Journal of Book of Mormon Studies

Volume 14 Number 1 Article 3

1-31-2005

Ancient Voyages Across the Ocean to America: From “Impossible” to “Certain”

John L. Sorenson Brigham Young University

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BYU ScholarsArchive Citation Sorenson, John L. (2005) "Ancient Voyages Across the Ocean to America: From “Impossible” to “Certain”," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies: Vol. 14 : No. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/jbms/vol14/iss1/3

This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Book of Mormon Studies by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Title Ancient Voyages Across the Ocean to America: From “Impossible” to “Certain”

Author(s) John L. Sorenson

Reference Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 14/1 (2005): 4–17, 124–25.

ISSN 1065-9366 (print), 2168-3158 (online)

Abstract In the past, experts have assumed that primitive sail- ors would have found it impossible to cross the oceans between the Old World and the New. However, John Sorenson here concludes that the evidence for trans- oceanic contacts now drowns out the arguments of those who have seen the New World as an isolated island until ad 1492. Sorenson’s arguments are based on evidences from Europe, Asia, and Polynesia of the diffusion of New World and infectious organ- isms. His research identifies evidence for transoce- anic exchanges of 98 , including tobacco and peanuts. The presence of hookworm in both the Americas and the Old World before Columbus also serves as evidence to establish transoceanic contact. Nephi’s Boat, by Joseph Brickey and Howard Lyon.

 Volume 14, number 1, 2005 Ancient Voyages Across the Ocean to America from “impossible” to “certain”

john l. sorenson Book of Mormon history in the New World begins with ocean voyages—by the Lehites, the Mulekites, and the Jaredites. For the first and last of those, the record pointedly states that the parties stocked their vessels with supplies both to use on their trip and to start life as agriculturists when they arrived in the new land (see Ether 6:4, 13; 1 Nephi 18:6, 24). Perhaps the Mulekites too brought certain natural resources.

Latter-day Saints may have wondered why There was, indeed, good reason to reject the virtually all secular scholars and scientists have re- voyaging explanation as usually presented. Numer- jected the idea that ancient sailors succeeded in voy- ous badly informed, or at least weakly argued, theo- aging from the Old World to the New. Their rejec- ries had been offered to explain the rise of civiliza- tion is not just in reference to the Book of Mormon tion in the Americas. Josiah Priest, who published story but against all claims that seaborne migrants a popular book three years after publication of the capable of having any significant effect breached Book of Mormon (i.e., 1833), supposed that not only the ocean barrier prior to Columbus, except for a East Asians in general but also “Polynesians, Ma- few Vikings considered of no historical importance. lays, Australasians, Phoenicians, Egyptians, Greeks, Prevailing views by reputed experts have assumed Romans, Israelites, Tartars, Scandinavians, Danes, that “primitive sailors” would have found it impos- Norwegians, Welsh, and Scotch” people had colo- sible to cross the “forbidding” oceans.1 In the 1930s nized parts of the New World; but he gave no credi- ble evidence for his speculations.4 Ninety years later, one scholar even spoke of the American continents somewhat better supported but still unconvincing as being “hermetically sealed by two oceans.”2 evidence for similar ideas was being published in Such views were not so much scientific conclusions popular works like those by G. Eliot Smith.5 as echoes of the prevailing isolationist political The small minority of scholars who continued doctrine of the times that refused to grant value to claim that meaningful ancient voyages were to “foreign” people or ideas. Thus famous Maya made argued for the idea mainly on the basis of archaeologist Sylvanus Morley opined in 1927 that cultural parallels.6 They felt that close similarities there was “no vestige, no infinitesimal trace, of Old of customs or beliefs that they pointed out could World influence . . . to detract from the [inventive] not be explained in any other way than that people genius of our [sic] native American mind.” “There carried those features with them across the waters. is no room for foreign origins here,” he went on to (However, much of the evidence that enthusiasts claim in his article entitled “Maya Civilization 100% have cited has proven incautiously stated if not in American.”3 By the end of the 20th century this ab- error.) Orthodox scientists reacted against those no- solute view had eased only insignificantly. tions with their own dogma holding that the issue

 Volume 14, number 1, 2005 had already been adequately tested and should be Floral Evidence for Diffusion rejected. For instance, Gordon R. Willey, a promi- nent Harvard archaeologist, said in 1985 that while Over the last four years 98 species of plants no other subject in American archaeology had have been identified that originated in either the brought about such heated discussions as the role Old World or the New yet were also grown in pre- of Old World contacts, if no “concrete evidence” Columbian times in the opposite hemisphere. That could be produced in the next 50 years, proponents distribution cannot be explained the way cultural parallels have been by inventionist-minded scholars. ought to stop talking about the question.7 Cultural A plant is an objective fact that demands a physi- parallels did not count as concrete evidence in the cal explanation for the presence of the same species scholarship of people like him. The skeptics main- on two sides of an ocean. Yet all purely naturalis- tained that any cultural similarities between the tic theories fail to account for plants thousands of New World and the Old were simply coincidences, miles from their natural home. For example, some explainable because, they claimed, the human have supposed that seeds were carried thousands of mind works the same everywhere in the world, so it miles by birds, or evolutionary processes have been should not be surprising that people independently claimed as yielding identical species in multiple come up with similar inventions or ideas. locations, but these notions are never more than For years those who believed in the importance nonempirical speculation.11 The only rational expla- of ocean voyaging in human history (“diffusion- nation for multiple plant distributions is that people ists”) tried to overwhelm this opposition by point- sailed across the oceans before Columbus, nurtur- ing out more and more, stronger and stronger, cul- ing and transporting plants en route. tural parallels. A few years ago Martin H. Raish and As I dug into neglected books and journals, I compiled a massive bibliography that made acces- the number of plants reported to be shared across sible the substance of over 5,000 books and articles the oceans mounted. Victor H. Mair, a specialist in Chinese literature and language at the University of concerning the diffusion issue—covering pretty Pennsylvania, took an interest in the project and in- much all published sources.8 But the significance vited me to prepare a paper for a conference he was of this compilation has been generally ignored and organizing on “Contact and Exchange in the An- has done virtually nothing to change the minds cient World.” I invited my friend and colleague Carl of the traditional isolationist majority of scholars. L. Johannessen, emeritus professor of geography at They have frequently countered with what they con- the University of Oregon, who had long worked on sidered an absolute argument against voyaging: no the topic, to collaborate. By the time of the confer- food plant is common to the two hemispheres. That ence in May 2001, we had identified over 35 plant fact alone was supposed to be “enough to offset any number of petty puzzles in arts and myths [i.e., cul- tural similarities].”9 By the year 2000 I had concluded that the only way to break this particular intellectual logjam was to put forward hard scientific evidence that doubt- ers could not explain away by offhanded reference to the inventiveness of the human mind. The ap- proach I desired could best be pursued by demon- strating that the flora and fauna of the New World had been shared with the Old World. Some useful research had already established a limited body of such evidence. These concrete biological features would be important because no one can claim that This 1,000-year-old bas-relief from a temple at Parambanan, Java, the human mind had invented the same plant on shows plant leaves, tassels, and ears characteristic only of maize. opposite sides of the ocean.10 Photograph by Evelyn McConnaughey.

