The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgementTown of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University ofof Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author.
University THE SOOTHSAYERS (BAMBUKl) AND THE CHRISTIAN PRAYER PETITIONERS (BALOMBI):
A comparative and evaluative study of healing in the Luba Katanga area
by
Pasteur Kasongo-Lenge K. Kansempe
M. Th. (Universite Protestante au Congo) Town
Cape
Thesis presentedof to
The Faculty of Humanities
For the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY University In the Department of Religious Studies
UNIVERSITY OF CAPE TOWN
Supervisor: Dr Kwenda Chirevo
DECEMBER 2005 II
DEDICATED
TO
MY WIFE, CHARLOTTE,
TO
MY CHILDREN, CHRISTELLE, ELIE, ALEX, LATE SALEM AND KETSIA,
FOR,
TIIEIR LIMITLESS LOVE, ENCOURAGING COMPANIONSHIP THAT HAS SUSTAINED ME THROUGH THE YEARS;
TO, Town
THE WI1NESSING CHRISTIAN CHURCH IN LUBALAND, Cape of FOR
MOULDING ME, THROUGH JESUS CHRIST, INTO A SERVANT OF VIDYEMUKULU University III
THE SOOTHSAYERS (BAMBUKI) AND THE CHRISTIAN PRAYER PETITIONERS (BALOMBl): A comparative and evaluative study of healing in Luba Katanga area
ABSTRACT
This research offers a view of an aspect of life of Luba people who inhabit the Katanga Province in the Democratic Republic of Congo in an attempt to compare and evaluate the healing system of co-existent groupings influenced by Bambuld and Balombi.
Since the arrival of first missionaries and western colonization, Lubaland has witnessed new ministries of Balombi, stressing healing and exorcism, which today attracts a large number of followers. This thesis seeks to compare and evaluate the theology and healing practices of Bambuld and Balombi in order to establish differences and similarities. The study contributesTown to the liberation of Luba people from western alienation, which considers the Bambuld as demonic. It further provides to the preachers of the Gospel, and the physicians working among of Luba people a meaningful confrontationCape with the Luba worldview. of The comparative method has been used to enable an understanding of the varying perceptions. Interviews of a large number of Luba people were conducted and the data was compared with written sources pertaining to the history and culture of Luba people. A further resource comes from our own experience andUniversity the study of relevant themes of healing in African Independent Churches. The gist of this study is the discussion of how a Luba Christian views IV the relationship between Bambuki and Balombi and, in respect of the healing ministry of Jesus Christ. In this study, a better understanding of the traditional ways of healing of Bambuki and Balombi will contribute to a consideration of Jesus as Nkambo, the one who died and was raised, and who is alive forever.
The conclusion provides a summary of the findings and an attempt to create a framework for reflecting on the problem of healing. A set of recommendations is advanced for consideration by churches and all who are interested in contemplating the future of Luba Christianity. A challenge is posed to the Christian Church to develop a theology that takes into account the system of healing of Bambuld, Balombi and physicians. Such an approach is ultimately capable of providing wholeness in the lives of Luba people.
Town
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University v
PREFACE
The study I have undertaken is the result of varied experience extending over a period of more than 20 years spent as Minister, Lecturer and Academic Dean of the Methodist Faculty of Theology of Mulungwishi, now Methodist University of Katanga, in Democratic Republic of Congo. As Church Minister I have realized that Christians in the Congo, adherents of different Churches, still consult Bambuki for healing and advice.
The United Methodist Church of North Katanga has taken several decisions that forbid this kind of practice, but unfortunately some members still secretly consult the Bambuki by night for healing. Because for them, the Bambuki are in direct contact with the Bankambo: mediators between the living and God, and are able to tell what is causing the sickness.Town The Luba dictum says "Lulu kabulwe mulambikwa, Umba wafivile batela Ngoy", "No one may die without one who is responsible, Umba has died and Ngoy was considered the killer". That is to say, that Luba people,Cape even the Christian, want to know the origin of a sickness, the source of aof misfortune and the cause of a death.
As Lecturer, I feel privileged to have had the opportunity of teaching Contemporary Theology, Cultural Anthropology, Systematic Theology, World Religions and Social Sociology at the Methodist Faculty of Theology. This experience ofUniversity many lively class discussions provided much pleasure and broadened my vision immeasurably. VI
I am extremely grateful to the master degree returning students for sharing freely their ministerial experiences and suggestions. Furthermore, the Methodist Faculty of Theology formed a close community of friends and shared learning.
My objective in pursuing this research programme is to enable me to acquire more knowledge and skills for an improved ministry in my Church, particularly in the theological institutions of higher learning and also to deal more effectively with Christian sufferers in need of healing. However, in addition to a spiritual qualification a minister of God needs academic qualifications. In consequence I was impelled to undertake a research programme and could not have found an environment more conducive to this undertaking than the University of Cape Town.
Generally speaking, this thesis is the result of my personal research and intensive field work in Lubaland with the Bambuki and the Balombi. In addition, more investigation was carried out by theology studentsTown in different Churches in the areas of their appointment. It is my fond hope that this work will finally find a place in the University Libraries and earn respect as a reference text. Cape of
Pastor Kasongo-Lenge Kansempe,
December 2005 University VII
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am, first and foremost, thankful to Leza, Shakampanga, God, and the Maker of all things, the Most High, the Father of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, our Nkambo par excellence. Without Leza's grace, my study and stay in Cape Town would have been impossible.
It is in the nature of academic study that a researcher strives after particularity and individuality. My case is no different, but my circumstances are likely to be unique. My original investigation was done in my heritage language, Kiluba; my notions were formulated in French, and my deductions verbalised in English. Moreover, my research inquiries were fielded in the Congo, the preliminary findings elaborated in Kentucky, in North and South Caroline (USA), and my findings documented in South Africa. The pitfalls were many. It was, however, my good fortune to engage the interest of Mr Richard Parker. I owe him a sincere word of gratitude. A retiredTown high school teacher and a Methodist lay preacher, over a period of 5 years, Mr Parker gave freely of his time to comb through my writing in order to make it reader-friendly. Cape My sincere thanks to the bishopsof of the DRC United Methodist Church under whom I served: Rev Onema Fama, former Bishop of Central Congo and late Rev Ngoy Kimba M. Wakadilo, former Bishop of North Katanga, whose encouragement initiated my academic studies; Rev Katembo Kainda, Bishop of South Congo who, in so many ways, encouraged me to pursue doctoral studies, and Rev NtamboUniversity Nkulu Ntanda, Bishop of North Katanga United Methodist Church, my Diocese, who in generosity of spirit, endorsed my application for sponsorshi p for advanced study. VIII
University funding is problematic for any student. In my case finance was even more constrictive: a researcher with a young family to maintain, having to settle in Cape Town, far away from the security of my home base in the Congo, combined to make my personal circumstances extremely trying. In the circumstances, the generous scholarship sponsored by the Evangelical Methodist Church of Suisse and France, and allocated to me by the United Methodist Church of North Katanga, was my basic income. The pressures, however, were enormous when the drastic reduction of the rand value of the dollar seriously reduced the stipend on which my family was dependent for survivaL My gratitude to those who rallied to our assistance, at the time of our crisis, is heartfelt and sincere.
The American GCOM friends, through the Advance Special, provided funds at a critical stage; my circle of USA friends: Judy Rife, June and David Demmerle, GL and Ed Moore, Dada Lorene and Rev Dr David Persons, Mama Kay and Baba DeMoss, all who gave generously, Townwhen they became aware of our predicament.
