Partners in Politics, Competing in Crime Fallouts of Women’s Reservations in Maharashtra (Part I)  Medha Nanivadekar

his article examines the impact of sudden implementation of the women’s reservation policy at the Zilla Parishads, or mid-tier district level institutions of governance. The article confines Titself to the study of a select few zilla parishads in institutions of governance in Maharashtra. The policy of reservation automatically reserves a certain portion of these seats for women throughout the State Government. As the author explains below, the results of this reservation policy have been mixed. On the one hand, women have indeed received some political and social gains that brought about some increase in their participation in the government. On the other hand, the rampant corruption and abuse of the system have limited the genuine women activists from participation in local electoral politics.

The Seventy-Third and Seventy- politicians at the local level who have Fourth amendments of the Indian A nationwide discussion been adversely impacted by the Constitution enacted in 1992 provided on this historic move was reservation policy say with glee: “Let for the reservation of one-third of the not initiated before there be reservation for women in the seats in rural and urban self- implementing the Assemblies and Lok Sabha as well. MPs and MLAs have thrust this government institutions for women in reservation policy. village panchayats and zilla parishads reservation upon us. Then they will with the result that the gates of the learn a lesson! They will find out where local political arena were suddenly smooth passage of reservation the shoe pinches. Serves them right!”1 thrown wide-open to them. As many provisions in local bodies on the one It was expected in many quarters as one million women got an hand, and the totally uncertain fate of that if women entered politics in large opportunity to enter these institutions reservation in state legislatures and numbers, they would change the as members, and some of them, as Lok Sabha on the other, was that the entire texture of present day politics office bearers. Many more former was initiated from the very top and bring different values, participated in elections and still more by Rajiv Gandhi. Most legislators preferences and perspectives into the as campaigners. This changed the ended up voting for it without much political arena. It was assumed that landscape of the local political elite thought or debate because it posed women’s presence in decision- drastically. no direct threat to the interests of the making positions would lead to the Unfortunately, a nationwide Members of Parliament (MPs) and elimination of discrimination against discussion on this historic move was Members of Legislative Assemblies women, and that women’s issues not initiated before implementing the (MLAs). For this reason, many male would begin to find high priority on policy. Nor did the political parties the agenda of political parties. But discuss this issue in their party fora. One possible explanation there was no minimum consensus Therefore, the rank and file of every for the smooth passage regarding what was expected from the party was taken by surprise when 33 of reservation provisions reservation policy and from those percent reservations became law. As women elected through the reserved a result, discrepancies existed in local bodies... is that seats. Some believed that women between the official position adopted the former was initiated would rid politics of corruption, while by major political parties and the actual from the very top by others felt that it would only attitude of their members at all levels. Rajiv Gandhi. “feminise” corruption. This paper One possible explanation for the examines relevant developments in the

No.136 9 state of Maharashtra and analyses the results of the reservation policy. The Government of Maharashtra introduced 30 percent reservation for women in local bodies in 1990. The 30 percent quota was increased to 33 percent after the Seventy-Third and Seventy-Fourth Constitutional Amendments. At this time, the third group of women elected from women- reserved constituencies is about to complete its term.1 Creation of a Vacuum It is noteworthy that the proposal to reserve seats for women did not emanate from women’s organisations. Consequently, none of the A typical election meeting−one lone woman on the dias. contemporary women’s organisations had ever carried out mass mobilisation major political parties for my doctoral of women on this issue prior to this All political parties are work, before there was even a hint enactment of law. As a result, although obsessed with the regarding reservations for women. At reservation was originally intended to numbers game...This has that time, the respondents were equally create space for women, instead it led to the elimination of divided over the issue; half of them created a vacuum that sucked in all many genuine activists opposed it and the other half supported the women standing on the fringes