journal of Book of Mormon Studies  species for which there was what we considered 1 conclusive proof that species had been transported between the hemispheres. By 2003, when we submit- ted our paper to Mair for publication in the report of the conference, the number of plant species on our conclusive list had grown to 85.12 Since then we have found still more; today the total is 98 species.13 5 What evidence do we consider to be “con- clusive” or “decisive”? In some cases it comes from archaeology. For example, in 1966–67 Australian archaeologist Ian Glover excavated in caves on the 2 island of Timor in Indo- nesia, where he discovered

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1. Representation of maize at 3 Cave Temple III, Badami, India. 2. A pottery effigy of a bird, with kernels intact after the surrounding plant remains that included three crops of American clay was fired and the maize core burned away. From a Han Dynasty origin: Annona (custard apple), Zea (maize), and Ara- tomb (ca. ad 200) near Xinxiang, chis (peanut). These dated at the latest to ad 1000 and Henan, China. 3. A curl of maize probably well before.14 The peanuts were duplicated silk on an unhusked maize ear in a medieval sculpture from India. at two sites on the Chinese mainland that date by ra- Photos 1–3 by Carl Johannessen. diocarbon to as early as 2800 bc.15 4. Carved chile pepper plants at the temple at Parambanan, Java. Photo In northern India archaeologists have recently by Evelyn McConnaughey. 5. Wall found seeds of Phaseolus vulgaris (kidney bean), sculpture from the Halebid temple Phaseolus lunatus (lima bean), and Macroptilium at Somnathpur, Karnataka state, India. The sacred gesture (mudra) lathyroides (phasey bean, a cousin of kidney and made by the figure’s hand under- lima beans), in addition to Argemone mexicana lines the sacred significance of the context and thus of maize. Photo by (Mexican prickle poppy), all natives of America. Carl Johannessen. The sites date from 1600 to 800 bc.16 For other American plants, decisive evidence in traditional books of India dating to the sixth consists of realistic depictions in art. For example, to eighth centuries.17 The plants also appear on a the chile pepper is clearly depicted in a sculpture sculpted wall panel at the ruined temple near the at a temple that honors the Hindu god Shiva at modern temple at Prambanan, Java, dating to about Tiruchirapalli, India. Chiles are also mentioned ad 1000.18

 Volume 14, number 1, 2005 1. An annona in a goddess’s An especially striking case from art involves 1 hand at the Durga Complex Couroupita guianensis, called the naga lingam tree temple, Aihole, India. Photo by in India. This native of or the West Carl Johannessen. 2. A pineapple is depicted at a cave temple at Indies has been cultivated in South India “from Udaiguri, India, ca. fifth century ad. very early times,” as illustrated in a temple carv- 3. Sketch of cashew nuts (far right) on the balustrade of the Bharhut ing of medieval age.19 In India its unusually shaped Stupa in Madhya Pradesh, India, blossom is thought to look like symbols sacred to a ca. second century bc. 4. Leaves of Hindu deity, Shiva; the flowers are still offered today Monstera deliciosa appear on sculp- tures at Hindu and Jain temples in Gujarat and Rajasthan, India. The small personage on Vishnu’s 4 right holds a fruit of M. deliciosa on a plate. Photos 2–4 courtesy of the American Institute for Indian Studies.

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at temples to Shiva.20 Interestingly, in Mesoamerica, 3 where the tree is common, neither the blossoms nor the tree has any sacred significance. The only sensible scenario to explain these facts historically seems to be that a Hindu visitor to Mesoamerica was struck enough by the meaningful appearance (to him) of the bloom of the tree to decide to carry it to India, where it came to grow widely. References to imported American plants in Hundreds of other India temple sculptures show Asian medical, botanical, and historical docu- voluptuous women holding upright in one hand an ments are a further source of evidence. A Chinese ear of corn (maize) while their fingers make a sacred document written in the Jin dynasty (ad 290–307) gesture known as a mudra. Maize is, of course, an by a minister of state who had served as a governor American crop plant.21 Two other American plants, in southern China lists some 80 plants that were the pineapple22 and the cashew nut,23 are among ad- known to him there. In the list was the sweet po- ditional species seen in Indian art. tato, Ipomoea batatas, another American species.24

journal of Book of Mormon Studies  Right: At a temple at Halebid, Karnataka, India, a sculpture of Nandi, the mythological bull associated with Shiva, bears a sunflower between its ear and horn (shown here next to a live sunflower). Lower right: At the Pattadakal temple, Karnataka, a carving on a pillar shows a large sunflower seed head and a parrot eating the seeds. No other plant bears a seed head of this size or has a stalk this strong. Below: The annona fruit is shown at the Bharhut Stupa, dated to the second century bc. Photos by C. Johannessen.

like Latin in Europe for over a thousand years, Sanskrit was an inactive or “dead” language represented by the sacred texts but no longer reflecting contemporary life by adding new words. So when we find that a In India the chile pepper (Capsicum annuum, plant bore a Sanskrit mentioned above) is cited in the traditional name, we can be sure volume Siva Purana as part of a cure for tuber- it was actually known culosis.25 The silk cotton, or kapok, tree Ceiba( in the country no pentandra) not only originated in America but later than ad 1000.29 also was deeply involved in the mythology of For example, the Maya of Yucatan, yet it is referred to in the Asclepias curassavica (the milkweed), a species of Kurma Purana (5th century ad) and the Brah- American origin, was known in Sanskrit medicine manda Purana (10th century).26 Meanwhile, on as kakatundi.30 Moreover, at least two species of hal- Hainan Island, off the southern coast of China, the lucinogenic datura plants (in English “thorn apple” silk cotton tree was being cultivated and the fiber and “jimsonweed”) were used in Asia as well as in woven by local tribesmen during the Tang Dynasty the Americas; daturas were called by no less than (ad 600–900) according to a Chinese history.27 eight Sanskrit names, as well as one in Persian.31 The pumpkin and the squash are mentioned in Tagetes erecta, the large marigold, a Mexican na- India in the medical text of Al-Kindi in the ninth tive plant, bore four Sanskrit names,32 and what our century ad.28 At least a dozen more New World gardeners know as the four-o’clock flower Mirabilis( species are similarly documented historically in jalapa) had four names in India as well.33 As a mat- India and China. ter of fact, 38 different species of plants that origi- Lexicons also serve to place plants on the map nated in the Americas each had at least one name in far from their areas of origin. This kind of data Sanskrit. This observation alone demonstrates that a is especially abundant through study of the San- remarkably abundant flow of New World fauna took skrit language in India. Sanskrit was the original place into South Asia between perhaps 2000 bc and language in which the earliest sacred Hindu texts ad 1000. were written in the first and second millennium bc. The same naming phenomenon can be noted in From around 500 bc to ad 1000, Sanskrit served as other Old World languages. The black nightshade, the key language of Indian sacred and civilized life Solanum nigrum, this too from the New World, was in the same manner as Latin did in Europe. And named not only in Sanskrit, Persian, and Chinese