For assistance of different kinds Capemy thanks are due to Dr Hoover, of the Methodist University of Katanga offor assisting in my placement at UCT, Mr Dominique Mwepu, a UCT doctoral student, Rev Dr Nkonge Muzinga of the Methodist University of Katanga and Baba DeMoss, a Methodist missionary, for critical but helpful comment on various drafts of my thesis.
A specialUniversity word of gratitude is due to my supervisor of studies, Dr Chirevo Kwenda, of the Department of Religious Studies, University of Cape Town for his professional guidance throughout the period of my research. He was IX extremely generous in terms of insightful comments and constructive criticism all of which enabled me to remain focussed and to explore new dimensions. In this way I was able to make substantive improvements to this thesis. Without his academic advice this dissertation might not have achieved any level of excellence. In the capacity of supervisor for a five year research period, Dr Kwenda carefully worked with me with undiminished care. For his commitment to academic worth mixed with affection, there is no adequate way that I can express my indebtedness to him.
I am also grateful to my late father Kasongo Bwanga, my late mother Ilunga Kasongo Sela and my late father-in-law, Ilunga Masaluka, who showed great interest in my research by sharing with me their own experiences that relate to my field of research. My heartfelt feelings of gratitude also to my late parents, who brought me up in faith.
I also acknowledge the help of people who madeTown available to me articles, files, books and relevant information for my research. In particular, I am grateful for the help received from Dr Brian Wilkinson, former minister of Ottery Road Methodist Church, Dr Grant Parker of DukeCape University, USA, Dr Kiluba Nkulu from the University of Kentuckyof in USA, Dr Mande of the University of Lubumbashi in DRC, Dr Nkulu Mwepu Daniel from Johannesburg, Dr Nyengele Fulgence of Methodist Theological School in Ohio in USA, Prof. John W. De Gruchy of the University of Cape Town and late brother and friend Rev Kasongo Munza of United Methodist Pastoral School ofNdola in Zambia. University I am extremely grateful to the number of persons with diverse experiences who gave their time to be interviewed or to discuss and comment on various x issues relating to this research. I duly register my profound acknowledgment for their generous wisdom and cultural worth.
Special thanks go to people who helped in many different ways: Rev. Ilunga Kantalanga and Rev. Tembo Kalenga for offering their lavish hospitality, hosting us during the two first months in Cape Town and Mr Nelson Mulongo for transport, Dr Mwilambwe and Mama Agnes now living in Australia, for medical and material assistance, my uncle, Mutombo Kumwimba of Lubumbashi, DRC, and my elder brother, Roosevelt Kasongo-Nyembo, of Lusaka, Zambia, for their support and encouragement; my sister-in-law, Yvonne Ngoie Moens and family, of Belgium, for their generous material support.
Gratitude of a different kind must go to my children: Christelle, Elie, Alex, late Salem Kansempe and Ketsia Kasongo-Lenge and my younger brothers Didier wa Kumutombo and Jim Ilunga Mwila wa Nkulu, with whom my family has been accommodated during most of the researchTown period. They endured with me during those material problems, the cut back of our scholarship which is, even now, affecting our life. This financial situation put us through some terrible ordeals. But, their moral encouragementCape sustained me during the most difficult moments of my research especiallyof as a parent without the means of fulfilling my family needs to the full.
The comparative study of the Bambuki and the Balombi would not come to be a reality without the help of my dear wife, Charlotte Mande. For that act of kindness and assistance,University I must say a very special word of deepest appreciation, love and thanks. For the past 21 years she has been encouraging me in my life as a minister in the United Methodist Church. I am extremely thankful for her XI enthusiastic encouragement, love, spiritual fellowship which are beyond all admiration and praise.
I am also mindful of the fact that many friends and family members remembered me and my family in their prayers with a view to the completion of this thesis. I thank and praise the Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ for them all; especially my younger sisters Jacquie, Anto and Lucie, and my sister-in-law Rose, who, in spite of many difficulties, spent much time in prayer for us.
Pastor Kasongo-Lenge Kansempe December 2005
Town
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University XII
ABBREVIATIONS AlCs African Independent Churches ATR African Traditional Religion Ac Acts C.E.M. Congo Evangelistic Mission Co Colossians 2Co Corinthians CMUNS Communaute Methodiste-Unie au Nord Shaba CMUSZ Communaute Methodiste-Unie au Sud Zaire Dt Deuteronomy DRC Democratic Republic of Congo E.LC. Etat Independent du Congo Eph Ephesians Ex Exodus GCOM General Council on Ministries Gen Genesis Town Jas James Jn John K.U.M.C. Katanga United MethodistCape Church Lev Leviticus of Lk Luke Mk Mark Mt Matthew N.K.U.M.C. North Katanga United Methodist Church NT UniversityNew Testament OT Old Testament 1 Pe 1 Peter XIII
Rev Revelation Rom Romans UMC United Methodist Church UCT University of Cape Town USA United States of America ZCC Zion Christian Church
Town
Cape of
University XIV
The Democratic Republic of Congo!
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: BALUBA ' . 1L.UUU OCI;
I From: http://www.congo-pages.org/geo.htm . Map showing distribution of Luba speaking people in the province ofKatanga, the largest state in D.R.C. The inset shows the D.R.C. in the context of the surrounding countries. xv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Pages
DECLARATION I DEDICATION II ABSTRACT III PREFACE V ACKNOWLEDGMENT VII LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS XII MAPS XIV LIST OF TABLES XV
INTRODUCTION 1. Introduction and background 01 2. Aim of the study and statement of the problem 03 3. Research question and definition of terms 04 4. Methodology 07 5. Literature review 13 6. Limitation of the study 13 7. Problems encountered in the study 16
CHAPTER 1: THE GEOGRAPIDCAL AND mSTORICALTown OUTLINE OF LUBAPEOPLE 1. 1 Introduction 17 1. 2 Geographical outline 17 1. 2. 1 General Cape 17 1. 2. 2 The demographic situation of Kabongo territory 19 1. 2. 3 The linguistic situation of Balubaof 20 1. 3 Historical glimpse 20 1. 3. 1 Origin and expansion 20 1. 3.2 Etymology of the term Luba 23 1. 3. 3 The meaning of the term Kabongo 26 1.4 Culture 27 1. 4. 1 Community life 27 1. 4. 2 Family Universitylife 29 1. 4. 3 Education 32 1. 4. 4 Artistic life 36 1. 4. 4. 1 Corporeal signs 36 XVI
