Schnellrecherche Der SFH-Länderanalyse Vom 1. Juni 2015 Zu Albanien: Organisierte Kriminalität

Schnellrecherche der SFH-Länderanalyse vom 1. Juni 2015 zu Albanien: Organisierte Kriminalität

Fragen an die SFH-Länderanalyse:

 Werden ehemalige Geheimdienstmitarbeiter, welche in Durres tätig waren, von kriminellen Banden/Organisationen/Mafia verfolgt?

 Können betroffene Personen vom albanischen Staat geschützt werden?

Die Informationen beruhen auf einer zeitlich begrenzten Recherche (Schnellrecher- che) in öffentlich zugänglichen Dokumenten, die uns derzeit zur Verfügung stehen.

1 Verfolgung durch kriminelle Banden/Organisationen

Gemäss dem amerikanischen Overseas Security Advisory Council (OSAC) hat in den letzten fünf Jahren die Kriminalität in Albanien zugenommen und die organisierte Kri- minalität ist immer noch aktiv. Sprengstoffanschläge haben 2014 gemäss OSAC zwar um 15 Prozent abgenommen, trotzdem kam es zu 72 Anschlägen. Auch das US De- partment of State International Travel warnt vor der im ganzen Land aktiven organisierten Kriminalität und geht davon aus, dass Korruption im ganzen Land verbreitet ist.

Gemäss einer im September 2014 von Jane’s Intelligence Review publizierten Studie sind Gruppen der organisierten Kriminalität in Albanien sowohl mit der Geschäftswelt wie auch mit der Politik vernetzt. Sie haben es erfolgreich geschafft, vor allem mit Bestechung zum Teil von hochrangigen Polizisten, die Strafverfolgungsbehörden zu neutralisieren oder zu schwächen. Im Waffen- und im Drogenhandel hätten korrupte Polizei- oder Armeeangehörige Schlüsselrollen inne oder würden kriminelle Aktivitä- ten unterstützen. Der Markt für Auftragsmörder floriert. Diese arbeiten bevorzugt mit Sprengstoffanschlägen und operieren vor allem in den Küstenstädten Vlorë und Durrës. Seit den Wahlen 2013 haben Morde und Anschläge zugenommen, die von Auftragsmördern durchgeführt wurden. Zwischen September und Dezember 2013 zählte Jane’s Intelligence Review anhand von Medienberichten 22 Morde oder Mord- versuche mit Sprengstoff. In den ersten sechs Monaten des Jahres 2014 wurden sechs Geschäftsleute ermordet. Eine von Jane’s Intelligence Review zusammenge- stellte Liste mit albanischen Mordopfern zeigt, dass sich unter den Mordopfern Ange- hörige und ehemalige Angehörige der Sicherheitsbehörden, Geschäftsleute oder auch Richter befinden.

Im Februar 2013 wurde der Chief Commissioner der Polizei in Mafiamanier hinge- richtet. Er war bereits das dritte hochrangige Opfer aus Polizeikreisen innerhalb von acht Monaten. Bereits 2012 wies Balkan Insight, eine der führenden Nachrichtenpor- tale auf dem Balkan, darauf hin, dass die Mordrate in den Jahren 2010 und 2011 im Vergleich zu den beiden vorangehenden Jahren um 40 Prozent angestiegen ist. 2011 hatte Albanien unter den Balkanländern die höchste Mordrate.

Balkan Insight gibt in einem Artikel 2014 einen detaillierten Einblick in die Verknüp- fung der organisierten Kriminalität mit der Geschäftswelt.

Im Februar 2015 wurde in Tirana ein Anschlag auf den Innenminister verübt, der sich seit seiner Amtsübernahme sehr für die Bekämpfung von Korruption und gegen die organisierte Kriminalität einsetzt.

Overseas Security Advisory Council, 8. Mai 2015:

«Crime Threats. In 2014, the overall crime and safety situation continues to remain a concern. Crime has continued to increase over the last five years, mainly due to the large increase in thefts and burglaries. Street crime is fairly common in urban areas, predominantly at night. The most notable increase in crime has been burglaries, theft and domestic violence claims. Violent crime has seen a continual decrease since 2011. Recent crime statistics indicate a decrease in violent crimes (murder, attempted murder, robberies by force, armed robberies). Albanian police and security forces continue to achieve success in combating illegal weapons and drug trade but organized criminal activity still operates in Albania; while it remains a serious problem, violence related to it rarely affects the international community. The previous increasing trend of the use of explosives, particularly, remotely detonated explosives placed in vehicles and at private residences has declined 15 percent but is still alarmingly high with 72 explosions occurring. The majority of these incidents occurred in Fushe-Kruje, approximately 20 kilometers from Tirana. These appear to target specific individuals and to be related to internal disputes over business, criminal, or political activity and have not targeted the international community.» Quelle: OSAC, Albania 2015 Crime and Safety Report, 8. Mai 2015: www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=17616 .

