis sample paragraph 5.5. Semiotic building block(significance) Academic sessions, national education conference, youth programs, help their parents, quality time, the birth anniversary of the Royal Prince World building block Birth anniversary of His Royal Highness the Gyalsey Activity building block Opportunity for schools to celebrate, revised academic session, engage in youth programs Socio-culturally situated identity and Celebrate the birth of Gyalsey, help relationship building parents on the farm Political building Connection building Helping parents on the farm during school holidays
5.5 Sample paragraph: Loyalty/national identity discourse through Gee’s six building blocks 1. The school academic sessions were revised at the 18th National Education Conference 2. held in January 2017. This is to encourage students to engage in youth programmes, 3. help their parents in farm works during summer season, have quality time with 4. parents and family, and to give opportunity for the schools to celebrate the 5. Birth Anniversary of His Royal Highness the Gyalsey on 5th February. Line 1 discusses the decision taken during the 18th National Education Conference to revise school academic sessions. The word ‘revised’ in the line indicates that certain things have been amended from the previous documents, one of which is the starting date of the academic session after the winter holidays.
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Line 2 confirmed the month and year when the decision to change the start date for the academic session was taken. In the same line, a reason for the change is also explained, which is to engage the Bhutanese students in youth programs. The word ‘encourage’ in this line suggests that the youth of Bhutan have not been exposed to such programs and therefore need to be encouraged to participate in the programs. Line 3 continues to discuss another reason for the revision of the academic session. The second reason given is ‘to help their parents’. Before 2017, the summer holidays were held for two weeks in July. July is the peak of the monsoon season, and it is also the season for rice plantation. The extended time of one month provided for holidays allows the students to help their families on the farms. As explained earlier, since the rains are heavy at this time of the year, most rice transplantation is done during July. This means all farms are busy and usually short of labour. This line, therefore, indicates that the students can go home and help their parents on the farms with whatever help they can render. By highlighting the need to help their parents, the loyalty/national identity discourse is evident. Lines 4-6 continue to discuss the value of time spent with parents and family as quality based. Therefore, the longer duration of the summer vacation serves two purposes. It provides time for parents and children to spend more time with each other, and it also allows parents to have their children with much-needed assistance. These lines also discuss the opportunity that schools are provided with to celebrate the birth anniversary of the young prince on the 5th of February, owing to the change in the academic session when the schools reopen earlier after the winter break. The word ‘opportunity’ in line 4 is significant. It expresses the chance given to students to develop love and loyalty to the future King from a very young age by celebrating his birthday. Had the school timing remained the same as before, which is the 10th of February, then schools would not be able to celebrate the young Prince’s birthday which falls on the 5th of February. Therefore, the change made in the academic calendar is symbolic. The loyalty/national identity discourse is powerful in this paragraph, as it presents the idea of being loyal both to the King, the monarch of the nation and also to one’s parents. The overall social language used is one of commitment to the loyalty/national identity discourse with a focus on helping one’s parents, by having quality time and the celebration of a royal birthday.
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Table 5-5. Table sample: Gee’s six building blocks analysed for globalisation/localisation discourse Six Building Blocks of Gee’s Discourse Words/phrases identified from the Analysis sample paragraph 5.6 Semiotic building block(significance) Early childhood care and development World building block School readiness and preparedness Activity building block Contributes to children’s learning Socio-culturally situated identity MOE enrol at least 50 % of children /relationship building Political building The Ministry plans to enrol at least 50% of children aged 3 to 5 years in ECCD centres by 2024 Connection building Coverage has significantly improved from 165 ECCD centres with 3,835 children in 2013 to 307 ECCD centres with 7,250 children in 2017
5.6 Sample paragraph: Globalisation/localisation discourse through Gee’s (2011) building blocks
1. Early Childhood Care and Development (ECCD) is an emerging program that is pursued 2. as a long-term strategy for enhancing the quality of education, which contributes 3. towards enhancing children’s school readiness and preparedness for effective learning 4. in school. ECCD coverage has significantly improved from 165 ECCD centres with 3,835 5. children in 2013 to 307 ECCD centres with 7,250 children in 2017. The Ministry plans to 6. enrol at least 50% of children aged 3 to 5 years in ECCD centres by 2024.
This six-line paragraph is analysed for the discourse of globalisation/localisation. Line 1 discusses the concept of Early Childhood Care and Development (ECCD) as an emerging program in Bhutan. The first ECCD centre was started in 2008 as a day care centre. However, over time there has been a shift from ECCDs being baby-sitting centres towards becoming centres for educational development. Lines 2-3 continue to discuss the importance of the ECCD program and inform the reader that this has now been adopted as a long-term plan/policy since ECCD has proven to have many benefits that can improve the quality of education for a child. The two ideas that are at the centre of these lines are ‘school readiness and
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preparedness’. The ECCD centres have now become pivotal as they shoulder a big responsibility of preparing children for their lives in school. Often, when there were no ECCD centres, children went straight from home to school, and they had a difficult time transitioning. Now, with the increase in numbers of ECCD centres, it is hoped that this transition becomes less stressful both for the parents and the child. So, the objective of ‘school readiness and preparedness’(p.3) may be fulfilled. Lines 4-6 provide evidence on how ECCD centres in Bhutan have improved and expanded via the aspirations and commitments that the Ministry of Education has for the centres. The word ‘improved’ is significant in these lines, as it indicates that something has become better. Parents now understand the importance of an early start in a child’s life, and the important role ECCD plays in a child’s intellectual development. Due to this, many parents are now enrolling their children into the ECCD centres. Seeing the increasing number of children in the ECCD centres, the Ministry of Education has committed to enrolling more than 50% of children between the age of 3-5 by 2024. This reflects the mantra “think globally act locally” (Ramirez, Meyer & Lerch, 2016, p.44). This paragraph shows the discourse of globalisation/localisation. The discourse of globalisation is identified from the adoption of a global concept of ECCD into the Bhutanese education system. ECCDs in the early years of adoption were used as baby sitting centres, however, over time, the roles of these centres expanded. The discourse of localisation then provided the necessary means through which the Ministry of Education intervened to facilitate these centres as stepping stones into the mainstream education system.
5.14 LOYALTY/NATIONAL IDENTITY DISCOURSE
5.14.1. As identified through the social language tool
Since this is an education document, the social language chosen to inform the reader is formal. Similar to the other two documents discussed earlier, the social language tool is used to introduce the over-arching big D Discourse of education in Bhutan, which constitutes the specific beliefs, ideologies and values that pertain to being Bhutanese; the big D discourse, with a special focus on loyalty/national identity, is drawn out through this. There is love, respect and loyalty shown to the monarchy through:
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1. Anniversary of His Majesty the Fourth Druk Gyalpo (King of Bhutan) (p.i) 2. The First National Scouts’ Day was observed on 21st February 2015 to pay tribute to our monarchs for their Royal vision for education, and their patronage (p.i) 3. Started the academic session with the celebration of the first Birth anniversary of His Royal Highness Gyalsey Jigme Namgyel Wangchuck on 5th February (p. ii). Although His Majesty the Fourth Druk Gyalpo abdicated the throne in favour of his son the Fifth Druk Gyalpo, the celebration of his birthday is symbolic as it is a reminder of his great leadership and humility. Besides this, it reminds us of our loyalty and dedication to all monarchs past and present. As Anderson-Levitt (2003) and Schriewer (2012) observe, the local and national aspects of education continue to be significant. It is through these practices in education that students are made aware of what it is to be a loyal, dedicated citizen and the duties they shoulder in future. Next, the first national Scouts’ Day was observed on the birthday of the fifth Druk Gyalpo. As the paragraph indicates, the monarchs have always been true patrons of education and have enjoyed participating in all Scouts’ activities. The Fourth King and Fifth King would travel all over the country to attend Scouting programs and would motivate the Scouts to continue their good work in helping their communities. Finally, the celebration of the Royal Prince’s birthday is also very symbolic as it reminds the students of their loyalty to the Prince from a very early age. The celebration of the birth anniversaries of the monarchs of Bhutan remind the citizens from where they came, and the future course of direction they need to pursue to remain loyal and dedicated citizens to their country. Along with this, the Foreword lists the milestones achieved from 2013 to 2017, when there were no EPGIs in circulation. The milestones further indicate the discourse of loyalty/national identity within the social language tool. The milestones are: In 2013 celebrated 100 years of modern education in Bhutan In 2014 Anniversary of His Majesty the Fourth Druk Gyalpo Centralised procurement and supply of school feeding In 2015: The First National Scouts’ Day was observed on 21st February to pay tribute to our Monarchs for their Royal vision for education, and their patronage In 2016: Launched Sherig 21st Century Endowment Fund
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In 2017: Started the academic session with the celebration of the first Birth Anniversary of His Royal Highness Gyalsey Jigme Namgyel Wangchuck on 5th February Chundu Central School, Haa became the first Armed Force School in the country.
The overall language is not only formal but also authoritative, and nouns such as ‘His Majesty’, ‘royalty’, ‘royal vision’ and verbs such as ‘was observed’ ‘launched’ emphasise certainty as well a sense of commitment to the monarchy. Besides this, the constant efforts to improve the learning of Dzongkha has been marked with firmness and certainty. The document states that ‘Dzongkha should be taught from class PP- XII by Dzongkha teachers, and all students must compulsorily pass in Dzongkha to be promoted to the next higher grade. Existing EVS should be taught by Dzongkha teachers’ (pp.5-6). The loyalty/national identity has continuously been emphasised through the need to improve the teaching and learning of the national language.
