DOCSLIB.ORG

Irish Home Rule Galen Lewis St

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

The Review: A Journal of Undergraduate Student Research Volume 5 Article 8 Irish Home Rule Galen Lewis St. John Fisher College Follow this and additional works at: http://fisherpub.sjfc.edu/ur Part of the Political Science Commons How has open access to Fisher Digital Publications benefited you? Recommended Citation Lewis, Galen. "Irish Home Rule." The Review: A Journal of Undergraduate Student Research 5 (2002): 84-90. Web. [date of access]. <http://fisherpub.sjfc.edu/ur/vol5/iss1/8>. This document is posted at http://fisherpub.sjfc.edu/ur/vol5/iss1/8 and is brought to you for free and open access by Fisher Digital Publications at St. John Fisher College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Irish Home Rule Abstract In lieu of an abstract, below is the essay's first paragraph. By the spring of 1914, the question of Irish home Rule had been completely transformed into a question of the coercion of Ulster. The traditional bulwarks of resistance to Home Rule had been effectively removed by the emasculation of the House of Lords, following their rejection of the " People's Budget" of 1909, and by John Redmond's successful resurrection of the Irish Parliamentary Party from the ashes of self immolation following Parnell 's meteoric downfall. Protestant Ulster, with the apparent hour of "Rome rule" drawing nearer, abandoned the advice of moderates and logicians and began to take up arms against the crown in order to maintain it. Were it not for a wrong tum by the Archduke Franz Ferdinand's driver in Sarajevo, Englishmen would likely have found themselves talked into a Civil War by a loud minority of Irishmen. This article is available in The Review: A Journal of Undergraduate Student Research: http://fisherpub.sjfc.edu/ur/vol5/iss1/8 Lewis: Irish Home Rule 1.-ish II omc Rule by Galen Lewis By the spring of 1914, the question of total populati on of I, 14 7,000, roughly 8 out Irish I lome Rule had been completely of I 0 were Protestants of various transfonned into a question of the coercion denominations (890, I 08) (Buckland 16). of Ulster. The traditional bulwarks of The ci ty of Belfast, holding a huge but resistance to Home Rule had been proportional sway over the province, was a effectively removed by the emasculation of tremendous source of pride and wealth to the House of Lords, following their rejection the Protestant ascendancy and the only city of the " People's Budget" of 1909, and by in Ireland to bear the brunt of the Industrial John Redmond's successful resurrection of Revolution. The resultant self-identity, the Irish Parliamentary Party from the ashes strong, confident and British, was to be a of self immolation following Parnell's huge force in the Home Rule debates. meteoric downfall. Protestant Ul ster, with One prominent Unionist attributed the apparent hour of "Rome rule" drawing Ulster's success to the fact that she had nearer, abandoned the advice of moderates "turned her back on rainbow chasing, and and logicians and began to take up arms has perseveringly trodden the hard, rough, against the crown in order to maintain it. path of constant attention to work, low Were it not for a wrong tum by the living and strenuous effort, with the careful Archduke Franz Ferdinand's driver in husbanding of the money that was the Sarajevo, Englishman would likely have reward" (Buckland 30). This melancholy found themselves talked into a Civil War by Protestant ethos was believed to be a loud minority of Irishmen. unintelligible to the province's Catholic The situation as it stood in 1914 does minority who were thought suited for little beg a very significant question, that being more than soldiery or servitude, and then why hadn't such bellicose resistance arisen only assuming that they had stem discipline from Ulster during the two previous Horne looming menacingly over them. Protestants Rule debates? And furthermore, why hadn't acted, for the most part, courteous and civil the previous two bills been transformed to toward their Catholic neighbors, but were revolve around Ulster, and not Ireland as a horrified at the thought of them acting in whole, as the last was destined to? The numbers, either physically or politically. answer is not completely clear, as it seems Like their notions of superiority, Protestant that perhaps the same resistance did in fact fears were rooted in history. The Orange arise, the difference lying in the two years Order drank to "The glorious, pious and the bill (introduced in April of 1912) was immortal memory of the great and good allowed to fester, the Ulstermen to sabre­ King William, who saved us from popery, rattle, and Asquith's cabinet hinting of slavery, knavery, brass money and wooden coercion. shoes"1 and the Revolt of 1641 was cited as How different was Ulster that it dreaded further proof of Catholic treachery. Society Home Rule to such an extent? The three was indeed fractured (Buckland 22). provinces of Munster, Leinster, and Connacht were, for the most part, rural, poor 1 The references of wooden shoes being to the and overwhelmingly Roman Catholic. French, although this is quite ironic in that we now Ulster boasted nearly the reverse. Out of a tend to associate wooden shoes with the state of William's birth, Holland. 