US Department of State International Travel, 6. Januar 2015:

«Organized criminal activity and corruption occur in many regions of Albania . Police and news outlets often report small-scale, sporadic incidents of violence. U.S. government employees are currently prohibited from travelling to the southern town of Lazarat, which has historically been one of the largest marijuana producing regio ns in Europe. In June 2014 police conducted a large-scale counternarcotics operation in Lazarat that spanned for several days. During the operation, police came under fire from residents with financial and criminal interests in marijuana cultivation . The security situation has improved since the June operation but remains volatile, and police ability to protect and assist travelers in and near Lazarat is still limited.» Quelle: U.S Department of State International Travel – Albania Country Specific Information, 6. Januar 2015: http://travel.state.gov/content/passports/english/country/albania.html .

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Jane‘s Intelligence Review, September 2014:

(S. 46)

«Albanian criminal groups that operate in European countries are often involved in a range of criminal activities, whereas those active within Albania have a tendency to specialize and focus on one criminal activity. Moreover, within Albania, such groups have penetrated both business and politics, succeeding in neutral- ising or degrading law enforcement agencies by corrupting high-ranking police officers. Indeed, in certain criminal activities, such as arms and drug trafficking, corrupt police and army officers either assist or have had leading rol es in criminal operations.» (S. 44)

«Meanwhile, a market for contract killings using remote-controlled improvised explosive devices (IEDs) is flourishing in Albania, particularly in the coastal cit- ies of Vlorë and Durrës. (…) Vlorë/Durrës: key ports for illegal exports, notable for increasing incidence of contract killings using IEDs.» (S. 45)

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«The phenomenon of contract killings has increasingly affected the Albanian business community and society more widely since around 2012, with a notable increase in murders since the 2013 general election. IHS Jane’s analysis of press reporting between September and December 2013 shows that there were approximately 22 murders or attempted murders using explosives, and in the first half of 2014, six businessmen were killed. Killings of businessmen connected to the construction industry, using explosives, have been particularly notable since 2012. (S. 46)» Quelle: Jane’s Intelligence Review, High Price: Albanian's trade in illegal drugs and arms, September 2014, S. 44-46: www.academia.edu/8005348/High_Price_Albanians_trade_in_ille- gal_drugs_and_arms.

Balkan Insight, 25. Februar 2013:

«Lamaj’s death follows the murder of the police chief of the town of Shijak, Adem Tahiri, in September, and the killing of Musa Skura, the head of the serious crime unit in the police department of the Mat region in January. Sadetin Fishta, the head of Albania’s police union, told Balkan Insight that the murders of po lice officers highlight the dangers they face. “The fact that three officers have been killed means that we are not able to protect ourselves anymore,” he said. “When crime hits a police officer, the whole state receives a blow,” Fishta added. Opposition leader Edi Rama blamed the murder on the government, in a reaction published on his Twitter account. “Another commissioner killed in the center of Tirana. How many more lives will the treachery of the state toward the police cost?” he asked. Fishta said tha t the police union had repeatedly called for an increase in criminal penalties for attacks on officers, but little had been done to implement this. “Although police can receive protection if they are threatened, the fact that murders continue shows that we have fallen one step behind criminals,” he concluded. Lamaj is survived by his wife and teenage daughter. He will be laid to rest on Monday with state honours at the Martyrs of the Nation cemetery in Tirana.» Quelle: Balkan Insight, Albania Police Chief Murdered in Mafia-Style Hit, 25. Februar 2013: www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/albania-police-chief-murdered-in-mafia-style-hit.