5.14.2. As identified through the socially situated identities tool
In the 31st EPGI document, there is much celebration for the achievements made in the education sector. However, there is still a cautionary note through the expression ‘the quality of education continues to remain a challenge’ (p. i). As a defining phrase, it frames the social identities of head teachers and teachers as carers and the student as the learner. Improving the quality of education requires the concerted effort of all the people involved in the education process, and therefore, certain measures are put in place for this to occur. The expression also reminds how the roles of each individual within the fabric of the education also must change or be enhanced for this to happen. Within the Bhutanese education system, the principal plays a crucial role in initiating the vision and change in improving the quality of education. At the heart of all successful policy, implementation is the principal, as noted in the previous policies. The principal’s ability to lead the school determines how the Ministry of Education’s goals and aspirations are fulfilled. Therefore, the social identity of the principal is considered important as it is seen to create a conducive environment for teaching and learning to happen. This document does not define the role of the principals as is done
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in detail in the QEPGI 1988; however, the principal’s role, as well as administration, is implicit in the following words and phrases: 1. stakeholders are expected to follow and implement the Standards for Inclusive Education (p.1) 2. school reform programme began with the commencement of 24 Central Schools in 2015 (p.2) 3. has decentralised the admission of students of classes PP-X (p.2) 4.for those schools located in colder regions, the dzongkhags/thromdes/schools are encouraged to come up with appropriate and innovative measures to ensure the comfort of teachers and students (p.3) Although in the examples cited above the principal’s role is mentioned, it is subtly understood that without his/her presence the duties stated above will not be fulfilled. For example, “all schools shall observe values orientation week at the start of the academic session every year” (p.3), indicates that it is the principal’s duty to remind the teachers of the orientation program, designate a teacher to conduct it, make the necessary financial arrangements, oversee the completion of the orientation program and submit a report on it to the Ministry of Education. As Carnoy (2008) explains, the principal’s role is “empowered to make decisions about school organisation, finance and outreach as well as to manage the work of teachers” (p.74). The principal’s socially situated identity is emphasised to express the local and national educational goals even as the document links with the global mission of education. Next, the teacher’s social identity also plays an important part in the education of the child. Unlike the principal, the role of the teacher is mentioned in this document: “Teachers play a central role in the delivery of the quality of education” (p.6). According to Thomas (2005), this “discourse positions teachers as pivotal to the building of sustained innovation and as significant contributors to quality schooling, and so to the economic prosperity of the nation” (p.35). This, in turn, has motivated the Ministry to launch the Teacher Human Resource Policy 2014, and the National Order of Merit from His Majesty the King for teachers and other educators. Along with this, 2016 was declared as ‘Teacher Professional Development Year’. With these efforts in place it could: “Ensure that the schools are adequately staffed with adequate and competent teachers” (p.6).
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Carnoy (2008) says that teachers nowadays are trained to take each student seriously, and to “accept students’ different learning styles and interests to manage their progress through their education years” (p. 75). Although the document does not focus on the qualities a teacher needs to possess, the adjective ‘competent’ teacher sums up the fundamental requirement of a teacher. Finally, the student who is the recipient of the education also plays a role in defining the quality of education. In essence, the whole document focuses on the students, a significant change from the QEPGI document where the focus was on the principal and teachers as well as students. All the policies are concerned about how to make the students reap the greatest benefit from their time in school. Education is about the student. For the student to reap the benefits, there is a social role for the student. Words and phrases that indicate this in the document are: 1. education provides opportunities for the students to realise their full potential (p.1) 2. encourage students to engage in youth programmes, help their parents in farm works during summer season (p.2) 3. strengthen values and life skills education in schools, and inculcate the essence of Bhutanese etiquette (p. 3) 4. declaring 2015 as the National Reading Year to encourage a strong reading culture among students for their personal growth and intellectual development (p.5). The four examples above indicate the opportunities that the student should avail so that s/he can enjoy the benefits of education. As far as students are concerned, the use of verbs such as ‘encourage’, ‘inculcate’, ‘realise’ positions them as central to education and as active receivers of education. These words express the Ministry of Education’s commitment to providing an education that encourages students to partake in different programs. The Ministry is committed to providing an education that inculcates good values in their students which will then help them realise their potential. To improve the quality of education in Bhutan and build a recognisable social identity the Ministry has put many strategies in place: some examples are: 1. The school reform program began with the commencement of 24 Central Schools in 2017
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2. Students who have failed in class X and XII are allowed to repeat once in the same government school from the 2014 academic session 3. From 2017 academic year, all schools shall observe values orientation week at the start of the academic session every year. Although the MOE has undertaken many initiatives, the few selected above illustrate how a social identity of the Bhutanese education system is created within the loyalty/national identity discourse. The initiatives help in discussing and creating a Bhutanese education system that answers to the core values of Diglam Chogsum, that constitute the essence of being a Bhutanese.
5.14.3. As identified through the intertextuality tool
Intertextuality happens in all education system contexts. It is a phenomenon which has helped education systems choose the best practices that have shaped good education systems. In this section, two practices that show intertextuality will be discussed: 1. Curriculum reform 2. National reading year concept. In Bhutan throughout all the education policy documents, the curriculum has been emphasised as one of the pillars of quality education. The curriculum is therefore always being reviewed and reformed to provide an education that is meaningful and supportive of students’ learning. In this document, several reforms have been initiated. The three prominent curriculum reforms are: 1. reintroduction of Shakespeare into the Class XI-XII syllabus (p.5) 2. the introduction of the first drama festival for class X (p.5) 3. compulsory passing in Dzongkha, the national language of Bhutan (p.5-6). The teaching and learning of Shakespeare’s dramas came to Bhutan through the Indian curriculum. Until 2008, Shakespearean plays were studied without being questioned. However, in 2008 when the English curriculum underwent a major reformation, Shakespeare’s place in the curriculum was questioned, and debates followed. Ultimately it was removed, and new contemporary literature from around the world was added to the curriculum. In 2017, Shakespeare was reintroduced. There are no officially documented reasons why it was reintroduced; however, in popular media, it was noted by a principal
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“Shakespeare is a global subject and helped the people in the world to connect with each other and made us (on this side of the world) believe that we had in common”. Principal, Druk School Business Bhutan 25th June 2016. The reintroduction of Shakespeare into the curriculum is looked at as a positive step towards enhancing the discourse of loyalty/national identity. This is because the content in the Shakespearean dramas are heavily laden with values and virtues that are expected to be understood by students, thereby showing links between the values and beliefs practised elsewhere as being relevant within the national and local context. The other curriculum reform introduced as a borrowed concept is the introduction of the drama festival for class X students. Like elsewhere, the Arts are depicted as having an important role in the educational development of students. However, for a considerable time. All high schools in Bhutan have participated in a drama festival which lasts for a month. The dramas are shown to the public every evening for up to a month. The plays enacted can be plays created by the schools or plays chosen from international countries. The introduction of the drama festival is mainly to showcase local Bhutanese talent and also to provide diverse ways of learning. The discourse of loyalty/national identity is subtle in this initiative and is mainly evident in the diversification of learning choices provided, in the selection of the plays, but with the use of Dzongkha in acting. The other curriculum initiative which is considered timely is the concept of the National Reading Week. Although there are no written or formalised documents to support this statement, many Bhutanese agree that Bhutanese, in general, do not have a very good reading culture. In an attempt to change this, the Ministry of Education “declared 2015 as the National Reading Year to encourage a strong reading culture among students for their personal growth and intellectual development” (p.5). Intertextuality operates through the link to classic literature that is a presumed condition of being literate and educated, signifies the symbolic capital (Bourdieu, 1989) that knowledge provides, and also is indicative of the seriousness with which education is perceived elsewhere. The reading year has helped pave the way for Bhutanese people to inculcate a habit of reading which will provide them access to texts and literature both in Dzongkha and English which will improve their personal and intellectual growth. Another educational scheme that is linked to the linked to the larger worldwide Scout ideologies is the scouting program in Bhutan. This program as elsewhere focuses
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on promoting citizenship and self-development and through this contributes to the discourse of loyalty/national identity while retaining its global worth. The Scout programme is for youth aged between 13-17 years (classes VII to XII) and is geared towards promoting citizenship education and self- development through attractive, meaningful and challenging activities focusing on the value of sharing, community living, spirituality, strengthening of brotherhood and making the youth understand their role in nation building (Mentioned in Annexure 30 of the document). The other explicit focus of the curriculum is on values education and values orientation week as mentioned in Annexure 7 of the document. This relates to the discourse of loyalty/national identity and helps to build a focus on Bhutanese etiquette, life skills education, and being responsible citizens who make contributions to their community. The worldwide discourse on education being to develop values education (Lovat, 2007) is promoted at the local level through the integration of The Gross National Happiness which is promoted through the values listed in the Appendix of the document. All this is initiated to achieve a love for Bhutanese culture and strengthen the national identity.