84 Published by Fisher Digital Publications, 2002 1 The Review: A Journal of Undergraduate Student Research, Vol. 5 [2002], Art. 8 Prosperity in Ulster generall y, and birthplace of the inquisition, found itself Belfast specifically, was seen solely as a able to govern without the aid of His result of the Act of Union. In the words of Hol iness. As if the dark shadow of Rome in a Belfast delegation meeting with Gladstone general wasn't frightening enough to a large in 1893: segment of the community, most assumed that the church would sink its claws into the All our progress has been made under yo ung under a mandatory apparatus of the union. We were a small, Catholic education, or worse yet, Protestants insignificant town at the end of the last would be excluded from government century, deeply di saffected and hostile to resulting in their being reduced to "hewers the British Empire. Since the Union and of wood and drawers of water for their under equal Jaws, we have been wedded Catholic masters" (Buckland 32). Certain to the Empire and made progress second contemporary events did not help Irish to none (Buckland 30). Catholics to shake this image, namely church involvement in Parnell's spectacular Jt was common for Ulstermen to point to fall and the ill-timed Ne Tempere decree of the Act of Union as a simple answer for 1908; however, Protestant fears of Rome what was, in reality, the complex result of a were, in hindsight, obviously a vestigial series of mostl y global economic factors. legacy of a bygone era (Buckland 30-32). The real reasons for Protestant Ulster's The second line of resistance followed affection for Union and resistance to Home economic reasoning based on a shaky Rule were probably more in line with the foundation of Protestant superiority. The opinion of a Derry doctor, who believed that province's leading businessmen, Protestant Ulster was "prosperous, content and happy, nearl y as a rule, believed that a parliament and why she should be afraid to take a blind primarily hailing from a rural environment leap into the dark is easy to understand" would be incapable of understanding (Buckland 30). Ulster's economy, global and urban. Many The "dark" was rule by a Dublin, and feared the erection of huge protective tariffs overwhelmingly Catholi c, parliament. in an attempt at self-sufficiency coupled There were two main thrusts to arguments of with some backhanded Tammany Hall style resistance to Horne Rule, the evils of Popery of government that would see them all and the evi ls of southern economics. Many ruined. These fears resulted in an economic Protestants at the tum of the last century, panic in Belfast when Gladstone's first and not just in Ulster, believed that the Pope Home Rule bill was announced in J 886 and was intent on once again wielding power is further evidenced by Lord Pirrie's over the entire globe. This 17th century decision to move the whole of Harland & mindset fostered a legitimate fear of the Wolffs operations to the Clyde in the event Papacy. Jonathon Bardon writes that that Home Rule passed (Bardon 404). "Catholicism was regarded as an oppressive As Protestant Ulster stewed in and backward religion and the fear that sectarian fear, the Irish mandate for Home Home Rule would result in Rome rule was rule grew, and grew quickly. Charles genuine" (Bardon 407). It seemed to occur Parnell's Land League apparatus had been to few that the Tri sh parliament would act turned into a powerful force at Westminster independently of Rome as did the and by 1885 nearly 80% of the country governments of nearly every other modern supported Home Rule. The Irish mandate Catholic nation at the time, for even Spain, found a receptive ear in William Gladstone. 85 http://fisherpub.sjfc.edu/ur/vol5/iss1/8 2 Lewis: Irish Home Rule The "Grand Old Man" of British politics, limited to Ulster, appearance. The Ulster Gladstone picked up the standard of Irish Loyalist Anti-Repeal Union (ULARU), If omc Ruic towards the end of the election predominantly Conservative, also drew in campaign of l 885, drawing criti ci sm and the Orange Order, revived by Colonel accusations of ill motive from all -sides.
Recommended publications
  • Violence and the Sacred in Northern Ireland