Balkan Insight, 7. September 2012:

«The study, "Foretold Insecurity, Crime Tendencies in Albania from 2008 -2011," shows that since 2009, Albania has seen marked growth in violent crimes like murder, battery, robbery and theft. Gjergji Vurmo, an expert at IDM and author of the report, told Balkan Insight that the data underscores not only a failure of law enforcement agencies, but also of politicians and Albanian society with its distrust of the rule of law. “The data shows clearly a worsening tendency for all crime statistics analyzed in the study,” Vurmo said. “Crime prevention is not only a responsibility of the police but also of central and local institutions that should support it,” he added. According to the study what is particularly worrying is that the murder rate jumped more than 40 per cent in 2010 and 2011 compared with the two preceding years. Inter- national statistics references in the report show that the murder rate jumped from 2.9-2.7 murders for every 100,000 people in 2008 and 2009, to four murders per 100,000 people in 2011. In 2011, with four murders per 100,000, Albania had the worst murder rate in the Balkan region. Theft has also registered a high rate of

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growth from 2008 to 2011. “Analyzed data show that theft rate in th e last quarter of 2011 was five times higher than in the last quarter of 2008,” the study said. According to the study the factors that have contributed to the rise in criminality, apart from the poor performance of law enforcement institutions, include the economic crisis and particularly the political crisis in Albania during the last three years. “If an analytical curve of the political conflict in Albania was generated during this period, such a curve almost completely matches the growth in criminal off ences registered by law enforcement institutions,” Vurmo said. “The biggest failure in regard to this situation is of politics, which has not supported and advanced crime prevention policies,” he concluded.» Quelle: Balkan Insight, Albania Registers Sharp Rise in Crime, 7. Sep- tember 2012: www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/albania-registers-stunning-rise-in-criminality-study- finds.

Balkan Insight, 15. Dezember 2014:

«Two businessmen - brothers in the southern port of Vlora - faced a demand from racketeers late in 2013. They had to pay up to avoid being targeted by a gang. Instead of denouncing the gangsters to the police, however, the two brothers chose a safer option: hire another gang to protect them. “I stood guard with a machine gun for ten days at the brothers’ house,” Ndricim Gjokona, a former member of the now dismantled gang who carried out assassinations for hire, told prosecutors. The trial on he and other members of his gang has just begun in the Serious Crimes Court in Tirana. Since January 2014, Gjokona has been a justice collaborator. He repented together with another former gang member, Julian Sinanaj - accused of a number of assassinations. Together, their testimonies shed valuable light on a number of crimes carried out in Tirana, Durres and Vlora in the last two years. The two were considered the armed branch of a criminal organization composed of a total of five members, who are accused by the Serious Crimes Prosecutor’s Office of murder-for-hire, terrorist acts, trade in explosives and participation in a criminal enterprise. The suspects are accused of murdering two businessmen and of bomb attacks against two government officials, Ardian Kollozi and Besnik Dervishaj. The gang are also accused of planning the assassination of two construction businessman in Vlora and of preparing an assassination attempt against a liquefied gas importer, Pirro Bare. The men’s testimonies to prosecutors have provided fresh insight into the underworld of organized crime in the Vlora and into the transformation of a number of individuals with a criminal past into businessmen. The depositions, a copy of which was obtained by BIRN, provide evidence of the involvement of organized crime in the business world, particularly in the fields of construction, real estate and money laundering. The testimonies also shed light on the bloody warfare between these underworld businesses and on the threats made to local officials who turned down their requests for construction permits.

Crises fuels assassination business:

Construction has accounted for a strong share of Albania’s gross domestic product, GDP, during the past decade. According to Central Bank data, until 2008 it accounted for 15 per cent of the country’s GDP. Following the onset of the global economic crisis that hit Albania in 2008, the value of the sector dropped, however - to 12.3 per cent of

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GDP by 2013. The crisis hit the construction business hard and many businessmen turned to assassins like Sinanaj and Gjokana to settle scores. Apart from Gjokona and Sinanj, prosecutors have charged five other people. They include three other members of the gang, Genis Mehillaj, Erjon Mehillaj and Albin Mexhaj and two businessmen, Marion Mitro and Ilir Karcini. Before they were charged, cousins Genis and Erjon Mehillaj were known as construction businessman. Mitro was an official in the municipality of Vlora with shares in construction companies, while Karcini was in the liquefied gas business. According to prosecutors, the cousins Mehillaj, Karcini and Mitro used the services of Sinanaj and Gjokona to settle scores with rivals. Sinanaj said he received four orders for assassinations related to property disputes or to con- flicts in the construction sector in Vlora.

One was to assassinate two well-known businessmen.