of it, but none of them demanded it. the political arena. Some of those and in its stead brought However, once the policy was indeed elected were political activists in their inactive women relatives adopted by the Government of own right, but the majority of winners of male politicians to the Maharashtra in 1990, it suddenly have been close relatives of male forefront. became politically incorrect to oppose politicians, mostly sitting members of these reservations. Yet there was no the local bodies. These male filled by ‘proxy’ women. In all three consensus or sufficient awareness politicians shrewdly and promptly elections held in Maharashtra after the among women corporators elected pushed forward their female relatives, reservations, the number of proxies members, of Municipal Corporation usually their wives, to fill the vacuum. elected were greater than number of about the principles underlying this Thus emerged a new phenomenon of victorious activists throughout the policy. women as “proxy politicians.” State. It is significant that as many as 50 All political parties are obsessed Until 1990, no clear consensus percent of the respondents agreed with with the numbers game since winning existed even among women politicians one of the statements in my a majority is the crucial pre-requisite themselves regarding the issue of questionnaire that a woman corporator to acquiring control over the reservations. In 1989, I interviewed should accord greater priority to her government machinery at any level. over 150 political activists from all role as a housewife rather than to her The winnability of a candidate is often role as a corporator. Only 15 percent the sole criterion for the selection of 50 percent of the disagreed with this statement, while 35 party candidates. This has led to the respondents [felt]...that a percent respondents chose to remain elimination of many genuine activists woman corporator should silent on this issue. and in its stead brought inactive accord greater priority to Proxies in Majority women relatives of male politicians to her role as a housewife, The presence of ‘proxies’ in the forefront. Wherever there was no rather than to her role as Municipal Corporations is a state-wide prominent woman activist, the a corporator. phenomenon. Their percentage differs vacuum created by the reservation was from one city to another depending

10 MANUSHI upon the degree of social and political husbands took care of the participation of women in any given Many continued with responsibilities as corporators while city. I surveyed about 300 corporators their pre-election life they took care of the home. For those and found that the percentage of pattern whereby their women who were political activists ‘proxies’ was as high as 80 percent in husbands took care of before getting elected, the additional the Kolhapur Municipal Corporation, the responsibilities as role of a municipal corporator was yet even after the second election. Cities corporators while they another heavy responsibility. In some like , Pune and Nagpur, which cases, male members of the household took care of the home. have a relatively longer tradition of started sharing domestic women participating in public life, have responsibilities. In most cases, women the smooth discharge of their duties. a lower percentage of proxies as simply shouldered the additional Some of the women also expressed the compared to Kolhapur, which has few burden on their own. fear that municipal administrators female political figures who act in their A woman corporator from would not take them seriously and own right. Kolhapur narrated with great pride how therefore it would be very difficult for Eleven out of the 15 women who she decided to contest an election. She them to get work done without the participated in a Focus Group claimed she contested “due to popular mediation of their husbands or male Discussion at Kolhapur Municipal pressure.” Her husband was the relatives. However, not all women Corporation admitted that they entered previous corporator for two thought this way. the political arena merely because the consecutive terms. In 1995, when that constituency nursed by their Meeting New Expectations constituency became reserved for husbands became reserved for women. With regards to the role of new women, people from the None of them had any prior women corporators within their neighbourhood came to see her and involvement in any social or political families, the women claimed that their requested her to compete. She activity. All of them admitted that they entry into elected positions did not admitted how people of her had never even dreamt of entering significantly alter their domestic lives. constituency said it clearly: “We know political life; the reservation of their They continued to perform all the that even if you get elected, your husband’s constituency for women duties that are expected of a full time husband would continue to work as was the only factor responsible for housewife. In addition, they had to though he himself was the corporator.” their