5.14.4. As identified through the figured worlds tool
Every culture has its belief systems which help them to interpret the world around them. This belief system can manifest in different forms: one form is through the education system and through the stories we choose to tell, or we choose to value. For example, in the Bhutanese education system, the child is always at the centre of education change and improvement. What the education system implements and achieves is ultimately for the child, so that the child learns about the roles she/he plays in national and international society. According to the 31st EPGI, “the safety of our students is of paramount importance” (p.3). Threats from natural and manmade causes put students in danger everywhere: “dangers of the monsoon season such as flash floods, swollen streams and rivers, landslides, and many others are of great concern” (p.3). The paragraph above indicates the importance of the child and his/her safety as one of the main mandates of the Ministry of Education. Bhutan’s mountainous terrain and heavy summer rains have been a cause of concern for many years. These natural disasters can be handled better when information is made available to everyone. The
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Bhutanese education system has now included the child safety concept into the education policy to teach children and caretakers how to be safe when natural calamities occur. All schools have mandatory drills for dealing with fire, earthquake, flooding etc. Alongside this, children travelling during the rainy seasons are cautioned on the dangers and are usually advised to travel in groups. Another concern for the Bhutanese education system is the health and hygiene of the students. The “Ministry of Education is constantly looking for ways to improve the health and nutritional status of school going children in boarding schools and remote areas; daily meals are provided through school feeding programme” (p.4). The World Food Programme (WFP) along with the Ministry of Agriculture are always looking for ways to provide a balanced diet by using locally available food resources. The word “constantly” stated above indicates that there is a concern which needs to be addressed and is recurrent and happening at regular intervals. The lack of food resources or the eating habits of the Bhutanese people, in general, may be the cause of this need to constantly look for ways to improve the health and hygiene of Bhutanese children. Also, the provision of meals to boarding school children and children who live in remote schools is indicative of the Ministry of Education’s commitment to developing healthy children. Many children in remote schools have to travel long distances to get to school and would mostly remain hungry during lunch time since they would have eaten their lunch on the way to school. With the free lunch program, children are now provided with lunch within the schools, so they do not have to remain hungry. All these initiatives taken up by the Ministry of Education to improve health and hygiene of Bhutanese children signifies the importance of the child in Bhutanese society. The focus on values that are explicitly stated in the Appendix is a reminder to the educators that the Gross National Happiness is deeply integrated into the system and defines the worldview of the Bhutanese. The figured world constructed through the focus on values such as respect, gratitude and reverence are a reminder of the core Bhutanese way of living through and be identified through the specific values of the Diglam Chogsum. The figured world set out is very specific to the Bhutanese way of understanding their world. Therefore, there is a specific focus on the values of respect and loyalty for the Kings and appreciation of national culture and tradition.
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5.14.5. As identified through the Conversation and the big D Discourse tools
The Conversation/ big D Discourses that emerge in this section revolve around strengthening the national language Dzongkha. Dzongkha has always been a cause of concern for Bhutan. Bhutan is a multilingual country where over 19 languages and dialects are spoken. The national language was mandated in the schools in 1971. All efforts made towards the improvement of Dzongkha have been overshadowed by the importance that has been accorded to the English language. In the 2017 document, the Conversations and the Discourse surrounding the development of Dzongkha are strong and assertive. The document emphasises that “all students must compulsorily pass in Dzongkha to be promoted to the next higher grade” (p.6). However, as Watson (2000) argues, people who do not speak English as a first language face a dilemma in choosing to promote their indigenous languages in light of English being a global language as required for the globalisation process of any education system which looks to be part of the global education system. To this effect, Law (2004) states “the use of national and native languages, as symbols of national and local identity, has become important as fluency in English as a symbol of global identity” (p.517). Alongside this, the Environment Science (EVS) curriculum for classes Pre- Primary to III which was previously taught by general teachers, was now made the teaching responsibility of the Dzongkha language teachers. It was decided during the 18th National Education Conference (NEC) that “the existing EVS should be taught by Dzongkha teachers” (p.6). This was done to provide better access to language learning opportunities since Dzongkha is taught as a subject and through a subject (EVS) until class III. Starting in class III, EVS is replaced with Social Studies, and this is then taught in English while Dzongkha continues to be taught as a language. In general, all subjects from class IV onwards are taught through English except the national language Dzongkha. The decision to continue in the enhancement of the national language is, therefore, a meaningful attempt and a discourse that is pertinent in the Bhutanese education system in enhancing loyalty/national identity.
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5.15 GLOBALISATION/LOCALISATION DISCOURSE
5. 15.1. As identified through the social language discourse
As reiterated throughout this chapter the social language chosen for this document is formal. The language used introduces the over-arching big D Discourse of education in Bhutan. This section focuses on how the globalisation/localisation is significant by drawing out examples form the EPGI, 2017 document. This document has many words and phrases that indicate its connection to and awareness of the discourse of globalisation/localisation. Some of the words/ phrases that indicate Bhutan’s association and policy borrowing practices have been used in the samples like Early Childhood Care and Development (ECCD), inclusive education, special education needs (SEN), transformative pedagogy, central schools, and premier schools, among others. Concepts and ideas related to the words indicated above tell the reader that Bhutan’s education system has adopted new global policies not previously seen in the curriculum. For example, special education needs, or early childhood care are newly introduced terms that have been drawn from developed countries that have been focusing on these areas for a considerable period. Similarly, transformative pedagogy, inclusive education are global terms that appear in UNESCO’s guide for teachers (UNESCO, 2017).
5.15.2. As identified through the socially situated identities tool
There have been several changes introduced to the education system in Bhutan to strengthen the socially situated identity of the Bhutanese education system. Since 1961 when modern education was first introduced in Bhutan, the Bhutanese education system has had wide-ranging educational influences from many different education systems from around the world. Even today, after 57 years of modern education in Bhutan, influences from international education system are still evident through the educational policy borrowing practices in which Bhutan engages. The Ministry of Education, Bhutan, realises the need to have an education system which is “Bhutanese” and is making an earnest attempt at balancing the global and the local initiatives within the education system. Having both the global and the local initiatives in Bhutanese education is important to provide an education to the Bhutanese people which is world- recognised yet based on the philosophies that are considered valuable to the Bhutanese
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people. Within the global paradigm, the changes initiated to strengthen the socially situated identity of Bhutanese education come mainly through these initiatives: Early Childhood Care and Development, Inclusive Education and Special Educational Needs. According to the Ministry of Education, these are “emerging programmes that are pursued as a long-term strategy for enhancing…effective learning in schools” (EPGI, 2017, p. 1). On the other hand, localisation efforts play a more assertive role here, as many initiatives for change can be seen in the document. The major changes are through the endorsement of values education week in 2017, the celebration of 100 years of modern education in Bhutan, and changes in the academic sessions to answer local needs, among others. The values education week has a main objective which is “to strengthen values and life skills education in schools, and also inculcate the essence of Bhutanese etiquette” (p. 3). The act of balancing the global and local within the education system in Bhutan is contributing towards creating a more recognisable socially situated identity. Along with the Ministry of Education’s objective of solidifying its social identity these changes continue to cover the social identities of the Principal, the teacher and the student. Every change and improvement is made to enhance the education system at the local level. This is done by borrowing global ideas, trends and best practices that help the Bhutanese education system provide a meaningful education to its children. The concept of Central schools was first introduced in 2016. Central schools are schools which houses all classes from Pre-Primary (PP) to Class XII. The central schools located in rural or semi-rural areas provide boarding facilities to all students, while those located in urban areas are day schools. Each district (dzongkhag) has several central schools depending on the size of the district and the catchment area. Since these schools were a new concept, the principals were provided with an “Operational Guidelines for Central Schools in 2016 (p.4). Principals in these schools were provided with additional responsibilities but were also provided with the support needed to guide these new forms of schooling. Phrases/words like “standardise the governance of school” (p.4) and “allow autonomy” (p.4) provide an indication of the role the principal of the central school plays in creating a school which shares a similarity in governance with other central schools around Bhutan. At the same time, there is a sense of autonomy that provides the principal with some discretion in certain
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areas. This positive initiative allows a balance between the uses of global ideas in a local context which enhances the socially situated identity of the Principal. The additional responsibilities and the autonomy for the Principals come as an opportunity to prove his/her leadership and management skills to “bring about the desired improvement in the delivery of quality educational services” (p.4), which is the most basic goal for providing modern education in Bhutan. Teachers have played a central role in the delivery of the quality of education. Over the years a continuous effort has been “initiated to raise the standards of teachers” (p.6). In keeping with this effort, some ‘notable initiatives’ (p.6) have been introduced: 1. Teacher Human Resource Policy 2014 2. National Order of Merit from His Majesty the King for teachers and other educators 3. Declaration of 2016 as the ‘Teacher Professional Development Year’, amongst others (p.6). The role and place of teachers in Bhutan have always been given priority for the responsibility they shoulder in moulding Bhutanese children for the future. The Human Resource Development Policy 2014 continues to emphasise the social role the teacher plays and therefore provides a means for teachers to enhance their opportunities in their professional career paths. The other initiative is symbolic, and one of the greatest honours a teacher can receive from His Majesty the King. Teachers are given medals and honours once they complete 10 or more years for their social services to the country. This exhibits the recognition that a teacher can receive for the hard work and dedication s/he puts in. Therefore, while the ideologies that surround teaching have moved to the larger global values, the recognition is at the local level regarding the service a teacher provides through their pedagogy and professionalism Finally, the need for a year- long ‘Teacher Professional Development Year’ acknowledges again the need to enhance the teaching profession through recognition of the need for ongoing professional development which is current global discourse but localised through a year- long celebration. Regarding the social identity of the student, initiatives are through timely curriculum reviews and reforms. Over the years, the curriculum has seen many changes and inclusions to make education balanced between the local and global. Some of the curriculum changes are outlined as follows.
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In 2015, Environmental Science was introduced as an optional subject. This opportunity was provided to commemorate the 60th Birth Anniversary of the Fourth Druk Gyalpo. Alongside this, the need to diversify education and also provide more choices in subjects was deemed important, so that students who were interested were equipped “with knowledge, skills, values and the ability to preserve our natural heritage, promote sustainable and equitable use of natural resources and prevent all forms of environmental degradation” (p. 6). The other initiative was the implementation of class XI-XII new science textbooks in 2017. The new textbooks included Physics, Chemistry and Biology for classes XI & XII (p.6) along with their manuals. The science syllabus before 2017 was based on textbooks from India. The main objective for designing new textbooks was to include local experiments while keeping the global factual information on the sciences intact. This initiative was taken to make science more relevant to students by infusing local ideas. It also allowed them to use local resources, so the import of learning materials was minimised.