    Violence and the Sacred in Northern Ireland

    VIOLENCE AND THE SACRED IN NORTHERN IRELAND Duncan Morrow University of Ulster at Jordanstown For 25 years Northern Ireland has been a society characterized not so much by violence as by an endemic fear of violence. At a purely statistical level the risk of death as a result of political violence in Belfast was always between three and ten times less than the risk of murder in major cities of the United States. Likewise, the risk of death as the result of traffic accidents in Northern Ireland has been, on average, twice as high as the risk of death by political killing (Belfast Telegraph, 23 January 1994). Nevertheless, the tidal flow of fear about political violence, sometimes higher and sometimes lower but always present, has been the consistent fundamental backdrop to public, and often private, life. This preeminence of fear is triggered by past and present circumstances and is projected onto the vision of the future. The experience that disorder is ever close at hand has resulted in an endemic insecurity which gives rise to the increasingly conscious desire for a new order, for scapegoats and for resolution. For a considerable period of time, Northern Ireland has actively sought and made scapegoats but such actions have been ineffective in bringing about the desired resolution to the crisis. They have led instead to a continuous mimetic crisis of both temporal and spatial dimensions. To have lived in Northern Ireland is to have lived in that unresolved crisis. Liberal democracy has provided the universal transcendence of Northern Ireland's political models. Northern Ireland is physically and spiritually close to the heartland of liberal democracy: it is geographically bound by Britain and Ireland, economically linked to Western Europe, and historically tied to emigration to the United States, Canada, and the South Pacific.
  • Dziadok Mikalai 1'St Year Student

    Dziadok Mikalai 1'St Year Student

    EUROPEAN HUMANITIES UNIVERSITY Program «World Politics and economics» Dziadok Mikalai 1'st year student Essay Written assignment Course «International relations and governances» Course instructor Andrey Stiapanau Vilnius, 2016 The Troubles (Northern Ireland conflict 1969-1998) Plan Introduction 1. General outline of a conflict. 2. Approach, theory, level of analysis (providing framework). Providing the hypothesis 3. Major actors involved, definition of their priorities, preferences and interests. 4. Origins of the conflict (historical perspective), major actions timeline 5. Models of conflicts, explanations of its reasons 6. Proving the hypothesis 7. Conclusion Bibliography Introduction Northern Ireland conflict, called “the Troubles” was the most durable conflict in the Europe since WW2. Before War in Donbass (2014-present), which lead to 9,371 death up to June 3, 20161 it also can be called the bloodiest conflict, but unfortunately The Donbass War snatched from The Troubles “the victory palm” of this dreadful competition. The importance of this issue, however, is still essential and vital because of challenges Europe experience now. Both proxy war on Donbass and recent terrorist attacks had strained significantly the political atmosphere in Europe, showing that Europe is not safe anymore. In this conditions, it is necessary for us to try to assume, how far this insecurity and tensions might go and will the circumstances and the challenges of a international relations ignite the conflict in Northern Ireland again. It also makes sense for us to recognize that the Troubles was also a proxy war to a certain degree 23 Sources, used in this essay are mostly mass-media articles, human rights observers’ and international organizations reports, and surveys made by political scientists on this issue.
  • UNITED Kingdompolitical Killings in Northern Ireland EUR 45/001/94 TABLE of CONTENTS

    UNITED Kingdompolitical Killings in Northern Ireland EUR 45/001/94 TABLE of CONTENTS