entry. When asked how many of fulfil the expectations of the citizens in When asked how many of them them intended to contest the next their constituencies, who constantly would like to continue with public life kept them on their toes. Many of them, after the expiration of their first term, election from the same ward, some of however, continued with their pre- all the proxy women categorically said the women asked how they could election life pattern whereby their that they would hand over the wards contest it since it would become a men’s ward after five years? They simply assumed that wards not reserved for women were reserved for men. All of the women interviewed admitted that, at that time, that is one year after their election, they were still discharging their responsibilities as municipal corporators primarily through their husbands. Some of them explicitly stated that since they were totally ignorant about their responsibilities and powers as municipal corporators, and as their husbands were already acquainted with all the intricacies of the role and responsibilities of a corporator, A woman candidate on a victory rally. mediation by their husbands facilitated

No.136 11 to their husbands to whom they felt it rightfully belonged and would retreat to their homes. Thus, in case of proxies, their role as elected representatives is just an extension of their roles as cooperative wives. Political Vahinis Some women functioning as “proxies” were forced into politics against their own wishes and also pressured into corrupt practices. For example, the husband of a female member of Pune Municipal Corporation forced his wife to contest corporation elections and later negotiated with the ruling group in order to get her elected to the Standing Men dominate election campaigns even after reservation for women. Committee, which has tremendous financial powers. The husband This phenomenon of “proxy” than her spouse; the situation strained dictated her actions and she was corporators is reflected even in the their marital relationship to a certain compelled to comply. vocabulary in which these women are extent. It remains to be seen whether The majority of the “proxies” have addressed as‘Vahini’ in the house. she will continue her political career no independent support network or ‘Vahini’ is the term of address for a afterwards in the de-reserved ward. previous experience of social and brother’s wife. For example, when Proxies and Women’s Wings political activity; therefore, these deliberations in the House are in The interviews with Dr. women generally have a very low progress and a woman corporator in Nishigandha Mogal, former President opinion as to the effectiveness of their the ‘proxy’ category wants to speak, of Bharatiya Janata Mahila Morcha; participation in public life. The proxies male corporators patronisingly say: Dr. Pramila Jarag, then Vice-President do not challenge power relations “Let ‘Vahini’ speak first.” It is of Mahila Congress Maharashtra and between the sexes and tend to noteworthy, that male corporators do Srimati Vaishali Rajshekhar, then reinforce the status quo by not routinely refer to each others as President of Mahila Aghadi, entrusting all political matters to their brothers but the wives of corporators Kolhapur revealed that the relationship husbands as mediators. They are addressed in familial terms. between the proxies and the women’s display a defeatist mentality by However, in Pune, we found that some wings of the parties is quite strained. seeking refuge in the private sphere women corporators who were initially Women’s wings continually demand immediately after their term ends. In entirely dependent upon their a key role in the process of nomination every corporation there were at least husbands, later began performing in of party candidates, but their requests a few incidents in which the an increasingly independent manner. meet with little success. They demand husbands of women corporators For example, in one reported case, a interfered in day-to-day official woman succeeding her husband increased representation for women business. In Kolhapur, the Municipal proved to be a much better corporator activists who are involved in the party Commissioner and the Mayor had to and in public life for a much longer give an ultimatum to these husbands Some women corporators duration, but have little chances of directing them to stop such who were initially entirely winning the election against the wife of a former male incumbent. As they interference and gave an official order dependent upon their to the municipal staff to disregard deprive genuine activists of legitimate husbands, later began instructions made by interfering opportunities, the proxies carry a husbands of women corporators. performing in an burden of guilt and an inferiority Some respondents also quoted a few increasingly independent complex that leaves little scope for a incidents of husbands accompanying manner. healthy interaction between politically their wives to committee meetings. active women and themselves.