5.15.3. As identified through the intertextuality tool
Over the years, Bhutan has borrowed several educational policies. The most intense borrowing is recorded in the 2017 EPGI document as global practices and trends, visible on almost every page of the 11-page document. The dominant initiatives are reiterated here and relate to early childhood care and development (ECCD), inclusive education, special educational needs (SEN), the youth programs and the Programme for International Student Assessment for Development (PISA-D). Each of these has been introduced into the Bhutanese education system to engage in the global discourse of educational reforms, educational excellence and educational inclusion. The ECCD initiative is one of newest policy borrowed from the global arena. Before its introduction, children aged 3-5 spent all their time with their parents. In 2008, as explained earlier, the ECCD concept was adopted mainly as a babysitting facility which was later upgraded to early learning centres. These centres were pivotal, as the centre “contribute towards enhancing children’s school readiness and preparedness for effective learning in schools” (p.1). The ECCD policy has facilitated increased employment as more teachers and carers are recruited. Children are taught
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to socialise and interact from a young age, and the objective of enhancing school readiness and preparedness has also been achieved, as the Ministry of Education has committed to opening more ECCD centres in future to accommodate more than 50% of children between the ages of 3-5. Inclusive education with special education needs (SEN) was introduced to focus on the ‘three dimensions – Inclusive Culture, Inclusive Policy and Inclusive Practice’. All three dimensions combine interdependently to create inclusive schools (p.1). Inclusive education is challenging for modern education in Bhutan as it has to discuss human differences and how to accommodate them in schools. Before 1960, when only monastic education was available in Bhutan, children who were genuinely interested in studying the scriptures and the religion were selected. However, with modern education and as a signatory to the Education for All (EFA) scheme, education has become more complex. According to Schuelka (2012), “the modern educational system brings heterogeneous community youth together in one classroom with one teacher with the expected outcome that they all learn together” (p.150). To further this argument, Dorji (2008) argues that the Bhutanese teacher is faced with more difficulty in a secular form of education, as the teacher has to deal with students that have varied learning abilities and learning issues (p.22). Bearing this dilemma in mind, the Ministry of Education has continued to improve policy and practice in the implementation of inclusive education in Bhutan. The institutionalisation of inclusive education within the education system of Bhutan symbolises the efforts of the Ministry of Education in providing an education that includes all learners irrespective of their human differences. While numerous programs for youth empowerment were introduced since 2012, the rejuvenation of the Scouting program is one of the major youth programs enhanced in schools. The Department of Youth and Sports (DYS) under the Ministry of Education designed a Scouting framework which aimed “to attract and unite youths with a unique identity and develop their social service, volunteerism, spirituality as well as adventure and fun” (p.8). Scouting in Bhutan has always been associated with fun, as different aspects of learning are infused in the program. Along with learning, scouts also commit themselves to social service, volunteerism and participation in spiritual activities. The word ‘attract’ in the above sentence connotes that more effort has been introduced by the Department of Youth and Scouting (DYS) to allow more youth to join the Scouting program. The patronage of His Majesties the fourth and the
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fifth King have also increased the popularity of this movement and garnered further attention. Finally, the PISA-D was introduced in Bhutan to a sample of 15-year-old students across Bhutan to ‘benchmark the standards of quality of education’ (p.5). The Bhutan Council for School Examinations and Assessment (BCSEA) which is responsible for all assessment conducted in Bhutan, confirms the above statement and elaborates on the aims and objectives on their website: Gauge the state of education against international standards Ensure use of the results of the assessment for supporting national and international policy dialogue and decision making Build local and institutional capacities in terms of the standards and structures to implement large-scale education assessments Policy impact nationally, regionally and globally. (http://www.bcsea.bt/index.php/what-is-pisa-d/).
The objectives stated above shows the commitment of the education system of Bhutan to enhance and progress their assessment system to be at par with education systems offered in the international arena. The list of bold, new initiatives provided above for Bhutanese education indicates Bhutan’s intentions to borrow policy and ideas from the international education market which will be good for Bhutan. The intertextual connection towards social justice and quality of education is evident in the policies described above. The initiatives: - Early Childhood Care and Development, and Inclusive Education, show Bhutan’s efforts at encouraging a sense of social justice. Bell (2007) argues that “the goal of social justice is the equal participation of all groups in a society that is mutually shaped to meet their needs” (p.1). The introduction of PISA and the strengthening of assessment signifies the efforts at improving the quality of education and the setting of goals for Bhutan to achieve the highest standards of comparable international education systems around the world.
5.15.4. As identified through the figured worlds tool
The discourse of globalisation/localisation is visible through the figured worlds tool. The global concept of decentralisation of power has been used by the Ministry of
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Education in Bhutan to provide more efficiency and accountability to education administration in the districts. The policy indicates that some of the “Human Resource functions were decentralised to dzongkhag/thromdes from 15th August 2015” (p.7). From the 2017 policy, the district education office (DEO) can make decisions on the following areas: 1. Superannuation of education staff (P1 and below) 2. Voluntary resignation 3. Extraordinary Leave 4. Short term training that had no financial implication on the Royal Government of Education. This was a major step forward for the Ministry of Education in the devolution of power. It was beneficial on two levels: 1. Staff do not have to go to education headquarters in Thimphu to get a decision on the matters mentioned above, which meant no wastage of school time and loss of syllabus coverage for students, especially for those preparing for the national examination at class X and class XII levels 2. The district education office was empowered with the added responsibility and trust invested in him/her by the Ministry of Education. Another issue that has been devolved to the district education office is the recruitment of substitute teachers for teachers on 6-months maternity leave. The Royal Civil Service Commission (RCSC) “approved the recruitment of substitute teachers for teachers on maternity leave in July 2016” (p.7). Now, the district office was responsible for “carrying out the recruitment process and assessing the need for a substitute teacher before the recruitment” (p.7). In light of the figured worlds, the devolution of power, a global practice that is prevalent in education systems around the world, is, however, a new policy in Bhutan. Bhutanese schools and district education offices have always had information dictated to them. This said, Bhutan’s ability to accommodate global imperatives in education and curriculum reforms must also be appreciated, as curricula reforms bring change to the whole education system from recruitment, to training, to the allocation of study hours and many other things that need to be managed efficiently for the school system to function well.
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5.15.5. As identified through the Conversation and big D discourse tools
The discourse of globalisation/localisation mainly focuses on three pillars of education: the school, the curriculum, and the teacher. The discourse on globalisation includes: 1. the promotion of lifelong learning 2. making the students’ school experience meaningful 3. the reorganisation of subjects into key learning areas in order to provide a broader knowledge base for the students 4. develop critical thinking and innovation abilities 5. foster global awareness 6. raise the professionalism level in teachers. The discussion on lifelong learning in Bhutan is a new concept which is being encouraged in formal, non-formal and informal environments for all age groups since lifelong learning has positive results. Watson (2003) defines lifelong learning as a learning process which empowers people as they enhance their knowledge, skills and values. This allows the lifelong learner to engage in all social activities with confidence and motivation. The formal form of lifelong learning that is instituted is the continuing education (CE) program whereby Bhutanese people who had to drop out of school due to various circumstances can go back to school to study. The non-formal form of lifelong learning in Bhutan is initiated through the learning of Dzongkha and English in learning circles. Finally, informal learning is mainly through but not constricted to spiritual and religious gatherings held in various temples and monasteries all over Bhutan, where people come to enhance their knowledge on spiritualism while interacting with people who share the same beliefs. The other example is to foster global awareness by making international education practices and trends available to the Bhutanese education system. Information on different policy matters from around the world allows Bhutanese within the education system to understand what is happening around the world in education. Bhutanese schools also observe various international awareness days like world water day, international women’s day, world environment day, international day of the girl child, global handwashing day, earth day, and world health day, among others. The fostering of global awareness provides opportunities for students to realise
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their full potential by ensuring access to equitable quality education for all children (p. 5). The launch of the Teacher Human Resource Policy and ICT master plan (iSherig) (p.i) has been significant in the professional development agenda of teachers. All these reforms have been initiated to raise the standards of teachers (p.6). Similar to the EPGI 2012, the more prominent policies evident in the 2017 EPGI document are those on the teaching of ICT and English. These two policies receive special attention because of the important place they both hold, especially in opportunities provided to the teachers and the students. ICT and English allow teachers and students more mobility within the national and international arena of education. The importance of the English language as the lingua franca and the need for ICT to enhance communication in a globalised world where learning through ICT is continually progressing has necessitated the Bhutanese teacher and the learner to focus on English and ICT.
5.16 SUMMARY
The EPGI, 2017 has several new educational policies borrowed from international education systems and transnational agencies. Policies like Early Childhood Care and Development (ECCD) and Special Education Needs (SEN) and decentralisation of HR functions indicate the commitment of the Ministry of Education, Bhutan to be part of the globalised world education system. At the same time, the compulsory passing in the national language Dzongkha which is a new localised policy emphasises the need to value and respect local language and culture. Beside this, there are also other policies which take into consideration the safety of the child which are cautionary measures like the mock drill for earthquakes, the care to be taken during the monsoon season, and ensuring health and hygiene for students through the provision of healthy and nutritious meals.
The policy related to curriculum reformation continues to be discussed even in the EPGI 2017 document and shares similar concerns indicated in the 1988 and 2012 education policy documents.
Another policy that continues to be discussed is the policy of professional development for teachers, emphasising the Ministry of Education’s commitment to enhancing the quality of teachers.
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Other polices discussed in all three documents are the school admission policy, the boarding facilities policy and the school feeding policy. The pertinent discussion on these issues suggests that these are grave concerns that repeatedly need attention and reminders. On the other hand, it could also suggest that organisation around these needs to be more assertive.