10 Volume 14, number 1, 2005 but also in Arabic.34 Else- of evidence before consider- where, a name for sweet po- ing contact across the sea to tato among Chibchan speak- be assured. For instance, for ers of and Panama the peanut (see above), where precisely matches the Hawai- the primary evidence comes ian name for the plant.35 Karl from archaeology, added sup- H. Rensch’s linguistic study port comes from linguistics. of names for sweet potato re- Names for that nut among sulted in his proposing “that Native American peoples in the sweet potato reached interior South America, the Polynesia at least twice: once area where botanists think This teapot in the shape of a green moschata squash via a northern route through is in Zhejiang Provincial Museum, Hangzhou, Zhejiang, the plant was first domesti- Hawaii under the guise of China, and is assigned to the Song Dynasty (ad 960– cated from the wild, compare *kuara/*kuala, and once via 1279). Photo by C. Johannessen. to names for peanuts on the a southern route as *kumara, Indian subcontinent. South with Easter Island as its point of entry.”36 American names include (in the Tupí family of Methods of research familiar to botanists who languages) mandobi, manobi, mandowi, mundubi, study the distribution of plants were also involved and munui; (in Pilagá) mandovi; (in Chiriguano) in our study. For example, turmeric, Curcuma manduvi; and (in Guaraní) manubi.40 Michael Black longa, was originally Asiatic (it had names in San- showed that those terms are strikingly like pea- skrit, Chinese, Hebrew, and Arabic), and from there nut names in India: in Sanskrit, andapi; in Hindi, it spread eastward throughout many Pacific islands. munghali; and in Gujarati, mandavi.41 These lexical So when we learn that turmeric was also grown by parallels taken together with the actual plant speci- native people in the remote Amazon River drainage mens dug up by archaeologists in Asia make clear of eastern , the conclusion seems inescapable— that transoceanic voyaging was the means by which it was carried to South America, presumably from the plant and its names reached Asia. Furthermore, the islands, on some prehistoric voyage.37 plant scientist Edgar Anderson concluded that “the Other evidence from distributions concerns most primitive type of peanut, the same narrow the bottle gourd, Lagenaria siceraria. Some have little shoestrings which are found in the Peruvian proposed that it was capable of drifting across an tombs, are commonly grown today, not in Peru, but ocean, although scientists are uncertain whether in South China.”42 seeds would still grow after a months-long float to Proof for one complex of plants involved a par- some American beach.38 But the gourd was absent ticularly wide array of research methods. To the from western Polynesia, although it does appear amazement of some scientists and the consternation in the islands of eastern Polynesia. Obviously, the of others, chemical evidence of tobacco has been gourd did not drift from island to island all the found in ancient Egyptian mummies, although way across the Pacific to Peru or else the species tobacco was supposed to be unknown in the Old would have grown in western Polynesia as well. Yet World prior to Columbus. First, fragments of to- it appeared in an archaeological site on the coast bacco were found deep in the abdominal cavity of of Peru almost 5,000 years ago. The only scenario the 3200-year-old mummy of Pharaoh Ramses II that makes sense of these facts has Asian mariners while it was being studied in a European museum. carrying gourds in their vessels from Asia or the Some skeptics immediately concluded that this had western Pacific directly to western South America to be due to modern contamination in the museum. thousands of years ago.39 Later voyagers could have This American plant could not possibly have been carried the plant to eastern Polynesia, but not far- known in Egypt, they insisted. In 1992 physical ther west, from the mainland aboard vessels like the scientists in used sophisticated labora- Kon Tiki raft. tory instrumentation to test nine other Egyptian Often several types of analysis, rather than a mummies. They found chemical residues of tobacco, single method, combine to prove contact by sea. In coca (another American plant, the source of co- our study we always demanded at least two lines caine), and the Asian native hashish (the source of

journal of Book of Mormon Studies 11 ceum—have also been found in mummies in Peru.46 It is impossible to avoid the conclusion that intentional voyages across an ocean were involved in these transfers. As to motives that impelled transoceanic travelers, the utilitarian, economic viewpoint that dominates so much of our thought today would lead us to suppose that a search for new sources of food and fiber would have been the obvious reason for ancient voyag- ers to undertake distant, dangerous explorations. But looking carefully at our entire list of plants, we are somewhat sur- In modern times this ancient monument to Ramses II was moved to a safer locale at Abu Simbel, Egypt. prised to learn that utility Tobacco fragments found in the abdominal cavity of the 3,200-year-old mummy of Pharaoh Ramses II suggest that this native American crop plant was transported to Egypt in ancient times. seems to have been less important than we would suppose. While some of marijuana) in the hair, soft tissues, skin, and bones the American plants were indeed useful additions to of eight of the mummies. These traces included the diet or made serviceable artifacts, virtually all cotinine, a chemical whose presence means that the transported species served medicinal functions. the tobacco had been consumed and metabolized Perhaps just as spices were a prime motivation for while the deceased person was alive. (The ninth Europeans of the 15th and 16th centuries to under- mummy contained coca and hashish residues but take arduous travel to reach the islands of Southeast not tobacco.) Dates of the corpses according to his- Asia, pre-Columbian voyagers may have sought torical records from Egypt ranged from 1070 bc to after cures to relieve disease or nostrums that they ad 395,43 indicating that these drugs were continu- hoped would lengthen their life span. Then again, a ously available to some Egyptians for no less than sufficient motive to impel long-distance sailors may 1,450 years. Investigators have since found evidence simply have been curiosity—what Mary Helms has of the drugs in additional mummies from Egypt.44 labeled “the Ulysses factor,”47 the sheer desire to see Equally startling has been the discovery of the “what is out there.” same drugs in Peruvian mummies that date back Table 1 does not necessarily represent a proper to at least ad 100. Chemical analysis revealed the sample of the plant exchanges that actually took use of tobacco and cocaine (not surprisingly, since place. Because of the in-depth knowledge of San- the former was widely used in the Americas and skrit that the India sources provide, connections of the latter comes from the South American plant America with India may be appear disproportion- Erythroxylon novagranatense, commonly known as ately high. If we had equally detailed knowledge coca). But hashish was also used in Peru, although about other ancient languages, the count of species it is from Asian Cannabis sativa.45 Furthermore, in other areas might be higher. Still, this inventory two species of beetles that infested Egyptian mum- of plants exchanged is already impressive, as shown mies—Alphitobius diaperinus and Stegobium pani- in table 1.