“The two businessmen I was asked to kill had a conflict over a pathway, which was close to some flats that the Mehillajs were building,” Sinanaj recalled in his testimony. “I did not agree to carry out this assassination because they had not paid me for the murder of Sokol Veizaj,” he added. Veizaj was the owner of a seaside bar in the town of Orikum, who was killed by Sinanaj in 2012. The testimonies of Sinanaj and Gjokona also implicate other suspects who have one foot in the world of crime and the other in the business world. These suspects turn out to have been convicted of drug trafficking in Italy after which they laundered the proceeds of their criminal activity in the construction sector in Vlora. Gjergj Buxhuku, head of the union of Albanian indus- trialists, Konfindsutria, says the laundering of dirty money in the business sector has created unfair competition and has made assassination an increasingly common means of settling disputes. Buxhuku agreed that the crisis in the economy in the last few years had helped to underpin the hike in criminal activity generally. “In crisis con- ditions, many businesses that are unable to survive in the market have turned to un- lawful means to destroy their rivals - from classic corruption to physical elimination,” Buxhuku told BIRN. Assassinations in the business world are often paid for informally, through property. Sinanaj was sometimes paid for his assassinations and bomb blasts with real estate and at other times with apartments in the coastal town of Orikum. According to prosecution documents, Erion Mehillaj promised Sinanaj 1,500 square metres of land on the Karaburun peninsula as payment for killing Sokol Veizaj. How- ever, after Sinanj killed Veizaj in August 2012, he refused to transfer the deed of the land. Internal disputes between gang members and late payments are reasons why a number of businessmen who were on the target list for murder escaped death.

Problems in the construction business related to difficulties in securing permits or to receiving payments from subcontractors secured Sinanaj a stream of offers for assassinations between 2012 and 2014. In his testimony, he recalled a conversation with a builder from Orikum who wished to pay Sinanaj to threaten a local official. “He had a problem with the mayor of Orikum over a construction permit,” Sinanaj said. “He asked me to scare him by shooting in the air, or through an explosion,” he told prosecutors. Political analyst Fatos Lubonja said the scale of the involvement of organized crime at this level was yet another sign that Albanian society required a thorough cleansing process, starting from the top. “Politics should be cleansed of crime first; it should serve the public interest and not be a business to enrich certain

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individuals,” Lubonja said. “This cleansing process will then be reflected in society in general,” he added.

Economy awash with dirty money:

Another charge in the prosecutors’ dossier against the gang of assassins concerns the preparation of an assassination attempt against the businessman, Pirro Bare. Bare is the biggest businessman in the liquefied gas sector in Albania. However, his success was seen as bad news for one of his rivals, Ilir Karcini, who was facing ba nkruptcy. “He scored a goal against me worth 500,000 euro,” Sinanaj cites Karcini as saying during a conversation, when he allegedly asked him to kill Bare.

Karcini apparently paid Sinanaj 50,000 euro for the assassination, while Sinanaj ex- pected another 100,000 euro after completing the execution.

Police arrested Sinanaj a few days before he planned to kill Bare. Karcini - who has denied ordering the murder to judges - also finished in handcuffs. The discovery of the case has shocked the public, who seldom know the reasons behind the many attempts on the lives of local businessmen in the last few years. According to data from the prosecutors’ office, the crime of extorting protection money from business people has risen in the last five years. According to the General Prosecu- tor’s office, 132 such cases were registered during this period. A few months ago, the prosecutors’ office arrested a former member of the Republican Guard and ex-bodyguard to Prime Minister Sali Berisha, accused of exhorting 100,000 euro from an Albanian-American businessman. But, other businessmen have not been so lucky. According to police statistics, five businessmen have been killed during the last 12 months.

The highest profile case was the murder in Tirana of banker Artan Santo, CEO of Credins Bank. Money laundering is another phenomenon that the prosecutor’s office is struggling to deal with. Prosecutors investigated 174 cases between 2012 and 2013. But this is considered only the tip of the iceberg when it comes to all the dirty m oney circulating in the economy. Many local businessmen are still turning to extra -legal means to secure their safety. One is the payment of protection money to gangs. Few of them turn to the police. Lubonja said the existence of so many protection rackets is a sign of lack of confidence in the ability of the police to deal with the crime wave that the country is experiencing. “We are all aware of crime because it has captured society as a whole,” he said. “In this condition, the struggle against it is very difficult,” he added.» Quelle: Balkan Insight, Trial Lifts Lid on World of Alba- nian Assassins, 15. Dezember 2014: www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/trial-lifts-lid-on-world-of-albanian-assassins.

Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, 16. Februar 2015:

«Anschlag auf Innenminister

Am 10.02.15 kam es in den frühen Morgenstunden zu zwei Explosionen in der Hauptstadt Tirana. Zuerst in einer Apotheke, die dem Vater des albanischen In- nenministers Tahiri gehört, kurz danach in der Wohnung eines hochrangigen Po- lizeioffiziers. Ein dritter Anschlag nahe einer Busstation konnte verhindert werden.

