Nine Facts About Monetary Sanctions in the Criminal Justice System
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CH 12 Contempt of Court
CONTEMPT OF COURT .............................................................................. 1 §12-1 General Rules .............................................................................................. 1 §12-2 Direct Contempt and Indirect Contempt ............................................. 4 §12-3 Conduct of Counsel and Pro Se Litigant .............................................. 9 §12-4 Violating Court Orders ........................................................................... 14 §12-5 Other Conduct .......................................................................................... 17 §12-6 Sentencing ................................................................................................. 19 i CONTEMPT OF COURT §12-1 General Rules United States Supreme Court Codispoti v. Pennsylvania, 418 U.S. 506, 94 S.Ct. 2687, 41 L.Ed.2d 912 (1974) An alleged contemnor may be summarily tried for acts of contempt that occur during a trial, and may receive a sentence of no more than six months. In addition, the judge may summarily convict and punish for separate contemptuous acts that occur during trial even though the aggregate punishment exceeds six months. However, when a judge postpones until after trial contempt proceedings for various acts of contempt committed during trial, the contemnor is entitled to a jury trial if the aggregate sentence is more than six months, even though each individual act of contempt is punished by a term of less than six months. Gelbard v. U.S., 408 U.S. 41, 92 S.Ct. 2357, 33 L.Ed.2d 179 (1972) In defense to a contempt charge brought on the basis of a grand jury witness's refusal to obey government orders to testify before the grand jury, witness may invoke federal statute barring use of intercepted wire communications as evidence. Groppe v. Leslie, 404 U.S. 496, 92 S.Ct. 582, 30 L.Ed.2d 632 (1972) Due process was violated where, without notice or opportunity to be heard, state legislature passed resolution citing person for contempt that occurred two days earlier. -
The Historical Origins of the Sanction of Imprisonment for Serious Crime
Reprinted for private circulation from THE JOURNAL OF LEGAL STUDIES THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO LAW SCHOOL Volume V (1) January 1976 PRINTED IN U.S.A. THE HISTORICAL ORIGINS OF THE SANCTION OF IMPRISONMENT FOR SERIOUS CRIME JOHN H. LANGBEIN. T HE.movement for the abolition of capital punishment is righty associ~ted with the writers of the Enlightenment, especially Beccaria, whose enormously influential tract appeared in 1764. Perhaps because the abolitionists drew so much attention to the gore of the capital sanctions of the eighteenth century, it has seldom been realized that capital punishment was already in a deep decline in the age of Beccaria and Voltaire. Writing to Voltaire in 1777, Frederick the Great boasted that in the whole Prussian realm executions had been occurring at the rate of only 14 or 15 per year.1 When John Howard visited Bremen in 1778 he discovered that "[t]here has been no execution in this city for twenty-six years."2 The abolition movement that we associate with Beccaria and Voltaire3 was a second-stage affair. Indeed, it had to be. For abolition presupposes the existence of a workable alternative for the punishment of serious crime. By the time of the American Revolution, the sanction of imprisonment for serious crime was in use throughout Europe, and England had developed a near equivalent. Although it is commonly said that "[t]he history of im prisonment has often been told,"4 Americans have not listened with much care. The claim is incessantly made that "[p]risons . , . are a pervasive American export, like tobacco in their international acceptance and perhaps • Professor of Law, University of Chicago. -
HOW the MANHATTAN DISTRICT ATTORNEY HOARDS MONEY, PERPETUATES ABUSE of SURVIVORS, and GAGS THEIR ADVOCATES Table of Contents
HOW THE MANHATTAN DISTRICT ATTORNEY HOARDS MONEY, PERPETUATES ABUSE of SURVIVORS, and GAGS THEIR ADVOCATES Table of Contents INTRODUCTION S&P NY PERSPECTIVES ON PROSECUTING OFFICES • Prosecutors Are Our Opponents, Not Our Allies • We Will Not Prosecute Our Way Out of Violence PROSECUTING OFFICES HOARD PUBLIC FUNDS AND SABOTAGE SURVIVOR SAFETY • How Prosecutors Accumulate Funds • Where Does This Money Go? • DA Funding Undermines Survivors’ Collective Safety: The Role of Mainstream Gender-based Violence Organizations • Prosecutor Allies: How Did the Anti-violence Movement Lose Its Way? • Relying on Criminalization and Prosection: Protecting White Women, Leaving other Survivors Behind • An Abuse of Discretion: How Prosecutors Criminalize Survivors Acknowledgements WHAT WE COULD EXPECT FROM THE CANDIDATES • Where Do the Candidates Stand on Funding? Deep appreciation for all of our comrades inside NY prisons and jails that • Criminalized Survivor Case Study: shape what we know about criminalization and prosecutors’ everyday Snapshot of the Tracy McCarter’s Story violence. We will continue to fight for your freedom and healing. Love and • Fool’s Gold: gratitude to Tracy McCarter and the #StandWithTracy defense team for District Attorney Candidates and Sex Crime Unit Reform allowing us to share her story. Thanks to Jett George for their beautiful (and swiftly produced!) illustrations and design. Forever gratitude to the abolitionist, Black feminist queer disabled organizers, and survivors before ACTION STEPS TO GET INVOLVED us that promised us that there is another way to bring healing and safety to our communities, without state violence. Introduction The Anti-Prosecution Working Group of Survived & Punished NY exists to Beyond the election, we hope this zine inspires New Yorkers to start or build power and energy toward a future free of all prosecutorial join campaigns to #DefundDAs and imagine safety, healing, and justice for mechanisms in New York. -