12 Volume 14, number 1, 2005 What is true of plants is paralleled by the today). At a later point in the cycle the worms that transoceanic carriage of fauna. Let us look first at have developed in the soil penetrate some human’s infectious organisms, because it was long believed body and settle in the digestive tract. Immigrants that the New World constituted a virtual terrestrial who came to the New World in slow stages via the paradise, free from the diseases known in the Old Bering Strait would have arrived hookworm-free World, until the brought in devastating because the cold soil would have killed the parasite Old World microorganisms. But in the last few years during the long trip,51 while host humans crossing that naïve picture has changed considerably. It is by ship (in a relatively short period of time) could true that many of the epidemic plagues of Eurasia still carry worms upon their arrival. and Africa did not exist in the Americas. (Generally The hookworm’s pre-Columbian presence in speaking, New World people were protected from America was finally established by Marvin Allison the spread of epidemics because they tended not and colleagues, who in 1973 found traces of hook- to dwell in densely populated cities nor with large worms in a Peruvian mummy dated ad 700.52 In numbers of domestic animals close at hand, as much 1988 Brazilian scientists identified the same species of the Old World population did.) Still, new research from human remains excavated in eastern Brazil. is demonstrating that New World peoples “were ex- A series of radiocarbon dates at that site placed the posed to a wide variety of diseases,” including “fungi remains at about 7,300 years ago,53 although, given and staphylococcal and streptococcal environmental the inland remoteness of the place, the human car- pathogens.”48 At least 21 disease agents have been riers who introduced the pest from overseas must found to be located in both the Americas and the have arrived on some American coast centuries ear- Old World before Columbus (see table 2), and up to lier than that. 19 more may yet be shown to have been shared. This find establishes conclusively that humans A prime example of the kind of evidence at crossed the ocean at a startlingly early time, for hand to establish transoceanic transport for such only in that way can the presence of the hookworms organisms is the case of the hookworm, Ancylos- be explained. Scientists continue to assure us that toma duodenale. Its relative rarity in some tropical there is no alternative explanation. L. F. Ferreira areas of the New World and its long-term prevalence in East and Southeast Asia make the latter area the place where epidemiolo- gists think the organism originated. At first early historians of medicine assumed that A. duodenale had been introduced into the Americas by slaves brought from Africa. Early in the 20th century, O. da Fonseca discovered the parasite in an isolated Am- erindian population in the Amazon basin.49 Shortly afterward, microbiologist Samuel Darling weighed the evidence and concluded it was likely that the hookworm had reached native South American forest dwellers before Columbus arrived. If that could be proven, he observed, then the only plausible explana- tion for its presence in the New World would be that it arrived anciently via infected hu- mans who had crossed the ocean.50 His confidence that the pest came by sea sprang from facts about the life cycle of this nematode worm. At a certain stage in This 1810 drawing by Alexander von Humboldt depicts a raft from with its life cycle, it must inhabit warm, moist soil a garden at one end and cooking facilities at the other. Nearly identical rafts (in a climate no colder than North Carolina were used in southern China and Vietnam for thousands of years and were like- wise steerable and safe.

journal of Book of Mormon Studies 13 Table 1. Plants for Which There Is Decisive Evidence of Transoceanic Carriage Species Common Name From To By Adenostemma viscosum — American origin Hawaii, India ad 1500 Agave sp. agave American origin E. Mediterranean 300 bc Agave americana agave American origin India ad 1000 Agave angustifolia agave American origin India ad 1000 Agave cantala agave American origin India ad 1000 Ageratum conyzoides goat weed American origin Hawaii, India ad 1500 Alternanthera sp. — American origin India bc Amaranthus caudatus love-lies-bleeding American origin Asia bc Amaranthus cruentus amaranth American origin Asia bc A. hypochondriacus amaranth American origin Asia bc Amaranthus spinosus spiked amaranth American origin India bc Anacardium occidentale cashew American origin India 100 bc Ananas comosus pineapple American origin Middle East, India 600 bc Annona cherimolia custard apple American origin India ad 1200 Annona reticulata annona American origin India 100 bc Annona squamosa sweetsop American origin India 2500 bc Arachis hypogaea peanut American origin China, Indonesia 2800 bc Argemone mexicana prickle poppy American origin India 1100 bc Aristida subspicata — American origin Polynesia ad 1500 Artemisia vulgaris mugwort Asian origin Mexico ad 1500 Asclepias curassavica milkweed American origin India, Polynesia ad 1000 Aster divaricates — American origin Hawaii ad 1500 Bixa orellana achiote, annatto American origin Oceania, Asia ad 1000 Canavalia ensiformis jack bean American origin India 1600 bc Canna edulis Indian shot American origin India, China ad 300 Canna indica Indian shot, achira Peru India, China ad 300 Cannabis sativa hashish Asian origin Peru ad 100 Capsicum annuum chile pepper American origin India, Indonesia ad 800 Capsicum frutescens chile pepper American origin India ad 800 Carica papaya papaya American origin Polynesia ad 1500 Ceiba pentandra silk cotton tree American origin Southeast Asia, India ad 900 Chenopodium ambrosioides Mexican tea Asian origin Mexico ad 1000 Cocos nucifera coconut Asian origin Central America ad 400 Couroupita guianensis cannonball tree American origin India ad 1000 Cucurbita ficifolia chilacayote American origin South Asia ad 1500 Cucurbita maxima Hubbard squash American origin India, China ad 900 Cucurbita moschata butternut squash American origin India, China ad 900 Cucurbita pepo pumpkin American origin India, China ad 500 Curcuma longa turmeric Asian origin South America ad 1500 Cyperus esculentus edible bulb. sedge Peru, No. America Middle East, India bc? Cyperus vegetus edible sedge American origin India, Easter Island ad 1000 Datura metel datura American origin Asia, Europe bc Datura stramonium datura American origin Asia, Europe bc Diospyros ebenaster black sapote American origin South, East Asia ad 1500 Erigeron canadensis — American origin India ad 1000 Erythroxylon novagranatense coca So. American origin Egypt 1200 bc Garcinia mangostana mangosteen Asian origin Peru bc? Gossypium arboreum (or G. herbaceum) cotton Asian origin So. and No. America 3000? bc