In conclusion, this chapter provides an in-depth analysis of the chosen three education policy documents. The findings that emerge will be discussed in Chapter 6 along with the recommendations.
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Chapter 6: Conclusions
6.1 INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this study was to understand, through the analysis of three education policy documents of the Ministry of Education of Bhutan, educational policy borrowing practices in Bhutan. Through this study, it was hoped that a clearer understanding of the emergence of educational policy borrowing (within the backdrop of international comparative education) in the Bhutanese education system would be identified, and how the phenomenon of globalisation played a crucial role in this borrowing practice. As mentioned in Chapter 1, formal education began in Bhutan in 1961, and the first formal education policy document was released in 1988. This study undertook a qualitative interpretivist approach to examine three education policy documents from 1988-2017. The study was guided by one main research question and two sub- questions: Research Question What are the influences of educational policy borrowing practices on the Bhutanese education system?
Sub questions 1) How did educational policy borrowing practice emerge as a field of practice in the Bhutanese education system? 2) What are the key influences that have shaped policy borrowing practices in Bhutan?
Data from the documents were closely coded, analysed and organised through Gee’s discourse analysis to understand how the two discourses of loyalty/national identity and globalisation/localisation inform and guide these policies.
The findings largely answered the main research question and the two sub questions. The principal finding in this study showed that while there are several different influences which have impacted the Bhutanese educational policy borrowing practices from 1988 to 2017, the main influence on education policy was globalisation. Initially, the global influence for Bhutan was through India; it lasted for many years.
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Slowly, as education progressed, and Bhutan relaxed its isolation policies, it went beyond the borders of India into other parts of the world, expanding access to education by borrowing aspects of policy from elsewhere.
The previous chapter presented an analysis of the data through discourse analysis to understand the themes and connecting patterns that emerged. In this chapter, an interpretation of the findings and recommendations for future research is presented. While this chapter will focus on interpreting these findings, it will also attempt to create a holistic understanding of the findings.
6.2 FINDINGS FROM THE DATA ANALYSIS
The three Bhutanese education policy documents that were chosen for the data analysis: the first Quarterly Educational Policy Guidelines and Instructions (QEPGI, 1988), the 30th Education Policy and Guidelines and Instructions (EPGI, 2012) and the 31st Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions (EPGI, 2017), were selected as representative of the period. The 1988 document as the first formal set of guidelines that went beyond the prior circular system was an important document to analyse as it brought together the diverse strands of the educational system together and also the policy guidelines for each level of education within one document. Further, as the first formal document, it reflected the overarching perceptions about education in Bhutan as needing to move away from global influences to incorporating local issues, and local themes. The second document, EPGI 2012 was taken as representative of subsequent policy guidelines that followed 1988 document. The EPGI 2012 was significant for the overall shift in policy discourse in adopting the discourse of globalisation as advanced by neoliberal economies. The document highlighted the significance of wholesome education, of technological knowledge and of being a part of the knowledge economy, signalling thereby a perceptible shift from the 1988 document regarding the ideologies that were promoted. The EPGI 2017 as the latest document was examined to perceive how these discourses were intensified through various key global ideas of education, namely early childhood education and, inclusive education and to examine how the discourse of Gross National Happiness is reflected through taught values.
These three policy documents were analysed through Gee’s discourse analysis to comprehend the d/D discourse of education in Bhutan, and the similarities and
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differences the Bhutanese education system shares with the larger global education discourse over time. This overarching education discourse was further analysed by looking closely at two discourses through Gee’s six building blocks and five tools of inquiry which emerged through the analysis: the discourse of loyal/national identity and the discourse of globalisation/localisation.
All three documents provided substantial information on the two discourses which, however, vary in focus according to the year the document was circulated and the important policies that were borrowed within that period. In the following section, I outline the findings gained through Gee’s tools of the six building blocks and the tools of inquiry.
6.3 FINDINGS THROUGH GEE’S (2011) FIVE TOOLS OF INQUIRY
Social language in the documents Through the social language tool, there was an indication that all three documents used a formal report genre in the third person narrative. The language, as is usual in policy reports, has multiple inferences. The words and sentences are studied and examined interpretively as an aspect of the local and global context as well as the social, cultural and historical context of education in Bhutan. While all three documents have the assertive and authoritative tone representative of policy documents, the QEPGI 1988 had the most assertive tone; perhaps because as the first formal document, it is set out as the guide to educational achievement. Three examples where words/phrases exert pressure on the reader are:
has become imperative to utilise our schools/institutes to develop loyal and dedicated Bhutanese citizens (QEPGI:-p.3)
those who do not measure up to required standards would be replaced whereas those who work hard and prove themselves would be suitably rewarded (QEPGI:-p.2)
the schools/institutes will also instil in our students a full awareness and understanding of our national policies (QEPGI:-p.1).
These words/phrases are seen throughout the three documents. However, in the latter two documents, the language of persuasion is used more liberally than is the language of authority, which indicates there is a shift in the type of social language
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used in the documents; as Bhutan engages more with the world, more global discourse is preferred in the education policies. Although the loyalty/national identity discourses are still important and are deeply embedded values in the Bhutanese mentality, over the years the approach taken to discuss these discourses has evolved into a form which allows the reader to engage in it rather than be dictated to. For example, in the 2012 EPGI document, the reference to 100 years of education is made as:
1. An opportunity to express our deep gratitude to our monarchs for shaping education 2. The opportunity to express our deep appreciation and gratitude to all the teachers, past and present.
These findings within the social language tool, therefore, indicate that who does what depends on how much Bhutan has chosen to be influenced by the global discourses is balance with how much the local takes precedent. Through the social language discourse, it is clear that Bhutanese education has advanced through a series of educational policy borrowing practices in relation to its interaction with the global education community. With increasing global interaction there is a higher level of educational policy borrowing which leads to a greater conformity of the social language used, to international standards of communication.
Socially situated meanings/ identities in the documents The socially situated meaning/identities tool of Bhutanese education as conveyed in the three policies is strongly indicated through the discussion of the roles of the head teacher, teachers and students at great length regarding their loyalties to the King, to the people and the country and their duties in upholding their national identity. These policies also discuss the roles the principal and the teachers play in equipping students to become global citizens, who can move within the local and the global education systems with confidence. The education system and the use of the socially situated meaning/identities tool help to identify the contextual positioning of the important roles that the people within the system play. Each player (head teacher, teacher, and student) is expected to fulfil certain roles, and the language used within the socially situated meaning helps to identify what these roles are.
There is also an indication of how the socially situated meaning/identities have changed over the years. In the earlier document (QEPGI 1988) the head teacher, teachers and students are reminded of the role they play in the society towards building
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the education system, their loyalties and affiliations, and the responsibilities they shoulder while undertaking the specific roles in the sphere of education. Their roles are explicitly mentioned in the document. However, in the latter two documents, these roles are implied. The reader understands that what is being said in the document is directed to the head teacher, teacher or student although they are not specifically mentioned. Such subtlety about the key role of stakeholders of education in the latter documents suggests their socially situated identity is established. Therefore, there is no need for further emphasis on the roles and responsibilities that the head teacher, teachers and students within the Bhutanese education system need to play to show loyalty to the nation.
The development of a local/national identity is more prominent in the QEPGI (1988) than in the later documents. This is done in the realisation of the fact that earlier on the entire education policy was borrowed along with the teachers and the curriculum rather than it being locally developed in Bhutan. So now in order to fit policies and practices into a more viable national educational context, one that is recognisable as a Bhutanese education system, a focus on the loyalty/national identity was strategically situated in the 1988 QPEGI. These also appear in the 2012 and 2017 policy documents, but in these documents, the reference is more holistic encompassing educational themes. Further, while national identity emerges as the sole dominant discourse in the QEPGI, 1988, in 2012 and 2017, it was considered appropriate to focus equally on the enhancement of global socially situated meaning/identities. This change in thinking facilitates more fluidity in the interactions the principal, teachers and students undertake both at a local and a global level. To acknowledge their roles, all three groups of participants are provided with better resources and facilities to develop their skills in leadership, teaching and learning.
These findings within the socially situated meaning/identities in all three documents indicate that the role of the principal, teacher and the student are all important in their contribution towards a successful education system.
Intertextuality tool The intertextuality tool emphasises the borrowing of ideas, words, ideologies, and practices of education. In the three policy documents, there is a strong indication that ideas/words, ideologies/practices are borrowed. The 1988 QEPGI is the forerunner for educational policy borrowing in Bhutan. The document has borrowed
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at two levels: at the global level and a national level. At the global level, the whole modern (read Western) education system was borrowed, from India in particular. At the national level, the philosophy of “Diglam Chogsum” which is at the core of the Bhutanese being was borrowed from the Buddhist texts and scriptures. This, then, depicts the text as a multifaceted document that is tradition oriented while being linked with the needs and requirements of a modern education system.
The latter two documents (2012 and 2017) show an indication of intertextuality through the continued borrowing of global educational practices, for example, the global concept of volunteerism which is used in the schools as socially useful productive work (SUPW), school performance measures, national reading week, the revival/reintroduction of Shakespeare in the English curriculum for class XI, wholesome education, lifelong learning and the knowledge economy.
The findings in this section, therefore, indicate that intertextuality is visible although not explicitly stated. Global ideas on educational best practices have been borrowed and used by the Bhutanese education system throughout the history of modern education in Bhutan. In earlier years, the borrowing or intertextual connection was mainly visible through the Indian curriculum. In the latter two documents, there is a stronger inclination towards global intertextual borrowing through ideas of inclusion like the Special Educational Needs (SEN), Early Childhood Care and Development (ECCD), and ideas of assessment like the PISA-D, that resonate with more global agencies such as UNESCO (2002).