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Verletzt wurde niemand. Premierminister Edi Rama beschrieb die Bombenanschläge als „terroristische Handlungen“. Minister Tahiri steht an der Spitze der Regierungs- kampagne gegen Korruption und organisiertes Verbrechen. Die im Juni 2013 neu gewählte sozialistisch geführte Regierung unter Edi Rama hat ihre Entschlossenheit zur Bekämpfung der Korruption bekräftigt und im Rahmen ihres Programms zur Prio- rität erklärt. Ein Strategie- und Aktionsplan gegen organisierte Kriminalität wurde ver- abschiedet. Die Polizei verhaftete erst kürzlich einen Auftragskiller und mehrere Personen, die dem organisierten Verbrechen zugeordnet werden.» Quelle: BAMF – Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge (Deutschland), Briefing Notes vom 16.02.2015, 16. Februar 2015: www.ecoi.net/file_upload/4232_1424338209_deutschland -bundesamt-fuer-migration- und-fluechtlinge-briefing-notes-16-02-2015-deutsch.pdf.

2 Schutz vom albanischen Staat

Auch wenn die albanischen Sicherheitsdienste Fortschritte bei der Bekämpfung der organisierten Kriminalität, die vor allem im Waffenhandel und Drogenschmuggel ak tiv ist, gemacht haben, wird die organisierte Kriminalität immer noch als ernsthaftes Prob- lem bezeichnet. Im letzten Fortschrittsbericht der Europäischen Kommission im Okto- ber 2014 wird darauf hingewiesen, dass zwar gewisse Reformen der Polizei imple- mentiert worden seien. Die organisierte Kriminalität bleibe jedoch eine grosse Her- ausforderung. Das Justizsystem sei weiterhin von der Politik beeinflusst und Korrup- tion innerhalb des Justizapparates sei sehr Besorgnis erregend.

Problematisch ist die enge Verstrickung sowohl der politischen wie auch der wirt- schaftlichen Eliten mit der organisierten Kriminalität. In verschiedenen Berichten, wie von der Bertelsmann Stiftung, der Europäischen Kommission oder von Freedom House sowie in Artikeln von Balkan Insight wird auf diese Verknüpfungen, auf die Abhängigkeit der Justiz sowie auf die Bestechlichkeit der Richter hingewiesen. Die Bertelsmann Stiftung schreibt in ihrem letzten Bericht zu Albanien, dass die enge Ver- strickung zwischen Politikern und hochrangigen Beamten mit der organisierten Krimi- nalität sowie das schwache Justizsystem das grosse Problem bei der Bekämpfung der Korruption in Albanien sei. Sogar bei eindeutigen Beweisen werde nicht gegen hochrangige Beamte juristisch vorgegangen. Die Bertelsmann Stiftung (2014) beschreibt anhand von zwei Fällen (Republikanische Garde und Meta), wie die Strafverfolgungs- behörden von der Regierung beeinflusst werden.

Auch Freedom House (12. Juni 2014) geht davon aus, dass Korruption den öffentli- chen und den privaten Bereich durchdringt und dass den politischen Eliten der Wille fehlt, ernsthaft gegen Korruption vorzugehen. Gemäss Transparency International be- werten die albanischen Bürgerinnen und Bürger den öffentlichen Sektor als sehr korrupt (Balkan Insight, 1. Mai 2015). Auch Freedom House (12. Juni 2014) weist auf die engen Beziehungen zwischen organisierter Kriminalität und Beamten hin. Gemäss Transparency International gilt die Justiz bei 80 Prozent der Albanerinnen und Albaner als korrupt (Balkan Insight, 1. Mai 2015).

Sadtin Fishta, der Leiter der Polizeiunion, meinte im Zusammenhang mit der Ermor- dung von Polizisten, dass Polizisten zwar Schutz erhalten, wenn sie bedroht werden.

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Doch Morde passieren trotzdem. Das zeige, dass die Kriminellen der Polizei stets einen Schritt voraus seien (Balkan Insight, 25. Februar 2013).

2011 hatte Albanien im Balkan die höchste Mordrate. Ein Grund dafür sei gemäss Balkan Insight das Versagen der Strafverfolgungsbehörden und das geringe Ver- trauen sowohl der Bevölkerung wie auch der Politiker in die Strafverfolgungsbehörde n (Balkan Insight, 7. September 2012).

Der ehemalige Dissident und Autor Fatos Lubonja geht davon aus, dass zuerst bei den Behörden «aufgeräumt» werden müsse, damit man gegen die organisierte Krimi- nalität vorgehen könne. Lubonja weist darauf hin, dass die Existenz der weit ver brei- teten Schutzgelderpressungen ein Zeichen für das mangelnde Vertrauen in die Fähig- keiten der Polizei sei (Balkan Insight, 15. Dezember 2014).