14 Volume 14, number 1, 2005 Gossypium barbadense cotton American origin Polynesia ad 1500 Gossypium gossypioides cotton (genes from) Africa Mexico ad 1500 Gossypium hirsutum cotton American origin West Africa ad 1475 Gossypium tomentosum cotton American origin Hawaii ad 1500 Helianthus annuus sunflower American origin India ad 400 Heliconia bihai balisier American origin Oceania, Asia ad 1500 Hibiscus tiliaceus linden hibiscus Tropical America Polynesia ad 1500 Ipomoea batatas sweet potato American origin Polynesia, Asia ad 300 Lagenaria siceraria bottle gourd American origin E. Polynesia ad 1500 Luffa acutangula ribbed gourd India America bc? Luffa cylindrica vegetable sponge Asia Mesoamerica 1200 bc Lycium carolinianum — American origin Easter Island ad 1500 Macroptilium lathyroides phasey bean American origin India 1600 bc Manihot sp. manioc American origin E. Polynesia, India ad 1500 Maranta arundinacea arrowroot American origin Easter Island, India ad 1000 Mimosa pudica sensitive plant American origin India bc? Mirabilis jalapa four-o’clock American origin India bc? Mollugo verticillata carpetweed Eurasia Americas bc? Monstera deliciosa ceriman American origin India ad 1100 Morus sp. mulberry Asian origin Middle America ad 1500 Mucuna pruriens cowhage American origin India, Polynesia bc? Musa x paradisiaca banana, plantain South Asia Middle Amer. bc? Myrica gale bog myrtle No. Europe North America ad 1000 Nicotiana tabacum tobacco American origin Egypt 1100 bc Ocimum sp. basil India America ad 1500 Opuntia dillenii prickly pear cactus American origin India bc? Osteomeles anthyllidifolia — American origin Oceania ad 1500 Pachyrhizus erosus jicama, yam bean American origin India ad 1000 Pachyrhizus tuberosus jicama, yam bean American origin East Asia, Oceania ad 1500 Pharbitis hederacea ivy-leaf morn glory American origin India, China ad 1000 Phaseolus lunatus lima bean American origin India, China 1600 bc Phaseolus vulgaris kidney bean American origin India, Middle East 1600 bc Physalis lanceifolia ground cherry American origin India, Marquesas bc? Physalis peruviana husk American origin India, Polynesia ad 1000 Polygonum acuminatum — American origin Easter Island ad 1500 Portulaca oleracea purslane American origin India, China bc? Psidium guajava guava American origin India, Middle East bc? Sapindus saponaria soapberry American origin Asia, E. Polynesia bc? Schoenoplectus californicus bulrush American origin Easter Island ad 1300 Sisyrhynchium acre a “grass” American origin Hawaii ad 1500 Sisyrhynchium angustifolium blue-eyed “grass” Greenland Newfoundland ad 1000 / S. lasiocarpum naranjillo American origin Oceania, SE Asia ad 1500 Solanum nigrum black nightshade American origin Eurasia bc? / S. sessiliforum — American origin Oceania ad 1500 Solanum tuberosum potato American origin Easter Island ad 1500 Sonchus oleraceus sow thistle Asia Middle America ad 1500 Sophora toromiro toromiro tree American origin Easter Island ad 1300 Tagetes erecta large marigold American origin India bc? Tagetes patula dwarf marigold American origin India ad 1000 Zea mays maize, corn American origin Eurasia, Africa? 2500 bc?

journal of Book of Mormon Studies 15 Table 2. Faunal Sources of Disease Shared in Both Hemispheres Alphitobius diaperinus lesser mealworm Ancylostoma duodenale a hookworm Ascaris lumbricoides roundworm Bordetella pertussis whooping cough bacterium Borrelia recurrentis relapsing fever spirochete Entamoeba hystolytica amoeba that causes dysentery Human (alpha) herpes virus 3 cause of shingles, chicken pox, etc. Human (gamma) herpes virus 4 cause of mononucleosis, etc. Microsporum spp. causes of ringworm of the body Mycobacterium tuberculosis bacterium causing tuberculosis Necator americanus a hookworm Pediculus humanus capitis head louse Pediculus humanus corporis body louse Piedreaia hortai. a fungus that infests the hair Rickettsia prowazekii bacterium that causes typhus Rickettsia rickettsii bacterium that causes spotted fever Strongyloides sp. threadworm nematode T cell lymphotropic (retro)virus (HTLV-I) lymphotropic virus Trichosporon ovoides a fungus infesting scalp or beard hair Trichuris trichiura whipworm Yersinia pestis the plague bacillus and colleagues say that “transpacific migrants from has been found in Brazil in human remains similar Asia by sea must be one component of the ancient in date to that of A. duodenale.58 By the same rea- American population.”54 Fonseca agrees: “Shared soning, it too arrived by a sea voyage. species of parasites . . . make it inescapable that voy- Not only is the louse that infests the heads of agers reached South America directly from Oceania humans (Pediculus humanus corporis) precisely the or Southeast Asia.”55 Ferreira and colleagues con- same species in mainland America and the Pacific clude the same: “We must suppose that [the human islands,59 but the names also virtually match, at hosts for the parasite] arrived by sea.”56 And A. least in two languages of the Solomon Islands and Araújo insists, “The evidence points only to maritime the Maya of Mesoamerica.60 contacts” for the introduction of hookworms (em- Some of the other diseases whose agents have phases added).57 recently been shown to have been in America in Two key facts arise from this situation. First, A. the pre-Columbian era include other intestinal duodenale could have arrived in America only in the parasites—the roundworm and the threadworm; bodies of humans (Asians presumably) who arrived the amoeba that causes dysentery; viruses respon- by sea. Since all humans bear a culture, it was not sible for shingles, chicken pox, and mononucleosis; just a source of illness that arrived in South America a fungus that causes ringworm on the body and two on that boat or raft, but also features of some particu­ others that infest human hair; disease bacteria for lar Asian culture, as well as a set of genes. Second, whooping cough, typhus fever, and the plague; and by the sixth or fifth millennium bc, whether we can the T cell lymphotropic (retro)virus (HTLV-I). describe or conceive of them or not, ships were then In addition, some larger fauna made the trip available in at least one region on the western side of directly across the ocean, surely with humans. For the Pacific that were capable of crossing or skirting example, the native American turkey was known in the ocean, for at least one did so. medieval central Europe. Bones have been excavated A second species, Necator americanus, is also from archaeological ruins dated to the 14th and 15th known as hookworm and has the same life cycle. It centuries (in Switzerland and Hungary), and jewelry