The figured worlds The figured worlds notion is a fascinating concept which suggests the individual can understand himself/herself within the different socially constructed world in which s/he interacts. As indicated throughout Chapter 5, the concept of loyalty/national identity has always been a core part of the Bhutanese mentality. However, over time, with global interaction, the figured worlds have changed and evolved. All three documents show the evolution of the figured worlds in action. The 1988 QEPGI is perhaps one of the closest to the earlier kind of figured worlds which defined the Bhutanese identity when global interactions were less. The 1st QEPGI portrays strong nationalism whereby the principal, teacher and students are urged to be dedicated and loyal to the national aspirations by following the mandates asserted in the document. Over the years with education becoming more established, the figured
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worlds changed. In the latter two documents, there is an increase in looking to other global education concepts for better educational practices that could be, and were, borrowed. Therefore, while the figured world is still Bhutanese, larger global social and cultural practices have been instrumental in how the figured world of education is perceived.
The findings for this section are that the Bhutanese figured worlds, along with the evolution of education spanning 57 years, have shifted, now accommodating the larger global figured world. That being said, while globalisation has altered Bhutanese figured worlds, it has also taught Bhutanese about the contributions it can make to global education. Bhutanese educators now understand that the local element is equally important and should be included in the education of Bhutanese children. The figured worlds have helped Bhutanese believe that the global and the local can coexist and this is strongly promulgated through the Bhutanese ideology of Gross National Happiness.
Big D Discourse and Conversations The over-arching big D discourse and conversation that come through the three policy documents are the discourses on the quality of education through the professional quality of the teachers and the principal’s leadership practices. A commonality that is visible in all three documents is the continued curriculum reviews and reforms that have continued over the past 57 years in the Bhutanese education system.
The other discourses that are present in the documents are the strong and assertive loyalty/national identity discourse conversation explicitly seen in the 1st QEPGI 1988 document and through several changes in the policies mentioned in the document. Some of the more noteworthy ones are:
1. The nationalisation of the head teachers and teachers 2. The cancellation of PP-XII scholarships to study in India 3. The cancellation and prohibition of educational tours for class X to countries outside Bhutan
These radical measures are conveyed with strong, assertive words/phrases: “circumstances dictate that we should now have all our schools/institutes headed by nationals”, “educational tours normally undertaken by high schools and other institutes to places outside Bhutan are henceforth discontinued and prohibited”, “primary and
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secondary education in India, including those holding Kashos (royal decree), shall be discontinued”, indicate the affirmative action of the Department of Education to uphold the loyalty/national identity of Bhutan.
The findings in this section continue to reaffirm the efforts that Bhutan is making towards balancing the discourse of the global and the local in all the three documents. The QEPGI 1988 tries to balance this mainly through localisation of the head teachers. The head teacher can, therefore, guide the school towards an education that promotes Bhutanese values through global best practices.
The EPGI 2012 document discusses emerging youth issues which are due to the influence of globalisation and the students’ exposure to a life different from the one they know and live. The Ministry of Education understands the gravity of the youth issues and has developed a local intervention policy which can help curb these problems.
The final EPGI 2017 document focuses mainly on inclusion. The Ministry of Education has now included specific policies for ECCD and SEN.
In conclusion, all three policy documents play a crucial role in the Bhutanese education system. The weight of the responsibility, however, was on the 1st QEPGI as it had a sovereign duty to lay a proper foundation whereby the Bhutanese education system could evolve into one that is fit for its citizens. The 1st QEPGI played a pivotal role in shaping education as it was the sole means through which information was disseminated. Nowadays, with the advancement in technology, policy documents can be circulated to schools through the press of a button. Also, information today can be circulated through journals, newsletters and the media.
The importance of the 30th EPGI, 2012 cannot be underestimated either. This document has provided information on how education has progressed and evolved over the years. The document indicates that education is not only about getting a qualification and a job. It goes beyond that. The title of the document, ‘Cultivating the grace of our mind’ sums up the essence of the document which indicates the need to change and evolve to become better human beings, drawing from essential Bhutanese Buddhist values. To show care and love and graciousness everywhere and at all times is a central aspect of both Diglam Chogsum and the Gross National Happiness philosophy and becomes a prominent sub- discourse of the loyalty discourse.
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The revival of the EPGI, through the 31st issue published in 2017 only reaffirms the importance of these discourses, as values are projected explicitly in Appendix D (Values Orientation Week). The Ministry of Education is continually evolving. This document illustrates that there are new education practices that need to be shared along with new leadership and management information. This document is important as it provides information on new policy practices that were borrowed from 2013 to 2017.
6.4 OVERALL FINDINGS
The overall findings from the three policy documents that were analysed include:
1. The past and the future are intricately woven in the policy documents showing the historical significance of education and the future thrust and aspiration of education in Bhutan. 2. The education system in Bhutan has evolved and changed over time. Education has provided a means for the Bhutanese to perceive themselves as progressing through education. 3. Different policies have been emphasised and introduced in the different documents. The social context of the documents sets the norm for what can be discussed and asserted at different historical times. Each also provides rules and regulations on reshaping ideas on education. 4. The development of a national identity is stronger in the earliest document (1988) as dictated by the social context of the time. The education system was young and had to be developed into one that was robust and exhibited Bhutanese ideology confidently. 5. The enhancement of a global identity is seen more explicitly in the latter two documents as, by then, Bhutanese identity was established and well- placed. The interconnectedness through the globalisation phenomenon provides the necessary resources to examine national Bhutanese education in the global context and provide an understanding of how Bhutan can cope in the face of globalisation. 6. The professional development of the teacher is of national interest and concern. The teacher’s knowledge is crucial to education advancement and
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student growth. The role model the teacher projects will be reflected in the global citizens who are also the students of Bhutan. 7. Curriculum review and reform are ongoing and represent a continuous process. The curriculum is at the heart of successful education and, therefore, it is important that new best practices in education policy are shared as a global effort and implemented at the local level. This should be done to provide the best education for Bhutanese children. 8. The inclusion and infusion of Gross National Happiness (GHN) schools to develop a Bhutanese identity is an important agenda which facilitates global participation. Though Western liberal democratic ideology is starkly visible in the documents; Bhutanese have managed to find a Bhutanese identity that blends well with local qualities and global values. 9. The inclusion of 21st century transformative pedagogy and policies like ECCD, SEN, and ICT play an important role in education quality enhancement. Inclusion is now viewed as normal and necessary, unlike in the past. Primarily, the Bhutanese education system is taking great initiatives to embed these educational practices into the current education system. 10. The identification of the emergence of youth issues and addressing them is significant. Youth issues are common all over the world. The documents address these issues to provide support to the schools in dealing with these issues without using practices like corporal punishment that was prevalent in Bhutan in the 80’s. 11. The performance of schools as an indicator for quality of education is also stressed. Schools are required to devise strategies to improve the quality of education they provide to the students in their care. This is done to raise the national level of education and also to provide more responsibilities to the school.
All 11 findings from the research indicate that there is an overarching global discourse on the purpose of education and the focus on the child is at the heart of effective education systems; this has been enacted in the Bhutanese education system.
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6.5 WHAT SENSE DO I MAKE FROM THE FINDINGS?
The first chapter of this study mentions several assumptions made before the analysis of the data. Through the data analysis, the researcher’s assumptions were either confirmed or challenged. Below is a description of four assumptions expressed prior to data analysis and the sense I made of these after the data was analysed.
The first assumption underlying the research was that educational policy borrowing is occurring in the Bhutanese education system and therefore there was a need to study it. Up until now, there have been no studies conducted to indicate that educational policy borrowing was occurring in the education system. Analysis of the three policy documents confirmed that educational policy borrowing is happening in the Bhutanese education context, and has been over a long period, although there is no terminology used like ‘borrowing’ to indicate policy borrowing. Over the years donor countries have provided aid to Bhutan, and with it, new ideas for improving education have also been brought into the education system. This practice continues today, so it is clear that policy borrowing is a well-established practice in the continuing evolution of education in Bhutan.
The second assumption was that comparative education scholarship is necessitating educational policy borrowing in Bhutan. This again has been confirmed. Although not explicitly mentioned, the language used in the policy documents reflects the language used over time in relation to education globally. The inclusion of concepts such as Early Childhood Care and Development, Special Educational Needs and ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) is an indication of the influences of comparative education, as these were not part of the early education discourse in Bhutan. Another example is the PISA-D assessment conducted in 2015 which is a strong indication of the comparative aspect of education influencing Bhutanese education. The inclusion of Early Childhood Care and Development and Special Educational Needs and ICT is also an indication of the influences of comparative education. PISA testing has been a part of the global education community for some years, but it is very recent in Bhutanese education. Educators in Bhutan are interested in comparing the quality of their students’ learning with students from other nations.
The third assumption was that globalisation is influencing educational policy borrowing in Bhutan and this has also been confirmed. Many global educational
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practices such as ICT are now embedded in Bhutanese education policy and schools in order to provide schools with online resources for teaching and learning, and to enhance the standard of education, another impact of globalisation.
The fourth assumption was that all educational policy borrowing is from external global education systems and this assumption has been challenged. An example of this is through the establishment of Gross National Happiness schools in Bhutan, a policy exclusive to Bhutan. Educating for Gross National Happiness was introduced, and pilot tested in a few Bhutanese schools from 2010. Over the years this concept has proven to be beneficial and has been borrowed by all schools in Bhutan now, thus showing that educational policy borrowing does not have to be external, it can also be an internal borrowing of values and morals from local cultures and traditions.