Sen. Jeff Sessions's Record on Criminal Justice
Analysis: Sen. Jeff Sessions’s Record on Criminal Justice By Ames C. Grawert This analysis provides a brief summary of Sen. Jeff Sessions’s past statements, votes, and practices relating to criminal justice. Specifically, this analysis finds that: • Sen. Sessions opposes efforts to reduce unnecessarily long federal prison sentences for nonviolent crimes, despite a consensus for reform even within his own party. In 2016, he personally blocked the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act, a bipartisan effort spearheaded by Sens. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), Mike Lee (R-Utah), and John Cornyn (R- Texas), and Speaker of the House Paul Ryan (R-Wis.), and supported by law enforcement leadership. As Attorney General, Sen. Sessions could stall current congressional efforts to pass this legislation to recalibrate federal sentencing laws. • Drug convictions made up 40 percent of Sen. Sessions’s convictions when he served as U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Alabama — double the rate of other Alabama federal prosecutors. Today, state and federal law enforcement officers have begun to focus resources on violent crime, and away from archaic drug war policies. But Sen. Sessions continues to oppose any attempts to legalize marijuana and any reduction in drug sentences. As Attorney General, Sen. Sessions could direct federal prosecutors to pursue the harshest penalties possible for even low-level drug offenses, a step backward from Republican- supported efforts to modernize criminal justice policy. • Unlike many Republican legislators, Sen. Sessions supports the use of “civil asset forfeiture,” which allows police to confiscate property from people who may not even be accused of a crime. -
Crime and Forfeiture
Crime and Forfeiture Charles Doyle Senior Specialist in American Public Law January 22, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov 97-139 Crime and Forfeiture Summary Forfeiture has long been an effective law enforcement tool. Congress and state legislatures have authorized its use for over 200 years. Every year, it redirects property worth billions of dollars from criminal to lawful uses. Forfeiture law has always been somewhat unique. By the close of the 20th century, however, legislative bodies, commentators, and the courts had begun to examine its eccentricities in greater detail because under some circumstances it could be not only harsh but unfair. The Civil Asset Forfeiture Reform Act (CAFRA), P.L. 106-185, 114 Stat. 202 (2000), was a product of that reexamination. Modern forfeiture follows one of two procedural routes. Although crime triggers all forfeitures, they are classified as civil forfeitures or criminal forfeitures according to the nature of the procedure which ends in confiscation. Civil forfeiture is an in rem proceeding. The property is the defendant in the case. Unless the statute provides otherwise, the innocence of the owner is irrelevant—it is enough that the property was involved in a violation to which forfeiture attaches. As a matter of expedience and judicial economy, Congress often allows administrative forfeiture in uncontested civil confiscation cases. Criminal forfeiture is an in personam proceeding, and confiscation is possible only upon the conviction of the owner of the property. The Supreme Court has held that authorities may seize moveable property without prior notice or an opportunity for a hearing but that real property owners are entitled as a matter of due process to preseizure notice and a hearing. -
Reparations and Asset Forfeiture at the Extraordinary African Chambers
Journal of African Law, 63, 2 (2019), 151–161 © SOAS, University of London, 2019. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S0021855319000159 First published online 24 June 2019 RECENT DEVELOPMENTS Victims’ Justice? Reparations and Asset Forfeiture at the Extraordinary African Chambers Daley J Birkett* Walther Schücking Institute for International Law, University of Kiel Amsterdam Center for International Law, University of Amsterdam [email protected] Abstract This article critically analyses the reparations and asset forfeiture framework at the Extraordinary African Chambers and its application in the case against Hissène Habré. It identifies obstacles to implementing the reparations awarded and calls for states and international organizations to support their realization for the sake of Habré’s victims, without whose efforts the tribunal might not exist. It argues that international(ized) criminal tribunals should more readily utilize fines and forfeit- ure as penalties to alleviate the pressure on trust funds to implement reparations awards, particularly in cases where convicted persons possess substantial assets. Lastly, in light of the requirement that assets susceptible to forfeiture orders be derived directly or indirectly from the crime(s) of which a person is found guilty, the article questions the failure of the prosecutor to charge Habré with the war crime of pillage, despite its availability in the tribunal’s statute and the finding that the suffering of many of Habré’s victims entitled to individual compensation resulted from pillage. -