16 Volume 14, number 1, 2005 that bears engravings of the fowl’s distinctive head A Changing Paradigm and the characteristic neck wattle has come from south-central Europe, dated as early as the 10th We have seen that the old view of completely century. Moreover, two years before Columbus’s first separate natural and cultural histories for the Old voyage, a letter was sent from Budapest to an Italian World and the New can no longer be maintained. nobleman, asking him to supply a pair of the birds New research has turned that reactionary idea on along with a man skilled in their care.61 its head. The historical paradigm has changed. In addition to the organisms for which we have Hereafter, students of history must start from the decisive proof of transoceanic distribution, for an- position that voyaging across oceans was within the other 80 species of flora and fauna there is some capability of adventurous folks in many times and evidence that they too may have crossed the oceans places. Numerous voyages across the oceans were with boat travelers. More research is needed to de- completed that had substantial consequences on termine which of those, if any, to add to our “deci- both sides of the world. sive evidence” list. (For tables listing the additional That being the case, historians, archaeologists, candidate fauna and flora, along with full documen- geographers, and others must not fail to look anew tation and data supporting the historicity of these at the massive evidence from cultural similarities movements across the oceans, see the publications that they have long considered mere coincidental cited in notes 12 and 13.) inventions easily made by the human mind. How can those who have been considered the Ancient Seafaring Technology authoritative experts have got this aspect of history so utterly wrong? Much of the “new” evidence has A question naturally arises as to whether ves- actually been around in published form for quite a sels and nautical skills were available to account for long time (see note 8). It has been largely ignored the early voyages. Contrary to the picture we were because dogmatically opinionated experts have so once taught about “primitive” sailors timidly avoid- blindly defended the notion that the histories of the ing the open sea until an intrepid Columbus made two hemispheres were independent, denying that a breakthrough, evidence now clearly establishes there was any possibility of meaningful ocean travel. that sailors long ago ventured widely. As long ago Yet we should not be disappointed with secular as 50,000 bp (before the present), Australia’s first scholars for lacking curiosity and open minds in settlers reached that continent across as much as regard to this topic. We Latter-day Saint students of 95 miles (150 km) of open sea, and the Solomon Is- antiquity too have allowed ourselves to be unneces- lands were populated from 105 miles (170 km) away sarily limited in approaching the Nephite record’s by 29,000 years ago.62 Balsa-log rafts (functionally account of transoceanic voyaging. Most of us have they were steerable “ships,” not what we think of been too long stuck with the traditional notion that under the term rafts) like the Kon Tiki vessel of the scriptural account allowed only Lehites, Mule- were preceded by early Ecuadoran kites, and Jaredites to sail across the oceans (that craft that sailed up and down the Pacific coast of is equivalent to assuming that Mormon pioneers South and Middle America apparently from 2000 were the only ones who crossed the plains of west- bc on.63 However, they, in turn, were modeled on ern North America to the Rocky Mountains and rafts of unknown age from China and Southeast beyond). If we want fuller answers about Book of Asia.64 Three modern replicas of pre-Columbian Mormon history, we ourselves need to ask poten- rafts constructed in Ecuador in the traditional tially richer questions of the record. form were sailed in 1974 as a fleet over 9,000 miles Research so far has not confirmed that ships to Australia.65 Many other craft, some of them re- did carry Jaredites, Lehites, or Mulek and his party markably small and “primitive,”66 have been sailed from Eurasia to America. But now, for the first time, in modern times across various ocean routes; one we have the clear backing of biological history that veteran small-craft sailor reports that “it takes a those voyages fit within a long-standing historical damned fool to sink a boat on the high seas.”67 pattern. !

journal of Book of Mormon Studies 17 e n d n o t e s

Ancient Voyages Across the Ocean History.” Our paper will con- Indian Tradition and Mythol- The Abridged Version of ‘The to America: From “Impossible” to stitute chapter 9, “Biological ogy Series, vol. 22, no. 1 (Delhi: Book of Simple Drugs’ by Ahmad “Certain” evidence for pre-Columbian Motilal Banarsidass, 1983), 179. Ibn Muhammad al-Gaafiqii, John L. Sorenson transoceanic voyages.” 27. Edward H. Schafer, Shore of by Gregorius abu’l-Farag (Bar- 13. The fullest presentation of our Pearls (Berkeley & London: hebraeus) (Cairo: El-Ettemad, 1. For a survey of thought on the material is in an electronic University of California Press, 1932 [before 1160]); Bretsch- topic, see Stephen C. Jett, “Before (CD-ROM) monograph: John L. 1970), 64. neider, Botanicon Sinicum, Columbus: The Question of Early Sorenson and Carl L. Johan- 28. Martin Levey, The Medical 57–61. Transoceanic Interinfluences,” nessen, Scientific Evidence for Formulary of Aqrabadhin of Al- 35. D. H. Kelley, “*Wangkang, BYU Studies 33/2 (1993): 245–71. Pre-Columbian Transoceanic Kindi, Translated with a Study *kumadjang, and *Longo,” Pre- 2. Anthony F. Aveni, Empires of Voyages to and from America, of Its Materia Medica (Milwau- Columbiana: A Journal of Long- Time: Calendars, Clocks, and Sino-Platonic Papers 133 (Phila- kee: University of Wisconsisn distance Contacts 1, nos. 1 and 2 Cultures (New York: Basic delphia: University of Pennsyl- Press, 1966), 315. (1998): 73. Books, 1989), 164. vania Department of Asian and 29. Thomas Burrow, The Sanskrit 36. Karl H. Rensch, “Polynesian 3. The Forum 78 (1927): 226–36. Middle Eastern Studies, April Language (London: Faber and plant names, linguistic analysis 4. Josiah Priest, American Anti­ 2004). Faber, 1955), 42–62, 386–7; Sures and ethnobotany, expectations quities and Discoveries in the 14. Ian C. Glover, “The Late Stone C. Banerji, Flora and Fauna in and limitations,” in Islands, West (Albany, NY: Hoffman Age in Eastern Indonesia,” World Sanskrit Literature (Calcutta: Plants, and Polynesians: An and White, 1833), iv. Archaeology 9/1 (1977): 43, 46. Naya Prokash, 1980), v–vii, 9–11; Introduction to Polynesian Eth- 5. Sir Grafton Elliot Smith, The 15. Chen Wenhua, Zhongguo nongye John L. Brockington, “Sanskrit,” nobotany, ed. Paul A. Cox and Ancient Egyptians and the kaogu tu lu (Nanchang, China: in The Encyclopedia of Language Sandra A. Banack (Portland, Origin of Civilization (London: Jiangxi kexue jushu chubanshe, and Linguistics, ed. R. E. Asher OR: Dioscorides Press, 1991), Harper, 1923). 