The four assumptions described above have allowed the researcher to understand that policy change occurs at both the global and local levels and that it is a continuous process. As new ideas and concepts in education appear and are shared globally, a country such as Bhutan can either include them in their educational policies or not. Along with the four clarifications on my assumptions, there are several observations that the researcher has made from the process of data analysis is worth mentioning.
One assumption that was not made was how challenging research can be, particularly when faced with substantial policy texts. I found that the data analysis consisted of several trial and error phases before I was able to find valid means of analysis. At first, a table was used to code and categorise the data. However, this did not provide the required insight and entry into the preliminary analysis of data, and the table had to be recreated with several more columns and rows with additional information. This process had to be done several times before a useful was developed. Once the table was determined, there was the issue of how to draw on the detailed coding to form the major themes to write the analysis. Here again, there were several writing processes. This research went through until the appropriate themes and processes were identified.
The next observation was the inclusion and exclusion of the data. The raw data generated from each document for the data analysis constituted 12-14 pages each. However, careful selection had to be made to provide findings and interpretation.
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Despite these challenges, findings derived from the research provide a fascinating, educative perspective at my country’s educational evolvement has been a worthwhile endeavour.
6.6 NEW INSIGHTS GAINED FROM THE PHENOMENON UNDER DISCUSSION
From this study, it is clear that Gee’s (2011) six building blocks and five tools of inquiry were well chosen for data analysis of the policy documents and helped to draw out significant findings in relation to Bhutan’s educational policy borrowing over time. Gee’s six building blocks allowed the researcher to fit words/phrases/ sentences into different themes categorically. It further allowed the researcher to understand the place of these words and phrases in the wider discussion of educational policy borrowing and the various discourses that influenced and shaped educational policy borrowing. The five tools of inquiry provided the researcher with a thick descriptive tool to critically analyse these words and phrases in relation to the Bhutanese educational context of educational policy borrowing and the global comparative education discourse at large.
Educational policy borrowing within the realm of comparative education through the influences of the globalisation/localisation process is a complex phenomenon. This is one of the major insights the researcher gained from the study, especially from the data analysis process. Further, it would seem that education policy borrowing is inevitable. The desire for Bhutan to have an education system relevant to the 21st century has mandated the Ministry of Education, Bhutan to borrow education policies from global education systems. Over the past 57 years of Western-style education, educational policy borrowing has continued as seen through the three education policy documents analysed for the current research, where a wide range of practices has been borrowed. Throughout all the five-year plan periods set by the government to achieve progressive development, there have been new policies borrowed through new donor initiatives. These initiatives have provided training and learning opportunities for teachers’ professional development, and this has provided enhanced learning opportunities to students in Bhutan. Bhutan will have to continue borrowing education policies from donor countries and transnational agencies so long as Bhutan’s dependency on financial aid continues. Therefore, Johnson’s (2006)
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metaphor of compelling and Philips and Ochs (2003) descriptor of negotiated under constraints will continue to be Bhutan’s ways towards negotiating a pathway for enhancing the quality of its education system under global standards.
Next, although external borrowing through globalisation is Bhutan’s usual process to improve education, the localisation policy has provided a means for Bhutan to enhance local and national identity. Within the localisation phenomenon, educational policy borrowing can also be internal and borrowed from one local institution to another, such as the case with Bhutan’s Educating for Gross National Happiness philosophy. Localisation, therefore, brings the balance between the global and local milieu. It also provides the Bhutanese education system with an opportunity to share good, enlightening aspects of Bhutanese culture and practices to the outside world during international education conferences and seminars. Grewel and Kaplan (1994) argue that the global and the local are difficult to separate, especially as “each thoroughly infiltrates the other” (p.11). Consequently, the global/local discussion is just a relational space for enacting and understanding social worlds.
The next thing that can be learnt from this research is that education policies may be borrowed from global systems; however, the reception and translation (Stenier-Khamsi, 2014) of these policies will depend on how these policies are understood and adopted/adapted in borrowing countries such as Bhutan to fit within Bhutanese objectives and context. Stenier-Khamsi’s (2014) discussion on the interpretation and implementation of these policies is largely dependent on how they are understood. This is, therefore, a reminder to the different stakeholders in the education system that success or failure of the policy is within their mandate. For example, the boarding school policy which is presented in all three policy documents indicate the need to reform its practices. The policy constantly reminds the District office and the schools for the need to follow the mandates prescribed by the Ministry of Education strictly. These reminders from 1988 to 2017 imply that the policy needs better indicators for efficient functionality.
Ochs and Philips’ (2003) theoretical framework for educational policy borrowing cannot be used for analysing Bhutan’s educational policy borrowing practices, since most of them, as mentioned in Chapter 2, come pre-packaged. Here, the donor country/transnational agencies bring the policies, the resources and the human expertise into the country and train local teachers on how to implement the new
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policy. The policy analysis for the current research indicates Bhutan’s movement away from pre-packaged education in favour of developing one with a strong local context. Resistance towards the Indian curriculum and initiatives such as Gross National Happiness shows how Bhutan is prepared to develop its policies.
In Phillips and Ochs’ (2003) framework, the first stage of educational policy borrowing is cross-national attraction. The cross-national attraction came to Bhutan through awareness of globalisation in education. Cross-national was accessed through agencies bringing in the pre-packaged education resources. These often led to a ‘quick fix’ which Philips and Ochs (2003) describe as stage two of borrowing. In the third or the implementation stage, there was some implementation through changes to infrastructure and curriculum needs, with support from national and local education bodies. The curriculum was developed along with the manuals and teaching/learning materials. Training was provided to the teachers, and the policy was then implemented in some schools in Bhutan. The fourth stage, where internalisation took place, allowed policy makers and implementers to evaluate the policy. The larger decisions were then indigenised with external features being absorbed.
However, such cross-national attraction was also resisted as depicted by the QEPGI 1988 document. As the later EPGI policy document illustrates, the Ministry of Education wanted to create an education system which drew on the philosophy of Gross National Happiness and to make education more relevant for Bhutanese. Through a conscious realisation, the philosophy of Gross National Happiness and the notions of inclusive education, student-centred education and constructivist education are all woven together to create an indigenised blend. The results indicate that educating for Gross National Happiness was successful and thus this model of education was replicated in other schools in Bhutan. This process then aligns with international research on how educational policy borrowing can be managed at a local level.
In conclusion, educational policy borrowing will continue to be part of educational policy in Bhutan. Bhutan will continue to borrow, emulate and draw lessons from different global education systems as it continues to review and reform the education system. Giddens (1994) explains that there is now a “global society” (p.96) which is defined as borderless spaces. This idea of borderless spaces suggests that no one is outside or inside but rather that everyone is a part of this space as we
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interact and collide within it. As long as this collision happens, education policies will continue to move freely.
6.7 LIMITATIONS
Although the study set out to fulfil its aim of policy analysis, some limitations were identified. The first is that only three policy documents were chosen for this research as to analyse more documents was beyond the scope of the study. This, then, is identified as a limitation due to some of the intermediate policies not being examined. However, the research attempted to study policy implementation over two decades and only a representative set of documents could be taken for analysis.
The other limitation is that this research engaged in policy text analysis. Although rigour is achieved, by examining each document in a detailed manner, however, it is not ‘triangulated’ by interviews and surveys, which were beyond the scope of this research. A limitation, therefore, is the lack of lived experiences that could have contributed to enriching the examination of discourses to perceive how these are received and comprehended. The study is limited in that it looked at discursive analysis. A limitation, therefore, is related to researcher subjectivity that was evident in the choices made for analysis. While researcher subjectivity is acknowledged, the attempt was to move from relative, subjective conclusions being made on data by adhering strictly to Gee’s process of discourse analysis.
6.8 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
The literature review provides a broad scope of educational policy borrowing at the international level. The educational policy borrowing research in Bhutan, however, is limited; more research should be conducted in this field for educators in the country to understand better how policy borrowing impacts on the system. It is also necessary to comprehend the processes of the educational policy borrowing to continue to grow Bhutan’s education system to produce excellence in education.
To overcome the limitation of the lived experience of principals, teachers and students, there is scope to look further in this area where case studies or interviews could be conducted with teachers and students:
Chapter 6: Conclusions 178
To understand teachers and students’ perspectives on the Ministry of Education’s policies To see how teachers’, understand and implement these polices in their practices and professional learning To see how students, understand the implementation of these policies and the benefits they can derive from them To understand expectations from the principals and other key administrators in leadership positions regarding the policy in focus To examine the role and responsibilities, they share in the successful implementation of certain policies
While the study provides a general picture of the emergence and influences of educational policy borrowing in Bhutan, there could be future research done in specific subject areas which discusses:
How these policies are received and translated in the different subject areas and the causes of success or failure rate of these policies within each subject area Whether the inclusion of Special Educational Needs practices in the different subjects (a new policy in Bhutan), has had any impact on the teaching and learning practices The role and place of ICT in enhancing the teaching and learning practice in schools The effectiveness of policy on the child while transitioning from Early Childhood Care and Development based learning to school-based learning.
Another research possibility in educational policy borrowing can be undertaken from the donor’s perspective. Although the policy has clear mandates from the donor/ transnational agencies, once these policies are absorbed at the local level, several issues emerge. Research studies may shed light on:
How donor/transnational agencies deal with issues related to the social and cultural milieu of the receiving country How donors assert the benefits of a policy which a borrowing country may be reluctant to adopt
Chapter 6: Conclusions 179
How receptive donor/transnational agencies are towards localisation of educational policy borrowing What mode of assessment they use to select countries they wish to support The donor/transnational agency’s obligations towards the financially dependent countries receiving the aid What can be learned from educational policy borrowing from the different education systems the donor/transnational agencies have encountered and how these lessons inform the development of future educational policy borrowing practices?