12 MANUSHI Proxies also get elected to easily emerge as a politician in his own important municipal committees The proxies carry a right, whereas our male-dominated relatively easily because their male burden of guilt and an society leaves little chance for a woman relatives do all the necessary inferiority complex that to emerge as a politician in her own manoeuvrings for them. This leaves little scope for a right. On the other hand, there is demoralises genuine women activists healthy interaction substantial evidence of women who have to struggle on every front, between politically active participating in the local election be it the family, the party organisation, campaigns in increasingly large or the Municipal Corporation. While women and themselves. numbers. Therefore, we are likely to the proxies do not enjoy any real power witness an overall decline in the number themselves, their positions render ‘Prakash Borade was the only rebel of proxies as the notion of women women political activists powerless. In candidate to get elected. He owes his political elite gains roots and inspires that sense, the presence of proxy success to the work done by his wife, more women to run for elected office. women is indeed counterproductive to Ranjana Borade, who worked as the Though these examples above the cause of women’s empowerment. Deputy Mayor. Maharashtra Times tend to reinforce the established However, the presence of women (February 16, 1997) refers to the son of feminine stereotype, the following benefited by their family connections Pushpalata Tidake without even examples deviate from this stereotype mentioning his first name, thereby should be treated as an inevitable part and thus challenge the notion that emphasising his identity only as “the of the initial stage of the process of women necessarily behave in a typical son of an influential mother.” women’s political empowerment and and predictable way. However, a man can often initially should not be used as an argument Reinforcing Stereotypes against the policy of reservation. choose politics as his career and after Conforming to newspaper reports Moreover, there are also some hopeful the initial help from relatives, can studied by the author show that signs. There is evidence of at least a though the behaviour of women few women shedding their “proxy” We are likely to witness candidates and corporators does at label and proving to be assertive an overall decline in the times fit into a stereotype, there are elected representatives after some number of proxies as the also a large number of reported time. notion of women political incidents which clearly show them Tarun Bharat on February 20,1997 elite gains roots and behaving drastically differently from reported that Alakunte, a BJP inspires more women to popularly held feminine stereotypes. candidate in Solapur and the wife of In the election campaign of then Corporator Alakunte, vehemently run for elected office. Mumbai Municipal Corporation Shri. claimed that though her husband had worked as the Corporator, she was not contesting as his proxy. During the entire tenure of her husband, she claimed she had actually done more than half of his work, especially regarding public relations in the constituency and other day-to-day matters in the ward. This, she said, gave her sufficient experience, exposure, and personal contact with the voters. Moreover, men, too, benefit from family connections and can be influenced by their male relatives. In fact, there were a few instances where men owed their candidacy to their women relatives. For example, Nasik A candidate making personal contact with potential voters. Sakal (March 3, 1997) reported that

No.136 13 Dattaji Salavi (Shiv Sena leader) appealed to women candidates to keep the ward clean just as they keep their own house clean. He reminded them of late Smt. Indira Gandhi as the true manifestation of women’s power and added patronisingly, “Women should not bother too much about their looks but should be concerned about their image in the minds of people.” (Sakal January 1, 1997). For example, Sakal (January 1, 1997) also reported that a woman corporator from Pimpri Chinchwad started crying when asked by the President of the city unit of her party about her absence at the time of A woman candidate on a cycle rally accompanied by an all male team. election to PCMT (Pimpri-Chinchwad assaulted another independent behaviour, her action of throwing a Municipal Transport) Committee. candidate, Indutai Nagre (Lokmat female garment at a supposedly Though this example reinforces the February 24, 1997). incompetent man demonstrates the established feminine stereotype, the  At Nasik, a woman polling agent prejudiced view that women by following examples show deviation slapped a male corporator. (Lokmat nature are incompetent and lack from it and challenge the notion that February 24, 