    UNITED KINGDOMPolitical Killings in Northern Ireland EUR 45/001/94 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ........................................................................................................... 1 Killings by members of the security forces ........................................................... 3 Investigative Procedures: practice and standards ...................................... 8 The Use of Lethal Force: Laws and Regulations/International Standards ..................................................................................... 12 Collusion between security forces and armed groups ........................................ 14 The Stevens Inquiry 1989-90 ..................................................................... 14 The Case of Brian Nelson .......................................................................... 16 The Killing of Patrick Finucane .................................................................. 20 The Stevens Inquiry 1993 .......................................................................... 23 Other Allegations of Collusion .................................................................... 25 Amnesty International's Concerns about Allegations of Collusion ............ 29 Killings by Armed Political Groups ...................................................................... 34 Introduction ................................................................................................. 34 Human Rights Abuses by Republican Armed Groups .............................. 35 IRA Bombings
  • Ireland Between the Two World Wars 1916-1949, the Irish Political

    Ireland Between the Two World Wars 1916-1949, the Irish Political

    People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research University of Oran Faculty of Letters, Arts and Foreign Languages, Department of Anglo-Saxon Languages Section of English THE IRISH QUESTION FROM HOME RULE TO THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND, 1891-1949 Thesis submitted to the Department of Anglo-Saxon Languages in candidature for the Degree of Doctorate in British Civilization Presented by: Supervised by: Mr. Abdelkrim Moussaoui Prof. Badra Lahouel Board of examiners: President: Dr. Belkacem Belmekki……………………….. (University of Oran) Supervisor: Prof. Badra Lahouel…………………………… (University of Oran) Examiner: Prof. Abbès Bahous………………….. (University of Mostaganem) Examiner: Prof. Smail Benmoussat …………………..(University of Tlemcen) Examiner: Dr. Zoulikha Mostefa…………………………… (University of Oran) Examiner: Dr. Faiza Meberbech……………………… (University of Tlemcen) 2013-2014 1 DEDICATION …To the Memory of My Beloved Tender Mother… 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS By the Name of God the Clement and the Merciful First and foremost, I would like to thank my mentor and supervisor, the distinguished teacher, Professor Badra LAHOUEL, to whom I am so grateful and will be eternally indebted for her guidance, pieces of advice, encouragement and above all, her proverbial patience and comprehension throughout the preparation of this humble research paper. I am also profoundly thankful to whom I consider as a spiritual father, Professor, El Hadj Fawzi Borsali may God preserve him, for his inestimable support and instructive remarks. Special thanks to all my previous teachers through my graduation years: Lakhdar Barka, Moulfi, Maghni, Mostefa, Sebbane, Boutaleb, Layadi, Chami, Rahal, and those we lost Mr Bouamrane and Mr Benali may their souls rest in peace. I would also like to express my gratitude to Mr Moukaddess from England, for his valuable help, and to my friend Abdelkader Kourdouli for being very willing to help.
  • Download Download

    Download Download

    35 NO 'FRIENDS' OF HOME RULE? From their first arrival in Ireland in 1654 as a group of radical Christians, the Quakers have played a prominent role in Irish society. By the time of the Great Famine, they numbered approximately 3000 and were concentrated mostly in the south and east of the country. They came to national attention in 1846 in the midst of the Great Famine. In response to appeals for help, they held a meeting in Eustace St., Dublin on 13 November and set up the Central Relief Committee to coordinate famine relief.1 Following a fund-raising campaign, food, clothing and money were sent from America. Boilers were shipped from Liverpool in 1847 to ports in the west of Ireland, thus ensuring that the most distressed areas received the benefits of relief schemes. To assist with short-term measures, the Quakers set up soup kitchens which later formed a model for government relief programmes. The Quaker famine pots scattered across the countryside have survived as lasting icons of a remarkable period in Quaker philanthropic activity. Long-term assistance was provided through loans, the distribution of seed and emigration schemes. The Society of Friends succeeded in charting a distinctive role for themselves while at the same time standing apart from the political and religious controversies of the period. Following the Famine, individual Quakers continued to maintain a keen interest in social issues. Among them was the English Quaker, James Hack Tuke, who had a close association with the country for almost fifty years. Raised in a wealthy family noted for its philanthropy in Yorkshire, he moved to Hitchen in Hertfordshire, where he became a partner of the old established firm of Sharples and Company.
  • The Catholic Church and the Third Home Rule Bill