The current research was conducted by focusing on forms of discourse analysis and in the adoption of selective forms of analysis from Gee (2011). Undoubtedly further study is needed in using discourse analysis in relation to studying policy borrowing by developing countries. Future studies could continue to look at educational policy borrowing through other aspects of Gee’s discourse analysis or incorporate other forms of discourse analysis, for example, critical discourse analysis.
Another research possibility is looking at educational policy borrowing through the educational policy learning lens. As explained earlier in Chapter 2 in the literature review, educational policy learning can be an effective way of helping Bhutan borrow education policies which are more meaningful to the Bhutanese context. Currently, Bhutan’s educational policy borrowing is mostly direct and one way, as the policies come pre-packaged from the donor agencies. However, while engaging in these direct educational policy borrowing practices, authentic learning can occur, as Deutsch (1963) the pioneer of policy learning concurs. He states that while educational policy borrowing means looking at different international education system for best practices and then borrowing them, EPL uses educational policy borrowing for broader purposes. For example, through EPL education system can be used to understand how policies work, what trends and pressures affect the system, what issues can be raises through different policies and how policies can be made clearer. Hence educational policy borrowing goes through certain processes of learning; it does not happen in a vacuum (Moyson, Scholten & Weible, 2017). Future research can, therefore, focus on the process of policy learning that takes place in Bhutan and the implications for future Educational Policy Borrowing practices.
Chapter 6: Conclusions 180
Another research possibility is by looking at how Bhutanese educators perceive the two discourses of loyalty/national identity and globalisation/localisation. Although the influences of these two discourses are acutely evident in the three policy documents, the perceptions and attitudes of educators towards these discourses are not visible. Therefore, a research/study to this effect would provide Bhutanese educationists with an understanding of how these discourses are interpreted.
Most importantly, with the institutionalisation of a constitutional monarchy and the role of the government in education development with the increasing impact of globalisation, it would be timely to research the role of education in Bhutan’s democratisation process. This would help us to understand what is needed to strengthen the education system to provide the government with a smoother transition into the democratic nation envisioned by our Kings.
The possibilities of studying educational policy borrowing in the Bhutanese education system are numerous; only a few have been illustrated above.
6.9 SUMMARY
The process of educational policy borrowing has allowed Bhutan to borrow education policies from all over the world as a method to improve its education system. Education policies of more successful education systems have been borrowed over the years through direct educational policy borrowing related to teacher education, curriculum, human resource development, and educational ideologies, among others. The practice of educational policy borrowing maybe a contested area as the literature review in Chapter 3 has discussed. Also, the three selected articles used to position Bhutan’s educational policy borrowing practice provide evidence that educational policy borrowing has roots in colonisation and has implications for tradition and culture. Hence, educational policy borrowing may seem to be negative, but the Bhutanese education system has managed to strike a balance and address a possibly negative dilemma by turning this into a positive/ successful story of educational policy borrowing. Educational policy borrowing in the Bhutanese education system has been a learning process and has advanced to educational policy learning (EPL). While there is no evidence that EPL has been consciously learned through the recurrent educational policy borrowing practice in Bhutan, the result, the development and infusion of the
Chapter 6: Conclusions 181
Gross National Happiness policy in the schools, provides a living model of educational policy learning. This study is a small contribution towards understanding this process of educational policy borrowing and the influences this has had on the Bhutanese education system. In conclusion, this study suggests that educational policy borrowing is an integral aspect of policy decisions in the education system of Bhutan. Educational policy borrowing and educational policy learning through comparative education and globalisation will continue to allow Bhutan to engage in good educational policy practices. The education system in Bhutan will continue to strive to balance national policies with international standards through which Bhutan will become a knowledge- based society which includes all learners irrespective of their special education needs. Lifelong learning will continue to be promoted through non-formal education, and continuing education and schools will continue to be assessed through performance evaluations. However, all this will happen within the perimeters of the national objectives of school education in Bhutan and the philosophy of Gross National Happiness
Chapter 6: Conclusions 182
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Appendices
Appendix A 1st QEPGI 1988 Department of Education: Ministry of Social Services Thimphu: Bhutan
Gee’s 6 Key words/phrases under each Discourses identified in building discourse indicated by page found this document blocks in and frequency in brackets (p=page; F=frequency) Semiotic Provide our children with a The semiotic building block building wholesome education ((p.1; F=1). 2; allows the researcher to (signs and F=1), appreciation of the driglam identify all the significant symbols, chogsum (p.2; F=1) words, phrases and belief Great importance to the teaching sentences which discusses systems) profession (p. 3; F=1), the three relevant themes caderisation of the teaching identified for this current profession (p.3; F=1), study: development of human resources (p.4; F=1), 1. Discourse on loyalty consolidation and improvement of to the Monarch. the existing facilities (p.4; F=1), Nation and the enhancing the quality and relevance people which also of education (p.4; F=1), help in developing a teacher training (p.4; F=1), national identity wholesome education to the discourse students (p.4; F=1), 2. Discourses on driglam chogsum and Dzongkha to Globalisation+ receive highest priority (p.5; F=1), discourses on national values derived from our localisation sacred traditions (p.5; F=1) consolidated remuneration system (p.6; F=1), will continue to attract highly qualified, trained, experience and dedicated non-national teachers ((p.1; F=1) , manual on hostel management system (p.7; F=1), inculcate qualities of leadership (p.8; F=1),
World The first year is a period of Global/ Neoliberal discourse building probation for most of the head of on making people in power schools/institutes (p.3; F=1), heads accountable for their of schools/institutes to show words/actions dedication and ability to effectively
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implement policies and programmes (p.3; F=1), heads should be able to instil and maintain a high degree of discipline amongst students and teachers (p.3; F=1)
To facilitate the students to have a major say (p.8; F=1), develop Global/neoliberal discourse responsibilities and accountabilities on providing children with for application in their adult lives responsibilities in order for (p.8; T-1), reduction in wastage them to learn and engage in during preparation and storage of real life experiences food (p.8; T-1), devise a better control system to avoid misuse and corruptions of stipends (p.8; T-1) Activity heads of the bulk of our schools Localisation discourse building have been nationalised (p.1; F=1), heads of schools/institute show love, loyalty and dedication to his Majesty, the country and the people (p.3; F=1), the reason for this policy is to utilise our schools to develop loyal and dedicated Bhutanese citizens (p.2; F=1) headed by nationals who can ably instil a deep sense of … (p.2; F=1)
attaches great importance to the Global/neoliberal discourse teaching profession (p.3; F=1) on professional Enhance recognition, prestige and development of teachers to status of teachers, (p.3; F=1) develop lifelong learning increase their service benefits and skills facilities, (p.3; F=1) teachers will be entitled to all the benefits of civil services (p.3; F=1)
the main thrust of the development Localisation discourse of education sector during the Sixth Plan will be however the consolidation and improvement of the existing facilities enhancing the quality and relevance of education, teacher training and improving their remuneration and other service benefits (p.3; F=1) Loyalty and national identity discourse
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Utilise our schools/institutes to develop loyal and dedicated Bhutanese citizens (p.3; F=1)
Socio- expatriates will be replaced by Loyalty and national culturally nationals (p.2; F=1) identity discourse on situated in addition to learning the 3 R’s the developing a national identity and schools and institutions will also workforce who are relationship instil in our students a full dedicated to the course of building awareness and understanding of our education national policies and aspirations (p.3; F=1) teaching and learning of the Diglam Chogsum and Dzongkha shall Localisation discourse on henceforth receive the highest learning about local places priority (p.4; F=1) of interest continue to provide Bhutan with its unique national identity (p.4; F=1)
to make education more relevant to Global/neoliberal discourse the national needs and aspiration on maximising resources (p.7; F=1) and limiting wastage numerous projects and shrines within the country are selected for the purpose of future educational tours (p.8; F=1)
All government scholarships in India upto ICSE shall be discontinued (p.8; F=1)
aware of national policies (p.1; F=1) Global/neoliberal discourse develop loyal and dedicated on utilising foreign Bhutanese citizens (p.2; F=1) manpower to enhance love and loyalty to the King/country education (p.3; F=1) develop a deep sense of pride and respect for our traditional values (p.4; F=1) make education more relevant to the national needs and aspirations (p.8; F=1) (p.9; F=1) same phrase has been repeated. Political Attract high trained and dedicated Global/ Neoliberal discourse building non-national teachers (p.5; F=1) on sustainability and using Withdrawing of scholarships to resources wisely study in India for PP- class X after 1988 academic session (p.9; F=1)
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Discontinuation/prohibition of educational tours to outside countries (p.1: F=1) Connection Our forefathers have passed to us Loyalty/national identity building national values derived from the sacred tradition (p.5: F=1) Department of Education shall be Global discourse on the henceforth issuing quarterly briefs importance of and instructions (p.1; F=1) communication of information or the idea of transparency The heads of the bulk of our Localisation discourse on schools/institutes have been developing a nationalised nationalised (p.2; F=1) workforce
Make education tours more relevant Localisation discourse on to national needs and aspirations sustainable development (p.8; F=1), education tours to outside countries are henceforth discontinued and prohibited (p.8; F=1) Government scholarships to India for PP-X shall be discontinued after 1988 (p.9; F=1), Government to use this saving from the withdrawal of scholarships to India for improving facilities in schools within Bhutan (p.9; F=1)
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Appendix B 1st QEPGI 1988 Department of Education: Ministry of Social Services Thimphu: Bhutan
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Appendix C 30th EPGI 2012: Ministry of Education
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Appendix D
31st EPGI 2017: Ministry of Education
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