1997). initiative and leadership qualities. women necessarily behave in a typical  A sitting Shiv Sena corporator Criminalisation of Politics and predictable way. from Nasik, Smt. Mandatai Datir, once One of the biggest challenges Deviation from Stereotypes took away the Mayor’s baton during facing our democracy is the growing  At Nagpur, the wife of an a General Body meeting of the nexus between crime and politics. independent candidate asked some Corporation. Many news items about The criminal elements, which were rival women activists to vacate her Datir, (Tarun Bharat February 2, 1997, initially being used by the husband’s election pandal. After the Sakal February 12, 1997) described politicians, have now started running heated exchanges that followed, the her as “baton-fame Datir,” the woman the show themselves. Without any corporator’s wife physically assaulted who took away the Mayor’s baton. exception, all municipal corporations them. (Lokmat February 22, 1997).  At Nasik, a woman threw a sari at  Women were also involved in in Maharashtra witnessed the entry Muralidhar Mane, the President of of a sizable number of candidates, booth capturing and allegedly tried the Congress (I) city unit. The to take away blank ballot papers both men and women with criminal woman was unhappy with the backgrounds and an equally (Nagpur Tarun Bharat February 24, functioning of Mane and expressed significant number of corporators 1997). displeasure by asking him to wear a  with criminal records. We found One supporter of Satish sari if he could not run the party unit. candidates Chaturvedi, Congress MLA, hit an ex- (Gavkari February 18, 1997). Who were criminals themselves, MLA with her chappal. (Nagpur However, despite her untraditional Tarun Bharat February 21, 1997). Who were close relatives of  At Nasik, when the supporters of Municipal corporations in criminals, Who had close links with the Jadhav, an independent woman Maharashtra witnessed candidate, were allegedly indulging underworld, in bogus voting, the activists of the the entry of a sizable Who were sponsored by Sena - BJP alliance complained. Since number of candidates, criminals, their complaints went unheard, they both men and women with Who were manipulating criminal finally stoned the polling booth. The criminal backgrounds. elements to ensure their electoral report further states that Jadhav success.

14 MANUSHI Newspapers throughout the state Table 1 gave wide coverage to the role of criminal elements in these elections. City No. of candidates with Source of Information Table 1 gives some details. criminal background These candidates have a police MaharashatraTimes (16.2.97) record pertaining to crimes like Nagpur 72 75 Loksatta (23.2.97) bootlegging, illegal lottery, gambling, black marketing, extortion, 50 Sakal (20.2.97) armed assault and even murder. Thus Pune 75 Loksatta (23.2.97) the usual excuse offered by various 50 Sakal (17.2.97) political parties to justify the candidature of criminals on the Mumbai 150 Sakal (21.2.97) grounds that they were involved These estimates differ since the reporters failed to cross check with police records. only in political crimes is rather misleading, Ulhasnagar Municipal Corporation, February16, 1997 and February 27, In Mumbai, various gangs of Ulhasnagar Peoples Party led by 1997). criminals played a decisive role in Pappu Kalani’s wife Jyoti Kalani Criminalisation of Women corporation elections. The gangs led fielded 63 candidates (Maharashtra Contrary to the widely held by underworld dons like Arun Times February 16,1997). belief, crime in fact, is no longer the Gavali, , Guru Satam In order to counter Pappu and monopoly of men alone. We found and Amar Naik were the major Jyoti Kalani, the Shiv Sena decided several women candidates with figures in the election. One leader of to ‘adopt’ Gopal Rajavani, a known criminal records. Some of them even the Chhota Rajan gang, Avadhoot rival of the Kalanis. At least half of went to the extent of threatening their Bonde, went to the extent of Shiv Sena corporators had criminal male rivals. Women were reported to kidnapping rival women candidates backgrounds (Maharashtra Times have resorted to physical assault on contesting from his wife’s rival women candidates and their constituency. It was reported that Ulhasnagar was perhaps male supporters. The women the Congress (I) activists from ward the first city to give the candidates who had to face an No. 58 were threatened as the wife control of city politics underworld-supported rival were of Vijay Tandel, a Gavali gang entirely into the hands of forcibly removed from the electoral member, was contesting from that fray. These criminal elements ward. (Maharashtra Times February criminals. resorted to kidnapping of at least 11, 1997) Ulhasnagar was perhaps the first city to give the control of city politics entirely into the hands of criminals. Rich criminals sought political patronage and protection by helping political parties at the time of elections. The practice continues even today. Pappu Kalani, a well known criminal from Ulhasnagar controlled the city’s entire politics in the 1997 election. He virtually took over the local Congress (I) Committee and remained in the saddle until he was expelled from the party. After his expulsion, his wife succeeded him and continued to control Ulhasnagar Municipal Women show up as voters in large numbers. Council. In the first election to