1. 4. 4. 2 Tattoos Ntaho (singular Lutaho) 36 1. 4. 4.3 Sharpness and pulling up teeth, Kukula ne kuzola meno 36 1. 4. 4. 4 Hairstyle, kutenda neKubanda, braid 37 1. 4. 4.5 Circumcision, Mukanda 37 1. 4. 4. 6 Visual arts 38 1. 4. 4. 7 Other arts 39 1. 5 Sociocultural and Religious life 40 1. 5. 1 Sociocultural life 40 1. 5. 2 Religious life 42 1. 5. 2. 1 The cult of ancestors, Bankambo 44 1. 5. 2. 2 The witchcraft and magic 44 1.5.2.3 Totem and taboo 45 1. 5.2.4 Idols 46 1. 5. 2. 5 Worship of physical phenomena 46 1. 5. 2. 6 Divination, Kubuka 47 1. 5. 2. 7 Secret societies 47 Preliminary conclusion 48
CHAPTER 2: THE LUBA VISION OF THE WORLD 2. 1 Introduction 50 2. 2 Visible and invisible world 51 2. 3 Visible world 52 2. 4 Invisible world 53 2. 5 The connection or the intercourse between the twoTown worlds 53 2. 5. 1 The forces of the visible world 54 2. 5. 1. 1 The chief (Mulohwe) 55 2.5. 1.2 Witch, sorcerer, Mjwintyi, Nkinda 57 2. 5. 1. 3 Healers, medicine-men, Nanga,Cape Mbuki or Kilumbu 60 2. 5. 1. 3. 1 Nanga of 61 2. 5. 1. 3. 2 The soothsayer, diviner, Mbuki, Kilumbu 65 2. 5. 2 The forces of the invisible world 67 2.5.2. 1 Leza, Supreme Being 68 2. 5. 2. 2 Mikishi or Vi~e (secondary divinities) 69 2. 5. 2. 3 The ancestors, Bankambo 69 2. 5. 2. 3. 1 Bankambo (beneficial spirit, worthy) 70 2. 5. 2. 3. 2 Role of the Bankambo in Lubaland 70 2. 5. 2. 3. 3 UniversityBibanda (evil dead, worse) 72 2. 6 The conception of life 73 2. 6. 1 Birth and its rituals 74 2. 6. 2 Initiation into adult life 78 XVII
2. 6. 2. 1 Mukanda, initiation of young boys 79 2. 6. 2. 2 Bulanda, initiation of young girls 79 2. 6. 3 Butundaile, marriage 81 2. 6. 4 Luba, Misongo, sickneess or disease 84 2. 6. 5 Lufu, death 85 2.6.5. 1 Lufu lwa kanyefu, natural death 88 2. 6. 5. 2 Lufu lwa dilowa, death caused by evil power 88 2.6.5.3 Lufu mu bilongwa, moral death 89 2.6. 5.4 Causes of death 90 2.6.5.5 Deceased and life in hereafter, Bafu ne bumi mu Kalunga 91 Preliminary conclusion 94
CHAPTER 3: THE ENCOUNTER OF CHRISTIAN MISSION WITH LUBA CULTURE 3. 1 Introduction 96 3.2 Western conception of the world 97 3. 2. 1 Of sickness or disease 100 3. 2. 2 Of healing 101 3.3 Missionaries and the traditional medicine 101 3.3. 1 Efficacy of traditional medicine 105 3. 3. 2 Missionary point of view 106 3.3.3 Missionary means of healing 108 3. 4 Healing after missionary time 109 3.4. 1 Spirit and the aspirations of the indigenous peopleTown 110 3.4.2 National independence 116 3.4.3 Spiritualists or religious sects 117 3. 4. 4 Socio-economic situation of the country 119 3.4.4. 1 Socio-economic aspect Cape 119 3.4.4.2 Economic aspect 121 Preliminary conclusion of 125
CHAPTER 4: THE BAMBUKI (SOOTHSAYERS) AND THE BALOMBI (CHRISTIAN PRAYER PETITIONERS) AMONG THE LUBA 4. 1 Introduction 127 4.2 Culture and healing among the Bambuki 127 4.2. 1 Definition of culture 127 4.2.2 GeneralityUniversity of the sickness and the healing 128 4. 3 Person, status and role of Mbuki in traditional society 134 4.3. 1 Category of divination, Lubuko 136 4.3. 1. 1 Lubuko lwa kasheksheke (kashekesheke's divination) 136 XVIII
4.3. 1. 2 Lubuko lwa Vidye (Vidye's divination) 137 4.3. 1. 3 Lubuko lwa Nanga (Nanga's divination) 138 4. 3. 1. 4 Lubuko lwa mwavi (mwavi's divination) 138 4.3.2 Technique and procedures of Lubuko 139 4.3.2. 1 Lubuko lwa kashekesheke 139 4.3.2.2 Lubuko lwa Vidye 141 4.3.2.3 Lubuko lwa Nanga 145 4.3.2.4 Lubuko lwa mwavi 145 4. 3. 3 Means of healing 146 4.3.4 Psycho-religious effect of the Bambuki 148 4. 4 The Balombi and healing in the name of Jesus Christ 150 4. 4. 1 Origin and significance of the Balombi 150 4.4.2 Person and status of the Mulombi 151 4. 4. 3 Prayer, Milombelo, its place and its conception 153 4. 4. 4 Mulombi and healing 154 4.4.5 Technique and procedures 156 4.4.5.1 Technique 156 4.4.5.2 Procedures 157 4.4.6 Means of healing 163 4. 4. 7 Psycho-religious effect of the Balombi 165 Preliminary conclusion 166
CHAPTER 5: AFRICAN CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY INSIGHTS AND LUBA CULTURE OF HEALINGTown 5. 1 Introduction 168 5. 2 African Christian theology 168 5. 2. 1 Theology of adaptation 171 5. 2. 2 Critical African theology Cape 173 5. 2. 3 Inculturation 175 5. 3 Hermeneutic issues of 177 5.4 Theological issue of healing 186 5.4. 1 Cultural issue 186 5.4.2 Encounter of gospel and Luba culture 187 5. 4. 3 Spiritual issue 188 5. 5 Place of Bankambo in Christian life 191 5.6 African independent Church issue 192 Preliminary conclusionUniversity 194 XIX
CHAPTER 6: COMPARISON AND EVALUATION OF HEALING OF THE BAMBUKI AND THE BALOMBI 6. 1 Introduction 196 6. 2 Similarity between the Bambuki and the Balombi 197 6. 2. 1 From the point of view of calling 197 6. 2. 2 From the point of view of procedure 198 6. 2. 3 From the point of view of method 202 6.2.4 From the point of view of role 202 6. 3 Contrast between the Bambuki and the Balombi 203 6. 4 The Bambuki as seen or regarded by the Balombi 206 6. 5 The Bambuki in the light of the Bible 211 6. 6 The Balombi as seen by the Bambuki 214 6. 7 The Balombi in the light of the Bible 215 6. 8 The Balombi and the Bambuki and the civilizing mission 221 6. 9 The Bambuki or the Balombi 224 6. 10 The Bambuki the Balombi and western medical practices 226 6. 11 Jesus'ministry 230 5. 11. 1 Culture in the time of Jesus' ministry 230 5. 11. 2 Jesus' healing ministry 232 Preliminary conclusion 235
CHAPTER 7: GENERAL CONCLUSION 1. Observations and suggestions 239 2. Findings Town 244 3. Recommendations 245 APPENDIX I 247 APPENDIX II 252 BmLIOGRAPHY Cape 259 1. Primary source: 259 Oral informants of 259 Church Publications, Minutes and Reports 260 2. Books and Articles used 261 Internet Source 272
University 1
INTRODUCTION
1. Introduction This thesis is sub-titled "A comparative and evaluative study of healing in the Luba Katanga area, with special reference to the Baluba of Kabongo". It deals with the Bambuki (diviners) and the Balombi (Christian prayer petitioners).
Before exploring these phenomena, it is important to note that the Baluba, as a people, do not live in isolation. It would be virtually impossible to engage in an investigation without taking account of what happens in other places. The phenomena of divination (kubuka), prayer (kulomba) and healing (kundaha) are not peculiar to the Baluba people. The practice may very well date back to human origins. The Bible tells us that after creating humankind, God commanded the first human to eat any fruit in the garden, except the fruit of the tree of knowledge, of good and evil (Genesis 2:16-17). This constraint awakened curiosity. In biblical terms the search forTown knowledge brought about the downfall of humanity. The thirst for knowing and understanding the hidden mysteries of life, to this day, remains a human quest. Studies by Cached and Leibovici, Loeve and Blaker quoted byCape Philip (1991), show that beyond the classical world, divination is also manifest in America, India, Tibet, Japan, China, Africa, ancient Egypt, and ofthe Islamic as well as the Germanic world. In varied form, however, divination appears in all human communities (Turner 1975). It means that every community feels the need to know the nature of events surrounding them, in order to control life.