    The Catholic Church and the Third Home Rule Bill

    9 ‘Resigned to take the bill with its defects’: the Catholic Church and the third Home Rule bill Daithí Ó Corráin In its chronicle of events for 1912, The Irish Catholic Directory devoted just a single line to the introduction of the third Home Rule bill in the House of Commons.1 This contrasted sharply with lengthy entries on the crusade against evil literature, intemperance, the sinking of Titanic and clerical obituaries. Even more striking was the silence of the Catholic hierarchy, which, as a body, did not issue any statement. This reticence should not, however, be regarded as episcopal disapproval. The bishops shared in the general air of expectancy that nationalist aspirations would be fulfilled by 1914: this was the product of the two general elections of 1910; the Parliament Act of 1911, which limited the capacity of the House of Lords to veto parliamentary measures; and the commitment of the Liberal Party under Herbert H. Asquith to introduce a third Home Rule bill. But for the hierarchy the possibility of Irish self-government presented both potential benefits and lurking dangers. Their responses to the bill and the deepening crisis of 1913 and 1914 were conditioned by two overarching factors. 1 The Irish Catholic Directory (ICD), 1913, p. 515. 185 THE HOME RULE CRISIS 1912–1914 The first was their level of confidence in the leadership of the Irish Party. The second applied chiefly to the Ulster bishops: the prospect of exclusion from an Irish parliament imperilled their religious and educational interests. By the onset of the First World War, the spectre of partition had stretched their trust in the Irish Party and support for a Home Rule settlement to breaking point.
  • ARMADA DEL ECUADOR ACADEMIA DE GUERRA NAVAL Guayaquil -O

    ARMADA DEL ECUADOR ACADEMIA DE GUERRA NAVAL Guayaquil -O

    ARMADA DEL ECUADOR ACADEMIA DE GUERRA NAVAL Guayaquil -o- LECTURAS RECOMENDADAS THE NORTHERN IRELAND CONFLICT 1968-1998 – AN OVERVIEW JOHN DORNEY, THE IRISH STORY Lectura Recomendada por: CPNV-EMC Gabriel Abad Neuner Agregado de Defensa del Ecuador ante el Reino Unido de Gran Bretaña e Irlanda del Norte 2020 “The Northern Ireland Conflict 1968-1998 – An Overview” de John Dorney Gabriel Abad Neuner Capitán de Navío EMC Agregado de Defensa del Ecuador ante el Reino Unido de Gran Bretaña e Irlanda del Norte La intervención de las Fuerzas Armadas en las épocas actuales cada vez dista más del escenario de guerra convencional. Varias guerras de corte asimétrico se han desarrollado posterior a la II GM, como la guerra de liberación de Argelia, pasando por la guerra de Vietnam hasta la de Irlanda del Norte que aborda el presente artículo y que para efectos académicos terminó en 1998. Lo que tienen en común todas estas participaciones de Fuerzas Armadas es la actuación en un ambiente tanto urbano como rural según sea el escenario, pero siempre con un oponente mezclado y con profundas raíces en la población civil, como los eventos de octubre del año 2019 tanto en Ecuador como en otros países de Latinoamérica, cosa que generalmente escapa de la doctrina normal y se ubica en el ambiente de la doctrina de contrainsurgencia. Válgase la oportunidad entonces de introducir el análisis de un conflicto de estas características que podríamos decir “especiales”, y digo introducir ya que lo que propone el autor no es más que una revisión o descripción muy general de un tema sobre el cual en el propio Reino Unido no se habla mucho y sobre el cual generalmente hay que buscar otros autores ya sea franceses o norteamericanos.
  • The Political Role of Northern Irish Protestant Religious Denominations