Europäische Kommission, 8. Oktober 2014:

«A number of legislative initiatives reforming the police and establishing a National Bureau of Investigation were adopted. International police and judicial cooperation has increased through the implementation of extradition agreements. An operational agreement with Europol was ratified and work began on its implementation. Financial investigations, and seizures and confiscations of assets have increased. The national referral mechanism against trafficking in human beings has been improved and coordination of the relevant authorities and actors, including at local level, has increased. Seizures of drugs have increased, and the national plan for fighting the cultivation of cannabis has been implemented with positive results. The authorities have taken serious steps to fight against the cultivation and trafficking of cannabis, most notably through a major successful police operation in the village of Lazarat. Cooperation and joint training between prosecution officials, police and the judiciary on trafficking has been stepped up in key areas. Organised crime remains a considerable challenge and Albania needs to increase its efforts to build up a consistent track record of investigations, prosecutions and convictions in all areas and at all levels. Alba- nia still lacks a comprehensive overall strategic approach towards organised crime on its territory. The number of confiscations of criminal assets and convictions for money laundering need to be increased through the systematic use of financial investigations. Trafficking in human beings, both international and internal, remains a serious challenge, calling for more emphasis on a holistic approach of prevention, protection and prosecution, and improved international cooperation. Can- nabis eradication campaigns and the fight against drug trafficking, which remains a serious concern, should be further developed through international cooperation and the proactive use of special investigative means and risk assessment. » (S. 12)

«However, law enforcement institutions need to step up coordination and information exchange to maximise their capacity to investigate serious and organised crime. Con- tinuous specialised joint training activities involving police officers, prosecutors and judges remain necessary. Albania needs to develop and introduce strategic threat assessments relating to organised crime in its territory, in close cooperation with Europol. There is a need to improve proactive and intelligence-led investigations. There is no systematic use of special investigative techniques and financial investigations.» (S. 51)

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«The functioning of the judicial system continues to be affected by politicisation, limited accountability, poor interinstitutional cooperation, insufficient resources and backlogs. The status of the High Court and the process of appointing its members remain of concern in terms of possible politicisation, as long as the relevant constitutional provisions are not amended. The disciplinary system for magistrates needs to be substantially improved, including through a more transparent and efficient inspection system. Corruption in the judiciary remains a serious concern. (S. 11)» Quelle: Europäische Kommission, Albania 2014 Progress Report [SWD(2014) 304 final], 8. Oktober 2014: www.ecoi.net/file_upload/1226_1413191460_20141008-albania-progress-report- en.pdf.

Bertelsmanns Stiftung, 2014:

«What makes corruption even more problematic is its relation with state institutions and high-level political personalities. The so-called state capture arguably involves a vicious circle, which brings together prominent politicians, state officials, a weak judiciary and strong networks of organized crime. At the time of writing there is no record of the prosecution and conviction of any high -level state official, even in the face of evidence that has been provided by the prosecutor’s office in the few cases that have been investigated.» (S. 29)

«The state’s vulnerability to the interests of the private sector is a serious problem. Individual powerful groups can set their own agenda and enforce policies that protect their special interests. State capture manifests itself in various forms, such as the influence of private business in decision-making; politicians’ control of powerful businesses; and connections between government and illegal businesses. A series of corruption scandals revealed by the media from 2011 to 2012 exposed the close relations between government and business interests, at the expense of effective government.» (S. 9)

«The judiciary is the weakest link in Albania’s fragile system of separation of powers. The principle of an independent judiciary is provided for in the constitution and in relevant legislation. The Albanian judicial system consists of three levels: courts of first instance, courts of appeal and the high courts, the high court dealing with civil and criminal cases on a national level. A new law on administrative courts provides for the creation of special courts to deal with administrative cases. The constitutional court decides on the conformity of laws and other regulations with the constitution, while the prosecutor’s office brings cases on behalf of the state. The effective independence of the judiciary is hampered by political nominations and other forms of political inference. Judges for the courts of first instance and courts of appeal are appointed by the president, upon the proposals of the High Council of Justice, a largely profes- sional entity. With the election of president from the majority party, such appointments are even more open to political influence. High court and constitutional court members, as well as the general prosecutor, are under more political pressure as all presidential appointments need the consent of the parliamentary majority.