For theUniversity Baluba, life is the ultimate possession. Humans must protect it, reinforce it and perpetuate it, through their descendants. All existence is marked 2
by the search for ways to preserve, increase and protect life. Grevisse (1945: 18), in his study on the Basanga, sought to understand the aspirations of the Bantu soul. He states, "To live, to transfer life and to survive are the three major functions; they are such necessary imperatives that others can be neglected". Although life is the preoccupation, the Baluba strongly believe that life is not an individual issue, i.e. it does not depend only on human power, but on the interaction of many agents, both visible and invisible. It is not as an isolated individual that the Muluba presumes to possess life but it is as a member, one of the living or one of the dead. This is a preoccupation that sustains birth and life (Monsengwo, 1982: 5-14). That is why once this life is weakened by sickness or by any other impediment, the Muluba experiences the need to know the origin. Believing in God, in the Supreme Being, the Muluba takes this belief seriously. God remains at the centre of his religion. He is the Creator, Shakapanga, of all beings. He is distant and occupies a separate place. He is the Supreme God, the Unique One. He is at the summit of all the spirits. The Muluba worshipped Shakapanga according to the naturalTown revelation hence there is no Scripture, no written theology nor institutional organisation. John Mbiti declares that whereas the Bible is the sacred book of Christianity, and the Qur'an is the holy book of Islam, AfricanCape Religion has no scriptures or holy books. African Religion is writtenof in the history, in the hearts, and in experiences of the people (1975: 17). The missionaries, working hand in hand with colonial administrators, contributed to the destruction of the indigenous culture and structure. Their mission seemed to be to destroy, to ruin and to annihilate, in order to erect a western Christian civilisation on the ancient ruin. The Muluba,University confronting his culture, was tom between the Christian culture and the traditional culture. Despite the influence of Evangelical Christianity, the Muluba attaches much importance to traditional practices in order to obtain 3
healing. In some circumstances this eventuality is a natural consequence, when two cultures meet. The Baluba, however, regard it as the work of God. Yet for others, such mystical and traditional practices are a fruitless search for a lost paradise. That is why the Christian Muluba, in a search for solutions to problems encountered in life, is caught between the systems of the Bambuki or Bilumbu and the system of the Balombi. The Balombi are Christians who have received the gift of healing, sometimes even the gift of prophecy, from the God of the Bible. On the other hand, the Bambuki are non-Christians who, once they are possessed by the spirit of the Bavidye (spirit of Bankambo), claim the ability to see what others do not see and hear.
2. Aim of the study and statement of the problem
The aim of this thesis is to make a comparison and elaborate an evaluation of healing in the name of Jesus Christ for the Balombi and the healing among the non-Christian Bambuki with special reference to theTown Baluba of Kabongo. This dissertation does not seek to defme a theology of healing or to construct the apologetics to favour one group above the other. No a priori judgement is intended. I seek to understand the innerCape substance of the evidence and to make practical suggestions that are useful.of
This study seeks to investigate in detail the vision of the Luba world in particular and the African world in general: their humanity, their perceptions, their health and healing. African beliefs are concerned with such issues as God, spirit, humanUniversity life and magic (Mbiti 1975: 11). An attempt is made here to depict an objective evaluation of approaches of the Bambuki and the Balombi in order to heighten the interest of the Protestant church in the traditional practices of the 4
people it seeks to evangelise. The Church is required not only to investigate the Luba tradition but also to help the Muluba Christian to understand the Bambuki system and the Balombi system. Every illness, for example, is not approached in the same way, especially when the condition becomes chronic. It may be said that the Muluba seeks to know the reason for an event (Bwanga 1987). Every event demands an explanation. If the Muluba does not fmd an answer to a question, an explanation is sought from the Mbuki, a diviner and traditional doctor (Mbiti 1975: 157) from whom he expects a solution to the problem. And the Muluba, in general, accords faith to everything the Mbuki tells a distressed person becuase, the Mbuki is the embodiment of the Vidye (spirit of Bankambo). Once visited by the Bavidye, the Mbuki becomes an extraordinary person, possessing knowledge that is superior to the knowledge of other men and women (Turner 1975: 209). The Bambuki now have the ability to discover the hidden mysteries in the lives of their patients (Mbiti 1975: 157).
3. Research question and definition of terms Town
A central question in this thesis is: why engage in a comparative study of healing among Luba people of Katanga?Cape Other questions follow: what is the contribution of such a study ofin the practice of Christianity; what are the resemblances and what are the differences between the Bambuki and the Balombi in the practice of what they profess? The answers to these questions, along with the defmitions of some concepts, inform this paper. These terms are: Muluba or Baluba, Kabongo, Mbuki or Kilumbu and Mulombi.
Etymologically,University the term Muluba or Baluba comes from the verb Kuluba, '"to be lost". A popular belief postulates the word Muluba as having 5
derived from Luba, who could have been the chief of one of the six clans of the people currently identified as the Baluba (Avermaet 1954: 374-375). The Baluba Shankadi, with Kiluba as mother tongue, live entirely in the Katanga province. This is one of the eleven provinces in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Katanga province is situated in the south of the Congo (D.R.C.), and the main city in the province is Lubumbashi. The Baluba people occupy a vast territory in the centre of the province, towards the North of Katanga (Verhulpen 1936: 26). This means that they live in the northern part of Katanga Province. Their territory includes the towns Kabongo, Kamina, Malemba-Nkulu, Manono, Ankoro, Kaniama, Kabalo, Bukama, Kongolo and Nyunzu. Currently, because of migration, industrialisation and education, the Baluba are found in the entire country. They have settled in areas neighbouring the Songe and Luba Kasai in the North, the Kanyoka, the Lunda and the Tshokwe in the West, the Ndembu, and the Sanga in the South, the Zela, the Bui/e, the Tabwa and the Bemba in the East and the Northeast. According to Michels and Laude (1938: 62-76), the Baluba are a tribe of the Bantu people.Town It is considered that this group of Baluba originated from the north- east of the country notably in the area called Maniema. In spite of the ethnic differences, the Baluba are classified in the linguistic zone "L" which comprisesCape about eight groups: Luba, Pende, Samba and Holu, Kwese, Luba-Iulua,of Bin)i, Songe, Luna in the south, and the centre of Congo (Guthrie 1948: 11-15). The term, Kabongo, designates the first chief who ruled this empire of the previous Baluba Empire, which was divided into two domains: Kasongo Nyembo and Kabongo. The Baluba of Kasongo Nyembo inhabit the banks of the Lomami, which is the main river in this territory. UniversityThe second domain is that of Kabongo. Its inhabitants are called the Bene Kabongo. The Paramount Chief, the population and the residential village, are called by the same name. The Bene Kabongo people are part of the group 6
Baluba Katanga. A population speaking the Kiluba language surrounds the territory of Kabongo on each side. It is limited by the Kasai-oriental province in the north, in the East by the territory of Kabalo, Manono, Malemba-Nkulu and in the south, by the territory of Kamina, and in the west, the territory of Kaniama. Like the Baluba, the Bene Kabongo believe in the existence of a Supreme Being they call Shakapanga (Bwanga 1987). The tenn Mbuki or Kilumbu, etymologically, comes from the term Kulumba: to incarnate. The Mbuld can be a man or a woman who, at some time, was possessed by the Bavidye. This is a spiritual thought of god that incarnates himself in people in order to flU them with his power. The Mbuki possesses the ability to know what was unknown up to the time that the Bavidye entered the Mbuld. The Mbuki claims to have the gift to see the past, the present and the future, which is unknown to common people (Hebga 1979: 269). Referring to the Ndembu people, Turner states "Among the Ndembu, the diviner regards his task as a practical one of revealing the causes of misfortune or death" (1975: 269). Someone becomes Kilumbu through dreams or via Townthe hereditary transmission of the profession. Other people become Mbuki by undergoing training with the experts, the diviners. The Kilumbu does not operate in isolation but is always surrounded by helpers. Generally KilumbuCape lives on the outskirts of the village. Among the Kilumbu's helpers areof women, referred to as Bahungu. The term Mulombi comes from the verb kulomba, which means to ask or to pray. The Mulombi is a man or a woman who has received the gift of healing from the Holy Spirit and exercises it for the benefit of the community.