Forfeiture and Compensation for Victims of Crime
Chapter 12: Forfeiture and Compensation for Victims of Crime Forfeiture has become a critical tool in the recovery of illicit gains arising from financial crimes such as fraud, embezzlement, and theft. Prior to the enactment of the Civil Asset Forfeiture Reform Act (CAFRA) of 2000, Pub. L. No. 106-185, 114 Stat. 202 (2000), non-owner victims of crime could recover through remission only in criminal forfeitures and civil bank fraud forfeitures. In other civil forfeitures, victims could be compensated only where they were named in a criminal restitution order arising from the prosecution of a related offense. In 2000, CAFRA amended 18 U.S.C. § 981(e) to broaden the Attorney General’s authority to restore forfeited assets to the victims of any offense that gave rise to the forfeiture. Accordingly, remission authority now exists for all offenses for which a related civil or criminal forfeiture order is obtained. In concert with this expanded remission authority, the Criminal Division initiated a procedure in 2002 called “restoration.” This procedure enables the Attorney General to transfer forfeited funds to a court for satisfaction of a criminal restitution order, provided that the victim named in the order otherwise qualifies for remission under the applicable regulations. While remission and criminal restitution are not directly related, they may serve similar functions. Remission is discretionary relief intended to reduce the hardship that may arise from forfeiture for persons who have incurred a monetary loss from the offense underlying the forfeiture. Restitution is an equitable remedy that is intended to make crime victims whole and prevent unjust enrichment to the perpetrator. -
Crime, Sanctions and Scientific Explanation Thomas Orsagh
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 64 | Issue 3 Article 10 1974 Crime, Sanctions and Scientific Explanation Thomas Orsagh Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Thomas Orsagh, Crime, Sanctions and Scientific Explanation, 64 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 354 (1973) This Criminology is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. THE JOURNAL OP CRIMINAL LAW & CRIMINOLOGY Vol. 64, No. 3 Copyright @ 1973 by Northwestern University School of Law Printed in U.S.A. CRIME, SANCTIONS AND SCIENTIFIC EXPLANATION THOMAS ORSAGH* There is no dearth of theoretical and empirical of the Crime-Sanctions (C-S) relation has been literature dealing with the relation between crime incorrect. and sanctions. In the last decade, interest in It is generally accepted that the relation of the subject seems to have quickened, no doubt crime to sanctions is likely to be quite complex. prompted to some extent by a well advertised and Current theory and empirical research suggest substantial rise in rates of reported crime. Recent that the two variables probably interact with each legalistic developments,1 because of their presumed other and with any number of other variables. But influence on crime rates, have also heightened our knowing this is one thing, coping with it something interest in the subject. -
Ideas for the New Administration: Criminal Justice | Manhattan Institute
Rafael A. Mangual Senior Fellow; Deputy Director, Legal Policy With the sharp uptick in violent crime in and around many American cities, the new government should seek to better protect public safety while fostering a fairer legal system. Three areas, in particular, are ripe for bipartisan action: • Policing • Civil asset forfeiture • Criminal justice reform 1. Policing Congress and the Biden administration should help fortify America’s dwindling local police forces. Violent crime—homicides and shootings, in particular—was on the upswing in many American cities in 2020. In New York City, for example, murders were up 38.2% through November 29 and shootings were up almost 96%. In Chicago, murders and shootings were up 55% and 53% through November 29. In St. Louis, through the end of November, murders were up 39%, compared with the same time in 2019. In Los Angeles, year-to-date shootings and homicides were up 33% and 29%, respectively, as of November 28. Through November 29, homicides in San Francisco were up 43%. In Atlanta, murders were up 48% through November 28, while shootings jumped 39%.1 The rise in the number and intensity of antipolice protests may be playing a role not just in the crime uptick2 but also in police officer attrition. New York, Chicago, Minneapolis, Milwaukee, and Atlanta are among the cities where officers have left their jobs in higher than usual numbers this year. The struggle of police *This issue brief was completed before the inauguration and updated as of January 26. departments to retain and recruit officers -