1994), 59–60; Carl L. Johannes- (Oxford: Pergamon, 1994), 108. 6. Man across the Sea: Problems sen and Wang Siming, “Ameri- 7:3649. 37. D. E. Sopher, “Turmeric in the of Pre-Columbian Contacts, ed. can Crop Plants in Asia before 30. International Library Associa- Color Symbolism of Southern Carroll L. Riley, J. Charles Kelley, ad 1500,” Pre-Columbiana: A tion, comp. and ed., Medicinal Asia and the Pacific Islands” Campbell W. Pennington, and Journal of Long-Distance Contacts Plants Sourcebook India: A (master’s thesis, University of Robert L. Rands (Austin & Lon- 1 (1998): 22–24. Guide to Institutions, Publica- California, Berkeley, 1950), don: University of Texas Press, 16. A. K. Pokharia and K. S. Saras- tions, Information Services and 62–71. 1971). wat, “Plant economy during Other Resources (Switzerland: 38. George F. Carter, “Plants across 7. Gordon R. Willey, “Some con- Kushana period (100–300 ad) International Library Associa- the Pacific,” in Asia and North tinuing problems in New World at ancient Sanghol, Punjab,” tion; Dehra Dun, India: Nahraj America: Transpacific Contacts, culture history,” American An- Pragdhara [Journal of the U(ttar) Publishers, 1996), 560. ed. Marian W. Smith, Memoirs tiquity 50 (1985): 351–63. P(radesh) State Archaeology De- 31. T. Pullaiah, Medicinal Plants of the Society for American 8. John L. Sorenson and Martin H. partment] 9 (1999): 99. in India, 2 vols. (New Delhi: Archaeology 9 (Salt Lake City: Raish, Pre-Columbian Contact 17. Shakti M. Gupta, Plants in Regency Publications, 2002), Society for American Archae- with the Americas across the Indian Temple Art (Delhi: B. R. 1: 207; John F. Watson, Index to ology,1953), 62–71; Wendell Oceans: An Annotated Biblio­ Publishing, 1996), 49–50. the Native and Scientific Names H. Camp, “A possible source graphy, 2nd ed. rev., 2 vols. 18. Johannessen and Wang Siming, of Indian and Other Eastern for American pre-Columbian (Provo, UT: Research Press, “American Crop Plants,” 28. Economic Plants and Products gourds,” American Journal of 1996). 19. Gupta, Plants, 58. (London: India Museum, 1868), Botany 41 (1954): 700–1. 9. Herbert J. Spinden, “Origin of 20. Carl L. Johannessen, personal 257; Krishnarao M. Nadkarni, 39. W. Arthur Whistler, “The other civilizations in Central America communication, 2001. ed., Indian Plants and Drugs Polynesian gourd,” Pacific Science and Mexico,” in The American 21. Carl L. Johannessen, “Pre-Co- with Their Medical Proper- 44 (1990): 115–22; and “Polyne- Aborigines: Their Origin and lumbian American Sunflower ties and Uses (Madras, India: sian plant introductions,” in Cox Antiquity, ed. Diamond Jenness and Maize Images in Indian Norton, 1914; repr., Delhi: Asi- and Banack, Indians, Plants, and (Toronto: University of Toronto Temples: Evidence of Contract atic Publishing House, 1998), Polynesians, 41–66. Press, 1933), 225. between Civilizations in India 140–45. 40. Kanhoba R. Kirtikar and 10. See, for example, G. F. Carter, and America,” in Mormons, 32. International Library Associa- Baman D. Basu, Indian Me- “Domesticates as artifacts,” in Scripture, and the Ancient tion, Medicinal Plants Source- dicinal Plants, 2nd ed., rev. The Human Mirror: Material World: Studies in Honor of book, 574; Ram N. Chopra, S. L. Ethelbert Blatter, J. F. Caius, and Spatial Images of Man, John L. Sorenson, ed. Davis Bit- Nayar, and I. C. Chopra, Glos- and K. S. Mhaskar (Dehra Dun, ed. Miles Richardson (Baton ton (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1998), sary of Indian Medicinal Plants India: International Books Dis- Rouge: Louisiana State Univer- 351–90. (New Delhi: Council of Scien- tributors, 1987), 754–65. sity, 1974), 201–30. Many more 22. Gupta, Plants, 18. tific and Industrial Research, 41. Michael Black, “Diffusion of examples from the literature are 23. Gupta, Plants, 17. 1956), 239; Pullaiah, Medicinal Arachis hypogaea” (unpublished listed in Sorenson and Raish, 24. E. Bretschneider, Botanicon Plants in India, 2:492. seminar paper, submitted to Pre-Columbian Contact with the Sinicum: Notes on Chinese 33. Pullaiah, Medicinal Plants in Prof. Carl Johannessen, Uni- Americas. Botany from Native and West- India, 2:361. versity of Oregon, 1988; copy in 11. Stephen J. Gould, “In the mind ern Sources (London: Trübner, 34. Pullaiah, Medicinal Plants in Johannessen’s possession). of the beholder,” Natural His- 1882), 38. India, 2:473; Edward G. Balfour, 42. Edgar Anderson, Plants, Man tory 103/2 (1994): 23. 25. Gupta, Plants, 49. Cyclopedia of India, 2nd ed. and Life (Boston: Little, Brown, 12. The book is entitled Contact and 26. Ganesh Vasudeo Tagare, trans., (Calcutta: 1871–1873), 5:461–62; 1943; 2nd ed., 1952), 167. Exchange in the Ancient World, The Kurma Purana, Ancient In- Moses Maimonides, Moses 43. S. Balabanovea, F. Parsche, and in press 2005 at the University dian Tradition and Mythology Maimonides on the Causes of W. Pirsig, “First identification of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, the Series, vols. 20–21 (Delhi: Moti- Symptoms (Berkeley: University of drugs in Egyptian mum- first in a new series by the press lal Banarsidass, 1982), 408; The of California Press, 1974); M. mies,” Naturwissenschaften 79 called “Global Perspectives on Brahmanda Purana, Ancient Meyerhof and G. P. Sobhy, eds., (1992): 358.