AfterUniversity prayer meetings and seminars, organized by the missionaries in the period 1953-1954, certain members of the Protestant Church received the gift of prophecy. A man, Abel Bweni Kisanga, was among the Balombi in the 7
Kabongo territory of Baluba who received the gift of healing and prophecy. He lived in Lusaka Village. Today, there are many more pastors who are Balombi. The most reputable is Mwenze Meschak, from Kaboto village, in the territory of Kabongo. There are also other Balombi who are not pastors and work independently. The Balombi who are pastors or elders work in local churches. But there are Balombi who, deceptively, call themselves Christians for the status Balombi enjoy. But they are truly Bambuki and their modus operandi does not accord with the teaching of God's word (Luhweka 2000). The Balombi occupy a prominent position in the church and in the village. They are considered as guides in society because of the gifts they are perceived to have received from God. They are most sought-after. Baluba Christians consult the Balombi in cases of sickness, poverty, failure, and, when they consider themselves bewitched, in order to find remedies.
The study seeks to compare and contrast these two categories of healers (Bambuki and Balombi) in an attempt to reduce, ifTown not eliminate the confusion confronting Baluba when searching for a healer in time of illness or misfortunes.
4. Metbodology Cape of In order to achieve my aIm, the appropriate scientific procedure is comparative study. This involves the historical method, the method of dialectical analysis and the comparative method.
A methodUniversity is more than an interrelation of a number of techniques, or a technique general enough to be used in several disciplines. By definition a method implies a goal or an end to be achieved. It is a system, a complete set of 8
the rules of procedure, employed in realizing the given goal. By appropriate choice, the suitable research techniques become a part of such set of rules (see Sarana 1975: 11).
The historical method helps trace the history of Baluba, with special reference to their beliefs, before and after exposure to Christianity. This entails the study of written sources about the past life of Luba people, to interpret facts by drawing on our own experience. The data recorded is then studied following the method of dialectical analysis this helps to defme the thesis and the antithesis in a manner that brings a synthesis. The thesis that forms my study is derived from the indigenous practices of the Baluba that relate to the issues of healing. The antithesis is, in large measure, the Biblical teaching of Christianity that initially brought about the Balombi. The confrontation of indigenous practices on one hand and Biblical teaching on the other brings insights capable of helping the Muluba Christian to stand as Muluba and Christian in adopting an attitude vis-a-vis healing. And the comparisonTown is, in this study, the main technique, wh~ch helps to realize the goal.
Comparison is not to put thingsCape side by side without deriving any result from it. To compare argues Sarana,of "means to examine two or more things to l bring out the resemblance and/or differences in their characteristic qualities ". Whereas Paden cited by Lawson (1996: 34) says: "Comparison here is the study of two or more objects in terms of a common factor, a common factor in relation to which either the differences or the similarity of the objects can become explicitly understood"University
1 Ibid, 12 9
In Anthropology, the comparative method, declared Max Muller and E. A Freeman cited by Sarana (1975: 13), was the greatest discovery of the nineteenth century. "The method yielded valuable results in the fields where things were derived from common source or where the institutions of a people of common origin were investigated". In the comparative method the idea of accounting for the similarities by descent from a common source was considered important. Others have supported that view. Swanson, for example, cited by Ragin states:
Thinking without comparison is unthinking. And in the absence of comparison, so are all scientific thought and all scientific research ( ... ). Comparison provides a basis for evaluating cases relative to substantive and theoretical criteria. In this broad sense, comparison is central to empirical social science and it is practical today (1987: I).
Swanson continues to define comparison from its different objectives.
It is common to define comparative research that uses comparable data from at least two societies. This defmition emphasizes the fact that the data of comparative social science are cross- societal (1987: 4). Town According to Lawson (1996: 31), the comparIson IS m the study of religion a basic thing. Since his childhood, a human being is engaged in the act of comparison. Psychologists, in theirCape research on cognitive structure and development, have discovered theof most complex resources, which are possessed by mankind since childhood. These resources allow him not only to have the cognitive equipment, which enables him to distinguish between animate and inanimate objects, but also to know the difference between agent action and patient action. "To know these differences implies the ability to compare". Comparison in the scholarly world follows from basic skills present almost from the moment of birth. But, while it is one thing to possess a skill or capacity, it is quite anotherUniversity thing to employ that skill fruitfully when faced with particularly complex cultural materials such as a world of religious practice. So the argument cannot be about whether or not to compare. We do so willy-nilly. The argument must be about 10
how well we compare, especially when such comparison takes place in a complex context containing complex contents - and, even more especially. when the materials subject to comparison are relatively instable structures in constant process of change.
The changes that are taking place in Luba culture are attributable to colonial expenence, modernization, westernization, urbanisation, industrialization and Christianization. Being influenced by this new experience, some Bambuki in Lubaland have integrated many elements of western civilization and Christianity (mirror, Dikalashi, cross, Musalaba ... ) in their healing session. And some Balombi, also influenced by western culture, continue to see the work of Bambuki as evil and demonic. Only by comparison, it is possible to discover what is Luba tradition, what is western culture, and what Christianity is, and in this way help Muluba people to remain Muluba and Christian.
By comparison, scholars may attempt to discoverTown the hidden structure, the unobservable processes, in order to show what things are like to get at the deeper ''truth''. Lawson underlines in the comparison method the distinction between interpretation and explanation, which areCape a fundamental cognitive process:
The problem in the study ofof religion is that interpretation has always played the major role. Explanation has been consigned to "those sciences". What worries me is that the new comparativism will prove to be simply another play to avoid the explanatory task (1996: 33).
As Lawson said, in this study the data collected are compared and interpreted,University because in religion studies several realities are hidden and complex, and also the structures are unstable and changing, according to time. The healing in its own sense is a phenomenon, which may be natural or supernatural. II
Different methods of healing used among Luba people will be classified and compared with those that are used by Christian prayer petitioners. In this case, Paden (1996: 38-39) observes that,
Comparativism presupposes the act of understanding others. This understanding yields and constitutes the data of religion. Comparativism can therefore clarity what "other" is, through discerning how A is distinctively different from B with regard to the same theme.