    The Political Role of Northern Irish Protestant Religious Denominations

    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Supervised Undergraduate Student Research Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects and Creative Work 2-1991 The Political Role of Northern Irish Protestant Religious Denominations Henry D. Fincher Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj Recommended Citation Fincher, Henry D., "The Political Role of Northern Irish Protestant Religious Denominations" (1991). Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj/68 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Supervised Undergraduate Student Research and Creative Work at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. - - - - - THE POtJ'TICAIJ I~OI~E OF NOR'TI-IERN IRISH - PROTESrrANrr REI~IGIOUS DENOMINATIONS - COLLEGE SCIIOLAR5,/TENNESSEE SCIIOLARS PROJECT - HENRY D. FINCHER ' - - FEnRlJARY IN, 1991 - - - .. - .. .. - Acknowledgements The completion of this project would have been impossible without assistance from many different individuals in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Republic of Ireland. I appreciate the gifts of interviews from the MP's for South Belfast and South Wirral, respectively the Reverend Martin Smyth and the Honorable Barry Porter. Li kewi se, these in terv iews would have been impossible without the assistance of the Rt. Hon. Merlyn Rees MP PC, who arranged these two insightful contacts for me. In Belfast my research was aided enormously through the efforts of Mr. Robert Bell at the Linen Hall Library, as well as by the helpful and ever-cheerful librarians at the University of Ulster at Jordanstown.
  • Abbey Theatre, 443, 544; Rioting At, 350 Abbot, Charles, Irish Chief Secretary, 240 Abercorn Restaurant, Belfast, Bomb In, 514 A

    Abbey Theatre, 443, 544; Rioting At, 350 Abbot, Charles, Irish Chief Secretary, 240 Abercorn Restaurant, Belfast, Bomb In, 514 A

    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-19720-5 - Ireland: A History Thomas Bartlett Index More information INDEX Abbey Theatre, 443, 544; rioting at, 350 247, 248; and Whiteboys, 179, 199, Abbot, Charles, Irish chief secretary, 240 201, 270 Abercorn restaurant, Belfast, bomb in, 514 Ahern, Bertie, Taoiseach, 551, 565;and Aberdeen, Ishbel, Lady, 8 Tony Blair, 574; investigated, 551;and abortion, in early Ireland, 7; in modern peace process talks (1998), 566 Ireland, banned, 428, 530–1; Aidan, Irish missionary, 26 referendum on, 530; see ‘X’case AIDS crisis see under contraception ActofAdventurers(1642), 129 Aiken, Frank, 419, 509; minister of defence, ActofExplanation(1665), 134 440; wartime censorship, 462 Act to prevent the further growth of popery aislingı´ poetry, 169 (1704), 163, 167, 183 Al Qaeda, attacks in United States, 573 Act of Satisfaction (1653), 129 Albert, cardinal archduke, 97 ActofSettlement(1652), 129 alcohol: attitudes towards in Ireland and ActofSettlement(1662), 133 Britain, nineteenth century, 310; Adams, Gerry, republican leader, 511, consumption of during ‘Celtic Tiger’, 559–60, 565; and the IRA, 522;and 549; and see whiskey power-sharing, 480–1; and strength of Alen, Archbishop John, death of, 76 his position, 569; and study of Irish Alen, John, clerk of council, 76 history, 569; and talks with John Hume, Alexandra College, Dublin, 355 559, 561; and David Trimble, 569;and Alfred, king, 26 visa to the United States, 562; wins Algeria, 401 parliamentary seat in West Belfast, Allen, William, Manchester Martyr, 302 526
  • Of International Affairs

    Of International Affairs

    of International Affairs Marching to a Different Tune: Political change and police transformation in South Africa and Northern Ireland Marching to a Different Tune: Political change and police transformation in South Africa and Northern Ireland Mark Shaw The South African Institute of International Affairs Jan Smuts House, Johannesburg Funded by The British Council and The Ford Foundation About the Author Dr Mark Shaw is a research fellow, Crime and Policing in Transition Project, South African Institute of International Affairs. He has written widely on issues related to policing and crime control in South Africa. Shaw worked previously at the Centre for Policy Studies, the Institute for Security Studies and the Department of Safety and Security. Contents Introduction 1 Linked by conflict and compromise 4 Political transition and policing change 11 The process of police transformation 20 The content of policing change 32 Conclusion 47 Appendix 1 Politics and Policing in Northern Ireland: The Way Ahead Address by the Rt. Hon. Adam Ingram, Minister of State for Northern Ireland, to the SA11A, 30 August 2000 51 Appendix 2 Report on the Royal Ulster Constabulary Exchange Visit with the South African Police Service The Independent Projects Trust 65 Appendix 3 The Independent Commission on Policing for Northern Ireland: Summary of Recommendations 87 Marching to a Different Tune Mark Shaw Introduction Drawing comparisons between conflict and political change in South Africa and Northern Ireland is common. Both societies are regarded as 'deeply divided' and both have/ in the relatively recent past, undergone complex processes of transformation to new political arrangements. The validity of the comparisons between these societies has been strengthened by some important links connecting the two, both before and especially during the peace processes.
  • Ulster's Marching Bands