No.136 15 four women candidates. A few other submit the certificate on time so her women were forced to withdraw or The increasing papers were declared invalid. were not allowed to file their intervention of criminal Waghmare staged a hunger strike nomination papers. The participation elements and use of on February 11, 1997 protesting of women in crime challenges the violence in politics is against the unopposed election of theories about biologically likely to intimidate many Gajbhar. The only result was that her determined feminine essence. The women who already are complaint was forwarded to the increasing intervention of criminal Election Commission; it was later elements and use of violence in very reluctant to contest ignored. politics is likely to intimidate many as a candidate. Violent incidents on the day of women who already are very polling were also instrumental in reluctant to contest as a candidate. Chinchwad Municipal Corporation, reducing the participation of women At least seven women criminals Usha Gajbhar was elected voters. In Nagpur, at one of the contested the 1997 election for unopposed since nobody else was polling stations in ward No. 29, when Mumbai Municipal Corporation allowed to file the nomination from the police resorted to lathi charge, (Sakal February 21, 1997). Table 2 ward No. 57 reserved for S.C. women. women electors who were standing provides deatils. Usha Gajbhar, 21, was a third year in the queue were dispersed. Similarly, Smt.Vatsala Andekar, a B.A. student in a local college. Two Increasing crime and use of sitting corporator in Pune had three other women, Draupadi Gaikwad and violence generally discourage offences on her police record. She Sushila Waghmare, had filed their peace-loving individuals. An got elected from Ward No. 107 as a nominations. Gaikwad withdrew the average citizen, and especially a Congress (I) candidate. nomination and Waghmare’s form woman, finds the rewards of political Corporator Smt. Neeta Naik (Shiv was declared invalid at the time of participation too low to justify the Sena) went as far as threatening scrutiny. risks involved. Shri.Harischandra Padval, a Shiv Waghmare lodged a written Women’s involvement in Sena rebel candidate from her Ward, complaint with the police and the electoral violence, presence of a pressurising him to withdraw. Municipal Commissioner alleging large number of rebel women (Loksatta February 5, 1997). that a local goonda, Kailas Kadam, candidates, and women criminals in Pune editions of Sakal (February forced her to withdraw in order to the electoral arena who threaten their 7, 1997 and February 12, 1997) and ensure victory for Gajbhar. She was male rivals are alarming trends and Tarun Bharat (February 7, 1997) able to file her nomination with the suggest that once women get share an interesting case which help of police. She had to submit a entrenched in politics, they are not offers decisive evidence about the true copy of her caste certificate at likely to behave differently from men. detrimental effect of criminal the time of scrutiny. But Kailas (To be continued in the next issue.) elements on women’s participation Kadam kept Waghmare in in politics. In the election to Pimpri- confinement and she could not Endnotes: 1.This paper utilises the data and evidence Table 2 of two statewide projects that I completed Ward Name Crime on behalf of an NGO, Rambhau Mhalgi Prabodhini and the other for Bharatiya Stree No. Shakti. The statewide network of both these 24 Lakshmi Nagappa Shetty (Independent) Drug trafficking organisations and team of dedicated grassroot activists contributed in the data 29 Neeta Naik (Shiv Sena) (Sitting corporator) Murder threat collection. This paper also draws from my 161 Alpana Painter (Independent) Two offences previous article in the Economic and Political Weekly (13th-18th July, 1998). I 181 Chhabubai Jadhav (Independent) Two offences have also incorporated some data from my including extortion ongoing project “Gender Difference in De- recruitment” as well as from my doctoral 181 Phulabai Sonavane (Independent) Extortion dissertation. 181 Ashwini Kambale (Independent) Two offences The author is the Director, Centre for 85 Sadhana Dal (Independent) Extortion, physical Women Studies, Shivaji University, assault. Kolhapur, Maharashtra.

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