Some Christian apologetics, continues Paden, use the comparative method as an instrument of subordination: the Universalists use it to equalize religion and romanticists use it to give prestige to religions of nature. But in this thesis, the comparativism is used in order to give good understanding of the phenomenon of Bambuki and Balombi among Luba people without making value judgments. Being Christian, the healing methods used by Jesus Christ in the Bible may serve as criteria of comparison with the goal to clarifY the difference, to enhance the similarity and to emphasiseTown the particularity between Bambuki and Balombi, and also to discern the agent that motivates them.
In the light of all that is said aboveCape by Lawson, Paden and others, it is very important to confrrm that theof comparison in this study does not seek to defme a theology of healing or to construct the apologetics to favour the Bambuki or the Balombi. No a priori judgement is intended.
The new comparativism, writes Jordan, is not interested in determining the "genuine agreements and differences" of various religions, or their "relative superiority Universityor inferiority". Rev. Jordan, who was a devout Christian for whom Christianity was a "superior religion," underlines the fact that" the real aim of 12
comparative religion is to investigate and expound through the competent comparison of data collected from the most diverse sources the meaning and value of the several faiths of mankind" (see Paden 1996: 41). The comparative method will help the writer to understand the inner substance of the evidence and to make practical suggestions that are useful. By comparison, the knowledge is enriched and the understanding of other believers is improved.
In Luba wisdom, there is a proverb, which says "Waja ku ngoma waja ne ku byondo", "dance with drum and dance with tam-tam". That is to say, it is good to understand all parts before making a decision during the endless talk, because that will help you to make an informed decision. It is why, in Comparative Philology, said Goethe: "He, who knows one language, knows none". And the same may be said of religion: "He, who knows one, knows none". Only by comparison mankind can boldly understand the difference and similarity between himself and another, between his faith and that of other people (see W aardenburg 1973: 93) Town
My own experience, as one who has lived in these precise situations, in my natural social environment, as Pastor,Cape and in my childhood in Lubaland, will, I am confident, be enriched by theof search for truth. My data collection process has included personal interviews, with Luba people, particularly Bakulumpe, eldest and Basongwalume ne basongwakaji, young boys and young girls to collect information, and personal points of view, from participation in traditional healing sessions, and in the groups of healing prayers offered by Christian prayer petitioners,University Balombi, as primary sources. The library references were consulted in the Congo, in United State of America and in South Africa. 13
5. Literature review
A great deal of research has been conducted into Luba history and philosophy. Verhulpen (1936), a Belgian historian, was among the first researchers to write on Luba philosophy. His book, les Baluba et les Balubaises, provides a historical view of the Muluba. Burton, in his book, Luba religion and magic in custom and belief, describes the life of the Muluba from birth to death (1961). Mary Nooter Roberts and Allen F. Roberts depict the history of the Baluba from their research of traditional art (1996).
It may be argued that the field has been thoroughly exploited. Yet, the sun continues to shine on this kingdom, as it has done for thousands of years. Poets have sung about it without exhausting its beauty. Although considerable research has been conducted on the Baluba, this project explores a virtually untouched aspect: comparison and evaluation of the healing systems of the Bambuki and the Balombi. Town
6. Limitation of the study Cape Extending from the periodof of the mission of apostles in the pagan world (Acts 15: 1-22), the Africans' conversion to Christian faith always raises critical questions. The letter conveying the Good News to Antioch, Syria and Cilicia identifies four principles for adherents to observe: "to abstain from food polluted by idols, from sexual immorality, from the meat of strangled animals and from blood". These principles test the commitment of converts and symbolise what the ChristianUniversity ethic will not compromise. The new converts' hearts were purified, by their faith, and these principles were imposed by those who were 14
attached to their own culture. They were a result of the apostles and elders' consideration. Equally, the principles defme the challenge to the primitive church on the occasion of crucial first meeting. In my view, these principles were Jewish cultural casings within which the gospel to the Gentiles was wrapped. They may not be essential for salvation. And earliest missionaries in Lubaland imposed their own culture on converts under the name of Christianity which still confuses people in the Church.
Gradually that Good News reached the various nations and cultures. Nevertheless the problem of compatibility with the Christian faith became a significant question for the church. It remains a problem. Consequently, this investigation focuses on the problem of healing. Traditional practices persist despite the conversion of people to Christianity. People continue to use the traditional practices they consider essential for their survivaL They continue to believe in their effectiveness. In this case, Turald (1999: 2) argues: Town Many African Christians have serious problems of understanding how the bible and the Christian faith should relate and address their traditional African religious system (beliefs and practices). There are those who still hold to some of the "precious" traditional religious beliefs, practices and behaviour, even after becoming Christians. For this reason, we cannotCape underrate the power and influence of the traditional religious system andof its hold on Africans, even after becoming Christians. The firm and opposite attitude of the Church concerning these practices often causes some Christians to be hypocritical. They practise hypocrisy as if playing hide and seek or they change the place of abode and go to live in another village in order to accomplish their goal. People may sing praises to the Lord, may preach,University bear witness, cease to abuse women, but when sickness or disease afflicts them, Christian faith diminishes and they fall back on the traditional 15
practices, that are reputed to have healing. Traditional practices remain the last resort when all else fails.
In the light of these realities, this research compares these two systems of healing, in order to persuade the Luba people, by means of assimilable considerations, how they may remain Muluba and be Christian.
This thesis is subdivided into seven chapters. Chapter one provides a general overview of Luba territory; a geographical outline and an historical glimpse. Also, it provides a brief account of the background of Luba people. The second chapter is a Luba worldview, for some insight into the Luba conception of the world, in order to contextualise their beliefs. This vision of both visible and invisible worlds links and highlights the interaction between the two worlds and offers a perception of life. In the third chapter, the western conception of the world is developed. The missionary's view of healing in respect of traditional healing is outlined in order toTown discern why some· Christian people live between two systems: in the morning showing allegiance to the Balombi, and in the afternoon, to the Bambuki. The fourth chapter considers the Bambuki and Balombi as perceived byCape the Luba. The culture and method of healing of Bambuki and Balombi,of and the Balombi and healing, in the name of Jesus Christ, are the main focus of this chapter. The fifth chapter analyses different African Christian theological trends which give an insight into different aspects of Luba culture of healing. The sixth chapter is a comparative study: the theology and healing practices of Bambuki and Balombi are compared in order to decipher contrast,University similarity and particularity. The seventh chapter provides a summary of the findings and an attempt to create a framework for reflecting on the problem of healing. A set of recommendations is advanced for consideration 16
by churches and others who might contemplate the future of Luba Christians. The chapter concludes by posing a challenge to the Church to develop a theology that takes into account the system of healing of Bambuki, of Balombi and of physicians in order to provide the means of healing to Luba people.
7. Problems encountered in the study
In the course of this study, many problems were encountered which constrained the researcher in collection of data, above all fmandal limitations. There were some difficulties to extract information from Bambuki. They suspected that the researcher would reveal their secrets. This suspicion and mistrust did not make it easy to collect verifiable infonnation. Nevertheless, there were some Bambuki who willingly gave much needed information. Sometimes, the information from oral sources was exaggerated. To avoid any misunderstanding, it was crucial to use written sources and recorded interviews with Luba people. Lastly, some up-to-date infonnation,Town relative to traditional Luba healing, was not available at Katanga Methodist University and other libraries in Katanga. In this regard the researcher was compelled to use the libraries outside of Katanga DRC in searchCape of more information: the University of Kentucky, the University of Northof Caroline (USA), and the University of Cape Town, South Africa. Limitation of funds did not allow the researcher to interview a larger number of people. Linguistically it was not always easy for the researcher to compose the work because of the many languages it was necessary for the researcher to contend with. University 17
CHAPTER 1 THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL OUTLINE OF THE LUBA PEOPLE
1. 1 Introduction
The Baluba people are the focus of this study and my prior task is to set the community in context. A knowledge and understanding of the culture provides insight into essential information of the geographical, historical and social organisation. The purpose of this chapter, in broad terms, is to place the Baluba people in the context of space and time.