Sanctions and Efficacy in Analytic Jurisprudence Brenner M
Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law Hofstra Law Faculty Scholarship 2017 Sanctions and Efficacy in Analytic Jurisprudence Brenner M. Fissell Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Brenner M. Fissell, Sanctions and Efficacy in Analytic Jurisprudence, 69 Rutgers L. Rev. 1627 (2017) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/faculty_scholarship/1209 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hofstra Law Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SANCTIONS AND EFFICACY IN ANALYTIC JURISPRUDENCE Brenner M. Fissell* ABSTRACT Legal theory has long grappled with the question of what features a rule system must have for it to be considered '7aw." Over time, a consensus has emerged that might seem counterintuitive to most people: a legal system does not require punishment for the disobedience of its rules (sanctions"), nor must it be obeyed by the people it purports to apply to (it need not have "efficacy'). In this Article, I do not challenge these conclusions, but instead stake out an attempt to reconcile these claims with other intuitions about law. I argue that while neither sanctions nor efficacy are alone determinative of legal validity, legal systems must at least aspire to be efficacious. Sanctions, then, may be seen as but one optional manifestation of the crucial background quality they represent: a readiness to adapt and react to the external realities surrounding a legal system's attempted implementation. -
Critical Criminal Justice Issues
U.S. Department of Justice Office of Justice Programs National Institute of Justice CriticalCritical CriminalCriminal JusticeJustice IssuesIssues TaskTask ForceForce ReportsReports FromFrom thethe AmericanAmerican SocietySociety ofof CriminologyCriminology toto AttorneyAttorney GeneralGeneral JanetJanet RenoReno FOREWORD There is a discernible urgency to the crime issue. Crime and the fear of crime rank as the most important issues in public opinion polls. Some communities resemble war zones where gunshots ring out every night. Other cities struggle to create islands of civility amid threats to public order posed by low-level criminal behavior that eludes traditional measures. Appropriately, public policymakers and administrators in the criminal justice system are responding to the issue of crime in all its complexity. Every aspect of the infrastructure of our traditional criminal justice policy is undergo- ing fundamental rethinking. Our approaches to policing, adjudication, sentencing, imprisonment, and community corrections are changing in significant ways. Indeed, communities that are suffering from crime are changing their interactions with the agencies of the criminal justice system as the concepts of community policing, community prosecution, and community justice take on real meaning in cities and towns around the country. This combination—a sense of urgency on the part of the public and a rapidly changing policy response—creates a compelling need for policy-relevant research. When Attorney General Janet Reno addressed the American Society of Criminology at its annual meeting in November 1994, she challenged Society members to translate their re- search findings into recommendations that would benefit the practitioners and policymakers who confront the issues of crime and justice. The reports presented in these pages are the response to that challenge. -
Frivolous and Bad Faith Claims: Defense Strategies in Employment Litigation
Frivolous and Bad Faith Claims: Defense Strategies in Employment Litigation A Lexis Practice Advisor® Practice Note by Ellen V. Holloman and Jaclyn A. Hall, Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft, LLP Ellen Holloman Jaclyn Hall This practice note provides guidance on defending frivolous and bad faith claims in employment actions. While this practice note generally covers federal employment law claims, many of the strategies discussed below also apply to state employment law claims. When handling employment law claims in state court be sure to check the applicable state laws and rules. This practice note specifically addresses the following key issues concerning frivolous and bad faith claims in employment litigation: ● Determining If a Claim Is Frivolous or in Bad Faith ● Motion Practice against Frivolous Lawsuits ● Additional Strategies Available against Serial Frivolous Filers ● Alternative Dispute Resolution ● Settlement ● Attorney’s Fees and Costs ● Dealing with Frivolous Appeals Be mindful that frivolous and bad faith claims present particular challenges. On the one hand, if an employee lawsuit becomes public, there is a risk of reputational harm and damage even where the allegations are clearly unfounded. On the other hand, employers that wish to quickly settle employee complaints regardless of the lack of merit of the underlying allegations to avoid litigation can unwittingly be creating an incentive for other employees to file similar suits. Even claims that are on their face patently frivolous and completely lacking in evidentiary support will incur legal fees to defend. Finally, an award of sanctions and damages could be a Pyrrhic victory if a bad-faith plaintiff does not have the resources to pay.