More problematically, the governing majority has resorted to various forms of intimidation to make courts co-opt with the government’s positions. One flagrant

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example is investigations into opposition protests, which resulted in the shooting death of four protesters in 21 January 2011. The prosecutor’s office issued detention orders for four officials of the Republican Guard who were allegedly implicated in the shooting. The state police refused to execute the orders, or provide an explanation why they would not comply. Prime Minister Berisha then directly challenged the state prosecutor, stating that no guardsmen would be handed over and further rewarded member of the guard with four additional salaries for “bravery.” All evidence captured by security cameras outside the prime minister’s office was apparently destroyed in secret after the event. Only after international pressure did Berisha allow an investigation, leading to the eventual detention of one of the four original Republican Guards. While the executive still stymied investigation efforts, the assistance of the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation pushed the investigation forward, as ballistic and forensic experts de- termined that the Republican Guard was the first to open fire on the protesters, and declared the guard commander guilty of murder “beyond all doubt.” The courts, however, disregarded the FBI’s findings and asked instead for the views of national experts, whose contradictory analysis prolonged the investigation. One domestic expert was even accused of manipulating evidence by the prosecutor’s office.

Two years after the shooting, in January 2013, the Court of Tirana found the accused guard member not guilty, despite the FBI evidence. The U.S. Embassy in Albania re- sponded with a direct declaration that stated, “Unfortunately today’s verdict has un- dermined trust in the ability and readiness of the judiciary system to give justice in an impartial and transparent manner.” The prosecution appealed the verdict, although the change of the general prosecutor does not augur well for the continuity of such an important and difficult political case.

Officeholders who break the law are not adequately prosecuted. The PD came to power with the promise of “clean hand” policies. Indeed the government improved the country’s institutional framework and adopted a range of strategies to fight abuse of office, efforts which are positively viewed by international indices. There has been some achievement regarding the prosecution of low and mid -level officials. But anticorruption policies have remained mostly rhetoric, especially when it comes to the prosecution of high-level officials. In the last two years most allegations of high-level government corruption disclosed by the media have never been brought to court. The few cases which have been officially opened have been quickly closed on “procedural” grounds.

One of the notable investigations is the Meta case. In January 2011, one of the national TV channels broadcasted a potentially incriminating video between the then foreig n affairs minister, Ilir Meta, and the then economic minister, Dritan Prifti. Both are found- ers of the Socialist Movement for Integration (LSI), a party which is part of the governing coalition with the PD. Meta asked Prifti in the video to intervene in a hydropower plant concession tender in favor of a particular company, naming as recompense a 7% stake and a €700,000 bribe. Meta further asked Prifti in the video to appoint LSI party activists to key positions in the ministry. Meta is also overheard saying that he could influence a Supreme Court trial over the hydropower plant concession, as he is on good terms with Chief Justice Shpresa Becaj, after having hired her daughter as a diplomat. Following the video release, the general prosecutor started an inve s- tigation, and as is done in such political sensitive cases, asked the United States for

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additional expertise to help confirm the video as authentic, which was the case. The high court, however, refused the U.S. analysis on procedural grounds and appointed Albanian experts to verify the video’s authenticity. The named experts, who admitted that they had neither the license nor the proper equipment to review the video, concluded that “the video had been potentially manipulated.” Meta was declared inno- cent just six months after the event and returned to contribute to politics and the agenda of European integration.» (S. 11-12) Quelle: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2014; Albania Country Report, 2014: www.bti-project.de/fileadmin/Inhalte/reports/2014/pdf/BTI 2014 Albania.pdf .

Freedom House, 12. Juni 2014:

«Corruption pervades the public and private sectors, hampering Albania’s economic development, democratic accountability, and EU integration progress. Of- ficially, fighting corruption—especially within state institutions—has been a government priority for many years, but results have been limited. On the whole, anticorruption efforts are driven by international expectations rather than pressure from the Albanian electorate, with the result that politicians lack the will to properly implement EU-mandated reforms. According to Transparency Interna- tional, Albanians perceive their public sectors as highly corrupt, more so than survey respondents in any of the other Western Balkan states.

Ties between organized crime and corrupt officials run deep. In September 2012, members of the national assembly finally reached cross -party consensus on a constitutional amendment limiting immunity for members of parliament and judges. However, the removal of this obstacle to high-level prosecutions and convictions did not lead to an increase in either in 2013. The fact that the Supreme Court —whose members are appointed by a simple majority in parliament—acts as a first instance court for high officials allows the ruling majority to appoint judges unlikely to rule against them in corruption cases.