1. 2 The geographical outline 1.2.1 General
Geographically the Luba country is situated between the 5° and the 9° parallel of latitude south and between the 21 0 and Townthe 30° meridian of longitude east of Greenwich.
The Baluba Shankadi occupy theCape entire province of Katanga. Settlements of Baluba people are concentratedof in the centre and in the North of this province. Katanga is one of the eleven provinces that form the Democratic Republic of the Congo (D.R.C.) and the main city is Lubumbashi. The province stretches across an area of 496 965 square miles, and is subdivided into districts, territories and villages. Knowing the difficulties we have in determining exactly the Luba borderUniversity it is estimated that the Baluba are distributed in the districts of Haut-Lomami, Tanganyika, Lwalaba and Kolwezi. In general, it may be said that the great majority of the Baluba live in the northern part of the Katanga 18
province (Verhulpen, 1936: 26), above, all in the Haut Lomami district. They live in the following territories: Manono, Malemba-Nkulu, Kabongo, Kamin~ Kongolo, Kaniama, Kabalo, Nyunzu and Bukama. In the south of the province, the Baluba have settled in the territories of Lubudi, Mitwaba and Sandoa. Outside the province of Katanga a minority of Baluba live in the province of Kasai-Oriental, in the territories of Kabinda, Mwene-Ditu and Ngandajika. Nowadays, due to migration, industrialisation and education, the Baluba are found throughout the D.R.C. as well as in other countries.
They live in the area neighbouring the Songe and the Luba kasai to the North, the Kanyoka the Lunda and the Tshokwe in the West, the Ndembu and the Sanga in the South, the Zela, the Bwile, the Tabwa and the Bemba in the East and the North East.
To detennine who are Baluba requires a careful set of criteria. This territory knows several variations in the applicationTown of the tenn Baluba. The majority of people interviewed, who originate from Kabongo talked about the existence of two zones or groups. One group lives in a settlement outside the Lomami (Bene Lumami) and LwalabaCape (Balaba) and another group lives in the valley of the rivers Kyankodi, Mwenze,of Mwibai (in the Kakolwe, Kamwenze, Kitenta, Kasakai, Djombo villages), an area they named Baluba. There are two reasons for this distinction. The fIrst is the seigneury problem, which plays a prominent part in the enthronement of the chief or king. King Kabongo and King Kasongo Nyembo received the sacred fIre (legitimate power) from this area Kitenta.University And the fetish (power) of the chief is verifIed at Djombo to ensure that it does not contain any elements, which may hann the population (nzuji, fetish). In the second place, the interviewees have put the accent on the 19
neighbourhood influence. They hold the opinion that the people of the central group have kept the purity of the culture more diligently than the people residing around Lomami and Lwalaba. These residents have absorbed and preserved the cultural influences that flow from neighbouring territories. The difference, however, is superficial and does not alter the basic elements of Luba culture. This is evidence of ethnocentrism.
1. 2. 2 The demographic situation of Kaboogo territory
The Kabongo territory is situated in the North west of Katanga province. This territory is made up of three communities two of which are ruled by traditional chiefs, Kabongo and Kayamba, and another one is the sector of North Baluba. The Kabongo territory is limited in the North by the Kasai-Oriental province, in the East by the territories of Kabalo, Manono, Malemba-Nkulu, in the South by the territory of Kamina, and the territory of Kaniama in the West. Kabongo is part and parcel of the group BalubaTown Shankadi. This territory is surrounded by people speaking Kiluba Katanga and supports 312 700 inhabitants and covers an area of20 612 square miles with a population density of 15.1 inhabitants per square mile. CapeThe climate is tropical with two seasons: dry (May-July) and rainy season of(July-May). Kabongo is split by the important waterway, the River Lomami. The railway, which links Kamina to Kalemie, divides Kabongo into two unequal parts. The Northwest is the more important. Kabongo has many roads that link it to the bordering territories. The inhabitants grow maize, rice, beans, cassava, and coffee. They are hunters, fishermen, farmers andUniversity breeders of goats, sheep, pigs, chicken and cows. All these features make Kabongo an important agricultural and economic centre. 20
1. 2. 3 The linguistic situation of Baluba
The Baluba are part of the Bantu people, according to A. Michiels and N. Laude (1938: 62-76). Evidence points to the fact that the Baluba originated from the north east of the country, notably the Maniema area. In spite of the ethnic differences, the Baluba are classified in the linguistic zone "L," which comprises eight languages (Luba, Pende, Samba and Holu, Kwese, Luba-lulua, Binji, Songe, Luna) in the South and the centre of Congo (Guthrie 1948: 11-15).
1. 3 Historical glimpse 1. 3. 1 Origin and expansion
Some local Luba narratives link Kongolo to the memory of beginnings. He will be the descendant of two mythical parents: Kiubakaubaka (a house building man) and Kibumbabumba (a pottery-making woman). Here is the charter as recorder by Mudimbe and presented by LucTown de Heusch (1982):
In the country of the east Buhemba, on the right bank of the Lwalaba River, there once were a man and a woman. Their names Kiubaka-Ubaka and Kibumba-Bumba mean respectively "he who builds many houses"Cape and "she who makes much pottery". They lived in ignorance of each other. Guided by chopping, man discovered the woman, who was preparing firewood. They lived for a long time under the some roof, sleeping in separated beds. The copulationof of a pair of jackals gave them the idea of sleeping together. They brought forth twins of opposite sex, who became inseparable companions. One day the twins found a locality, which was exceptionally rich in fish. They took to spending the entire day catching fish, spending the night in the bush in each other's arms. They [mally obtained permission from their parents to leave the village and devote themselves entirely to fishing. In their tum, they brought forth twins, who lived in the some incestuous manner, far from their parents. This new generation took up trapping. So pairs of twins, moving in each generation a little furtherUniversity westward, populated the country (Mudimbe, 1991: 86). 21
Reference is again made to the different hypotheses about the origin of the Baluba people. The history of the Luba Empire begins about the middle of the seventeenth century. Burton (1961: 3) argued that:
The first consistent historical record that we can find concerning the Luba is in saying, well known throughout Lubaland, which attributes a common parentage to the Luba and Semba, in the chieftainship of Ntumbwe. This described as North of the River Luvuwa, West of Tanganika, and ten days East of Lwalaba River. The differences between the languages of the Luba and the Bemba are such that this must have occurred at least some centuries ago.