    Ulster's Marching Bands

    Towards a shared future (5) Ulster’s marching bands Compiled by Michael Hall ISLAND 105 PAMPHLETS 1 Published January 2014 by Island Publications / Farset Community Think Tanks Project 466 Springfield Road, Belfast BT12 7DW © Michael Hall 2013 [email protected] http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/islandpublications The Project wishes to thank all those who participated in the discussions from which this publication was compiled This publication has received financial support from the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council which aims to promote a pluralist society characterised by equity, respect for diversity, and recognition of interdependence. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the Community Relations Council. Printed by Regency Press, Belfast The Island Pamphlets series was launched in 1993 to stimulate a community-wide debate on historical, cultural, political and socio-economic issues. Most of the pamphlets are edited accounts of discussions undertaken by small groups of individuals – the ‘Community Think Tanks’ – which have embraced (on both a ‘single identity’ and a cross-community basis) Loyalists, Republicans, community activists, women’s groups, victims, cross-border workers, ex-prisoners, young people, senior citizens and others. To date 104 titles have been produced and 190,400 pamphlets have been distributed at a grassroots level. Many of the titles are available for (free) download from http://cain.ulst.ac/.uk/islandpublications. 2 Introduction Marching bands (from the Protestant/Unionist/Loyalist community) have gained a new prominence in the past two years, from the moment a YouTube video of one band marching in circles outside a Catholic chapel ‘went viral’, to their current involvement in the nightly parades which make their way to the ‘Civil Rights Camp’ located on the Protestant side of the Twaddell/Ardoyne interface in North Belfast.
  • A Gendered History of Ulster's Solemn League and Covenant and the Ulster Women's Declaration, 1910-1920 Turner Jacobs Chapman University

    A Gendered History of Ulster's Solemn League and Covenant and the Ulster Women's Declaration, 1910-1920 Turner Jacobs Chapman University

    Voces Novae Volume 4 Article 8 2018 "To associate ourselves with the men of Ulster:" A Gendered History of Ulster's Solemn League and Covenant and the Ulster Women's Declaration, 1910-1920 Turner Jacobs Chapman University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/vocesnovae Recommended Citation Jacobs, Turner (2018) ""To associate ourselves with the men of Ulster:" A Gendered History of Ulster's Solemn League and Covenant and the Ulster Women's Declaration, 1910-1920," Voces Novae: Vol. 4 , Article 8. Available at: https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/vocesnovae/vol4/iss1/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Chapman University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Voces Novae by an authorized editor of Chapman University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Jacobs: "To associate ourselves with the men of Ulster:" A Gendered Histo “To associate ourselves with the men of Ulster” Voces Novae: Chapman University Historical Review, Vol 3, No 1 (2012) HOME ABOUT USER HOME SEARCH CURRENT ARCHIVES PHI ALPHA THETA Home > Vol 3, No 1 (2012) > Jacobs "To associate ourselves with the men of Ulster:" A Gendered History of Ulster's Solemn League and Covenant and the Ulster Women's Declaration, 1910-1920 Turner Stone Jacobs On Ulster Day, September 28, 1912, nearly 450,000 men and women gathered in Belfast to pledge their opposition to the establishment of Home Rule in Ireland.[1] For the Protestant men of Ulster, Ireland's northernmost counties, this pledge was made manifest by signing "Ulster's Solemn League and Covenant." Women signed the "Ulster Women's Declaration" in a similar show of support.