During its first months in office, the Rama government proactively implemented inten- sive institutional controls that lead to the prosecution of several abuse -of-office cases. However, the judiciary showed far less drive than the executive branch when it came to properly investigating and prosecuting such cases. The wave of controls and cases that were exposed by both the government and the media included high - level officials from key institutions such as the tax office, customs, the jud iciary, and politicians from the majority and the opposition. Though a number of trials were initiated during this period, there has yet to be a major corruption conviction against a high-profile figure in Albania.

One of the more prominent corruption cases of 2013 involved Shpetim Gjika, the mayor of Vlora and member of the ruling PS, who is accused of infringing tender laws and falsifying construction permits. The investigation against Gjika was launched in March, when PS was still in the opposition, but he was formally charged in October. The trial was ongoing at year’s end, but the investigation against him sent a strong message that not even figures of the ruling majority would be spared in the war against corruption. Another major anticorruption case from 2013 involved Xhexhal Mziu, the mayor of Kamza and a member of the now-opposition PD. By year’s end,

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Mziu was had been charged with dereliction and infringement of equality between bid- ders on a road construction project.

To address political corruption, the new government adopted a strategic framework that focuses on three pillars: prevention, conviction, and awareness. The strategy is intended to increase control and transparency of institutional activity and lead to the introduction of important legislation, such as whistleblower protection. Planned anticorruption measures also include broadening the current legal definition of corrupt activity and bringing more cases to the Serious Crimes Court.

Improvements in access to information and institutional transparency remain a pre- condition to the fight of corruption. Efforts in this direction have been made, notably by improving e-governance and overall transparency of government institutions. For example, the Ministry of Justices offers now hosts a website through which citizens can complain about abuse of office in the judicial system. Inspectors from the ministry have investigated these claims and initiated cases for disciplinary penalties against state officials. In late December, Prime Minister Rama ple dged to end a months-long lapse in the online publication of government decisions and draft legislation. Recent efforts to improve communication and coordination between law enforcement and judicial institutions are also positive steps.» Quelle: Freedom House, Nations in Transit 2014 – Albania, 12. Juni 2014: https://freedomhouse.org/report/nations-transit/2014/albania.

Balkan Insight, 1. Mai 2015:

«Most Albanians see the court system as one of the most corrupt branches of government. According to the Berlin-based watchdog Transparency Interna- tional, 80 per cent of Albanians believe judges are the most corrupt of all public officials.» Quelle: Balkan Insight, Albanian Judges’ Wealth Escapes Scrutiny, The 25 judges of the Tirana Appeals Court collectively own real estate worth more than 5 million euro, in spite of earning only modest salaries – but attempts to query their assets have gone nowhere, 1. Mai 2015: www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/albanian-judges-suspicious-wealth-escapes-scrutiny.

Balkan Insight, 25. Februar 2013:

«(…) Sadetin Fishta, the head of Albania’s police union, told Balkan Insight that the murders of police officers highlight the dangers they face. “The fact that three officers have been killed means that we are not able to protect ourselves anymore,” he said. (…) “Although police can receive protection if they are threatened, the fact that murders continue shows that we have fallen one step behind criminals,” he concluded.» Quelle: Balkan Insight, Albania Police Chief Murdered in Mafia-Style Hit, 25. Februar 2013: www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/albania-police-chief-murdered-in-mafia-style-hit.

Balkan Insight, 7. September 2012:

«The study, "Foretold Insecurity, Crime Tendencies in Albania from 2008 -2011," shows that since 2009, Albania has seen marked growth in violent crimes like murder,

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battery, robbery and theft. Gjergji Vurmo, an expert at IDM and author of the report, told Balkan Insight that the data underscores not only a failure of law enforcement agencies, but also of politicians and Albanian society with its distrust of the rule of law.» Quelle: Balkan Insight, Albania Registers Sharp Rise in Crime, 7. September 2012: www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/albania-registers-stunning-rise-in-criminality-study- finds.

Balkan Insight, 15. Dezember 2014:

«(…) Political analyst Fatos Lubonja said the scale of the involvement of organized crime at this level was yet another sign that Albanian society required a thorough cleansing process, starting from the top. “Politics should be cleansed of crime first; it should serve the public interest and not be a business to enrich certain individuals,” Lubonja said. (…) Lubonja said the existence of so many protection rackets is a sign of lack of confidence in the ability of the police to deal with the crime wave that the country is experiencing. “We are all aware of crime because it has captured society as a whole,” he said. “In this condition, the struggle against it is very difficult,” he added.» Quelle: Balkan Insight, Trial Lifts Lid on World of Albanian Assassins, 15. Dezember 2014: www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/trial-lifts-lid-on-world-of-albanian-assassins.

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