124 volume 14, number 1, 2005 44. A. G. Nerlich, F. Parsche, I. a nearly pure ‘Ancylostoma History (Bibliothek der allge- 66. Charles A. Borden, Sea Quest: Wiest, P. Schramel, and U. duodenale’ infestation in native meinen Sprachwissenschaft: Global Blue-Water Adventuring Löhrs, “Extensive pulmonary South American Indians and Reihe 2, Einzeluntersuchungen in Small Craft (Philadelphia: hemorrhage in an Egyptian a discussion of its ethnological und Darstellungen) (Heidel- Macrae Smith, 1967); Alan J. mummy,” Virchows Archiv significance,” American Journal berg: Carl Winter Universitäts- Villiers, Wild Ocean: The Story 427/4 (1995): 423–29; Franz of Hygiene 7 (1927): 174–84; verlag, 1992), 19. From the of the North Atlantic and the Parsche and Andreas Nerlich, L. F. Ferreira, A. Araújo, U. E. ethnically Papuan Austronesian Men Who Sailed It (New York: “Presence of drugs in different Confalonieri, M. Chame, and Buma tribe, on Vanikoro, east- McGraw-Hill, 1957). tissues of an Egyptian mummy,” B. Ribeiro Filho, “Encontro ern Solomon Islands: “uka” [last 67. Hannes Lindemann, Alone at Fresenius’ Journal of Analytical de ovos de ancilostomideos em vowel is a schwa] = louse, and Sea, ed. J. Stuart (New York: Chemistry 352 (1995): 380–84. coprólitos humanos datados from Austronesian-speaking Random House, 1957). 45. S. Balabanova, F. Parsche, and de 7,230±80 B. P. no estado Ontong Java (in the western W. Pirsig, “Drugs in cranial de Piauí, Brasil,” in Paleo- Solomons), “uku = louse.” Attempts to Redefine the hair of pre-Columbian Peruvian parasitologia no Brasil, ed. L. F. 61. Sándor Bökönyi and Dénes Experience of the Eight Witnesses mummies,” Baessler Archiv Ferreira, A. Araújo, and U. Jánossy, “Adatok a pulyka Richard L. Anderson (NF) 40 (1992); F. Parsche, Confalonieri (Rio de Janeiro: kolumbusz ellötti Európai S. Balabanova, and W. Wirsig, Programa de Educação Pública, elöfordulás ához,” Aquila: A 1. “The Testimony of Three Wit- “Drugs in ancient populations,” Escola Nacional de Saúde Magyar Ornithologiai Központ nesses” and “The Testimony of The Lancet 341 (20 February 20, Pública, 1988), 37–40. Folyóirata 65 (1953): 265–69 Eight Witnesses” appear in the 1993): 503. 52. Marvin J. Allison, Daniel Men- (Budapest). front matter in current editions 46. J. M. Riddle and J. M. Vreeland, doza, and Alejandro Pezzia, 62. Clive Gamble, Timewalkers: The of the Book of Mormon. “Identification of insects associ­ “Documentation of a case of Prehistory of Global Coloniza- 2. William Smith, William Smith ated with Peruvian mummy tuberculosis in pre-Columbian tion (Phoenix Mill, England: on Mormonism (Lamoni, IA: bundles by using scanning elec- America,” American Review of Alan Sutton; Cambridge: Har- Herald House Steam Book and tron microscopy,” Paleopathol- Respiratory Disease 107 (1973): vard University Press, 1993), Job Office, 1883), 12. ogy Newsletter 39 (1982): 5–9. 985–91. 214–30. 3. William Smith, “Sermon in the Regarding S. paniceum in pre- 53. Ferreira, “Encontro de ovos.” 63. P. Norton,“El señorio de Salan- Saints’ Chapel” [Deloit, Iowa, dynastic Egypt and Bronze Age 54. L. F. Ferreira, A. Araújo, and gone y la liga de mercaderes: 8 June 1884], Saints’ Herald 31 England, see P. C. Buckland and U. E. Confalonieri, “Os parasi- el cartel spondylus-balsa,” in (1884): 643–44. Eva Panagiotakopulu, “Rameses tos do homem antigo,” Ciência Arqueología y etnohistoria del 4. Interview of William Smith II and the tobacco beetle,” An- Hoje 1/3 (November–December, sur de Colombia y norte del with E. C. Briggs and J. W. tiquity 75 (2001): 549–56; Eva 1982): 63–67. Ecuador, comp. J. Alcina Franch Peterson, Zion’s Ensign, 13 Panagiotakopulu, Archaeology 55. Fonseca, Parasitismo e migrações. and S. Moreno Yánez (Miscela- January 1894, 6. and Entomology in the Eastern 56. Ferreira, “Encontro de ovos.” nea Antropológica Ecuatoriana, 5. Emma Smith, interview be- Mediterranean. Research into 57. A. Araújo, “Paleoepidemiologia Monográfico 6, y Boletín de los tween 4 and 10 February 1879, the History of Insect Synan- da Ancilostomose,” in Paleo- Museos del Banco Central del Saints’ Herald 26 (1879): 290. thropy in Greece and Egypt (Ox- parasitologia no Brasil, ed. L. F. Ecuador 6) (Cayambe, Ecuador: 6. See Richard Lloyd Anderson, ford: BAR International Series Ferreira, A. Araújo, and U. Ediciones Abya-Yala, 1987); Investigating the Book of Mor- 836, 2000), 9. Confalonieri (Rio de Janeiro: Joseph Needham and Lu Gwei- mon Witnesses (Salt Lake City: 47. Mary W. Helms, Ulysses’ Sail: Programa de Educação Pública, Djen, Trans-Pacific Echoes and Deseret Book, 1981), 81. An Ethnographic Odyssey of Escola Nacional de Saúde Resonances: Listening Once 7. See Joseph Smith, History of the Power, Knowledge, and Geo- Pública, 1988), 144–51. Again (Singapore and Philadel- Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- graphical Distance (Princeton, 58. L. F. Ferreira, A. Araújo, and phia: World Scientific, 1985), day Saints, ed. B. H. Roberts NJ: Princeton University Press, U. E. Confalonieri, “The find- 48–49. (Salt Lake City: Deseret News, 1988). ing of eggs and larvae of para- 64. Clinton R. Edwards, Aboriginal 1902–32), 1:55; hereafter History 48. Douglas H. Ubelaker, “Patterns sitic helminths in archaeologi- Watercraft on the Pacific Coast of the Church. of demographic change in the cal material from Unai, Minas of South America (Berkeley: 8. Joel Tiffany interview, Tiffany’s Americas,” Human Biology 64 Gerais, Brazil,” Transactions, University of California Press, Monthly, August 1859, 166; also (1992): 361–79; M. L. Powell, Royal Society of Tropical Medi- 1965); “New World perspectives in Dan Vogel, Early Mormon “Health and disease in the cine and Hygiene 74/6 (1980): on pre-European voyaging in Documents (Salt Lake City: late prehistoric Southeast,” in 65–67. the Pacific,” in Early Chinese Signature Books, 1996–2002), Disease and Demography in the 59. L. Miller Van Blerkom, “The Art and Its Possible Influence in 2:306. Americas, ed. John W. Verano Evolution of Human Infectious the Pacific Basin: A Symposium 9. Iowa State Register, 28 August and Douglas H. Ubelaker Disease in the Eastern and Arranged by the Department of 1870; also in Vogel, Early Mor- (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Western Hemispheres” (PhD Art History and Archaeology, mon Documents, 2:330. Institution Press, 1992), 41–53. diss., University of Colorado at Columbia University, New York 10. See Anderson, Investigating, 25– 49. O. da Fonseca, Parasitismo e Boulder, 1985), 4. City, August 21–25, 1967, ed. 26; Millennial Star 21 (20 Au- migrações da parastologia para 60. R. L. Roys, “The Ethno-Botany Noel Barnard in collaboration gust 1859); also in Vogel, Early o conhecimento das origins do of the Maya,” Middle Ameri- with Douglas Fraser, vol. 3, Mormon Documents, 2:297. hommem americano: Estudos de can Research Series, Publica- Oceania and the Americas (New Martin spoke of handling the Pré-história Geral e Brasileira tion No. 2 (New Orleans, LA: York: Intercultural Arts Press, leaves of the plates, but possibly (São Paulo, Brasil: Instituto de Tulane University), 341. In 1969), 843–87. when the record was covered, as Pré-história de Universidade de Mayan: “Uk. The louse found 65. Vital Alsar, La Balsa; The William and Emma Smith did. São Paulo, 1970). on man and quadrupeds,” ac- Longest Raft Voyage in History 11. “Testimony of Eight Witnesses.” 50. Samuel T. Darling, “Observa- cording to the oldest major (New York: Reader’s Digest Curious is derived from the tions on the geographical and Mayan dictionary (the Motul); Press/E. P. Dutton, 1973); Pa- Latin cura, giving one early ethnological distribution of W. Wilfried Schuhmacher, F. cific Challenge (La Jolla, CA: English meaning of “made with hookworms,” Parasitology 12/3 Seto, J. Villegas Seto, and Juan Concord Films [dba ALTI Pub- care or skill.” This is the sense (1920): 217–33. R. Francisco, Pacific Rim: Aus- lishers]), 1974, an 84-minute of the Book of Mormon phrase 51. Fred L. Soper, “The report of tronesian and Papuan Linguistic video. curious workmanship, which is

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