At that time, there were no kings, and no necromancers in Lubaland. The people were called Kalanga, and are described as having a lighter complexion than the present Luba. This Luba group paid tribute only to spirits supposedly residing in certain trees and rocks. The most famous among them was Mpanga Maloba: a rock still venerated as the home of the spirit. At this time the population was very sparse. Strangers were usually massacred on sight and the unit seemed to be the family rather than the clan or tribe. A man, named Nyundo, with his wife, Zwibi, was regarded as the protectorTown of this spirit (vidye). One day Vidye left the rock and took up his abode in a man named Mijibu waKalenge, the mouthpiece of the dead and the living (Burton 1961: 3). A study by Verhulpen seems to be more Capecomprehensive on this point. According to Verhulpen, the Baluba who cameof from the North and the Northeast, are a conglomeration of people found in that area and the invaders who built the first and second Luba, Empire (1936: 45). These Bantu people came from the North and Northeast of the Katanga province. They spoke dialects, which were vastly similar. The Baluba suffered the invasions of Basonge and Bayembe led by Kongolo Mwamba. Who is Kongolo Mwamba? According to Burton (1961: 4): University Kongolo is the son of Muleya Monga and Mwamba Masungo (also called Ndai Buya). Muleya had two wives, Mwamba and Kaseya. Mwamba bore three children: one son 22
Kongolo Mwamba and two daughters Mabela and Bulanda. Kongolo's parents had wished to name him Kumwimba, but at his birth he was seen as ligth-skinned that they christened him Rainbow (Kongolo). Kaseya was the mother of one daughter, Sungu named Sungu wa Kaseya. These people lived near the lake Boya in Kabongo territory. Muleya was a fisherman, son of the Banze Mpuya, hyena of the Kalanga, whose spirit is supposed to be perpetuated in the necromancers named after his sons Umba and Monga. Kongolo was determined to organize the Luba people. He gathered around him a band of young people. He was tyrannical and for a time was driven away from Lake Boya. Later he returned (with Bayembe and Basonge) and chiefly by following the advice of the necromancer Mijibu wa Kalenge who became the mouthpiece of the dead and the living.
These invaders introduced a patriarchy and set up the first empire. Other invaders came from Tanganyika with the chief Ilunga Kalala, Mukunda of origin, overthrew Kongolo Mwamba, and started another Empire, the second Luba Empire. This second empire is described as being vaster than the frrst. Ilunga Kalala led the Bakunda to Mutombo Mukulu, Mato, Kabongo, Kinkondja and Kinda (Verhulpen 1936: 55), and, above all, his successors, Ilunga Kabale and Kumwimba Ngombe, who extended even more of the Luba territory border. Ilunga Kalala was the son of Mbidikiluwe who was also the son of a man who called himself chief of Bupemba and who lived at Townthe same time with Kongolo Mwamba. He was commonly known as Ilunga Kiluwe (hunter), Sango wa Mpemba, and Mwenge wa Ngalaba. His main city was Membe, in all likelihood, situated on the Moba River, though someCape commentators say that he came from the east side of Tanganyika. Afterof some time, Mbidikiluwe took Mabela and Bulanda, Kongolo's sisters, as his wives (Burton 1961: 4, 6). With Mabela, they brought forth one son Ilunga Kalala who became the first Mulohwe of the second Luba Empire. The mixing of invaders and speakers of native tongues gave birth to the present Kiluba and to the Luba people that we know today. This offers Universityan explanation for the linguistic difference with the Balubakasai who had never been in the two empires. On the cultural plane, this conquest explains the similarity between the practices and beliefs of the African Bantu tribes in 23
general and, in particular, certain D. R. C. regions. In order to understand the meaning of some Luba ceremonies, an explanation from other people, such as Bahemba (Bakunda) people, who could have exercised some influence in the Luba Empire, must be taken into account.
1. 3. 2 Etymology of the term Luba
The majority of terms used to describe the Luba people pose a serious problem to the researcher. The term, Buluba, is used to show that the territory occupied by the Bantu in the province of Katanga is not alien. The natives themselves use it to indicate their own country.
The term is the combination of the prefix "Bu" and the root "Luba". The derived term comes from the root, which, in the spoken language, expresses the idea of sickness or fault. The verb "Kuluba" (to lie, to err, to be at fault, to default) is derived from the root word. The prefixTown "Mu," which is often annexed to the root shows the singular and the prefix "Ba" shows the plural personified. The addition, both gave Muluba and Baluba, terms which mean person or people (Colle 1913: 1). TheCape term Buluba and its derivatives Muluba, Baluba and Kiluba are terms of ofunknown origin. Many tentative explanations have been advanced for the meaning of the term Buluba. The first explanation concerns the extension of its application. It is proved that this term Buluba has two interpretations: one broad and another limited. In the broad sense, this expression indicates the groups of people living in the provinces of Katanga and Kasai in spiteUniversity of the linguistic, historical and cultural divergence, which exist between them. In the limited sense, this term points to the Luba Katanga tribe. 24
Limited to this group of the Katanga province, the application of this term requires slight distinctions to be made. Verhulpen and Pierre Petit refer to two categories of Baluba: Baluba patriarchy (Baluba Shankadi) and Baluba matriarchy (Baluba oriental) (Pierre 1993: 31). The border between the two groups is the Lwalaba, towards Kongolo. The patriarchal Luba have the feature that distinguishes them from the oriental Baluba. They speak the dialects near to Kiluba, belong to the ancient Luba Empire and testifY to cultural unity.2 The oriental Baluba although members of the Luba empire are sometimes indicated by other descriptions what distinguish them from the former (Verhulpen 1936: 24-26). The dividing up of the Luba ethnic group into two blocs is real and influences the prevailing culture. On each occasion that the differences indicated are observed, they are negligible in respect of the rite of healing.
In the past, the term Baluba has been employed to indicate the people living with the king, Kasongo Nyembo. All people living in this country have been called "bana ba baluba" (the Baluba's children)Town (Pierre 1993: 39). In the Lomami area, this term refers to the native who lived in the Mulohwe '8 (King) court (Nsenga 1998). It was also used as an honorary title to distinguish the court workers who lived in the king'sCape (Mulohwe) main village (Pierre 1993: 40). For this reason they said: of"Baluba abiya" (the Baluba have arrived) to announce the coming of the court workers sent by the Mulohwe (Nsenga 1998). Observing the majority of cases where the word Baluba has been employed helps us to determine the different groups to which it was applied, while it does not say a great deal about the origin of Baluba. Research will also ascertain the root, Luba. Certain scholars contend that Luba was originally the family name for the kingUniversity and that the word Baluba named all people of the empire. Other
2 Ibid, 35 25
scholars attribute this name to the slave chief whose partisans have been called Bana baluba (Luba's children). The last hypothesis that was found goes back to this name: one chief among the six clans who formed the traditional ethnic group, the current Baluba people (Avermaet 1954: 374-375). All these theses, which tie up this name to one chief or dynasty, lead to the conclusion that originally, this term did not indicate the whole people, but was the privilege of one person or of a small group.
Other traditions based on the verb Kuluba (to make mistakes) explain the origin of the Baluba. This derivation means that the Baluba are the people who made the mistake. In accordance with the tradition, the invaders become Baluba because they do not know that they are required to give one, unique and precise answer to the pygmy people (tuba na kumwena kwehi), the people who want to know from where they (the invading people) came. The native use of the term Baluba to qualify this group of people, to be described as "those who came from the wrong way, those who have lost their way,Town those who did not fmd themselves".3 This is a widely held and popular explanation.
The two hypotheses put togetherCape bring out the reality on which the term Baluba shows the people to be livingof in the royal city. Those considered as cut off from their roots are so described because they left their village, went and lived in the main city, far from their land. But to have left their village to go and live somewhere else is expressed in Kiluba by the verb Kujimina (to lose), which can also be interpreted as making a mistake (Ku/uba). It is credible, University
3 Ibid, 374- 377 26
however, that the inhabitants of the main city, who were moved when the new king came, were considered as lost people (Baluba bajimine) (Bwanga 1987).
Finally, in order to defme the qualifying term Shankadi, two currents flow together. The first goes back to this term, Shankadi, meaning the chief who ruled this empire, Ilunga Shangali. The researcher, T. Thews considers that "It is by honour and respect to their king that they gave them this name, Shangali, on which they made some morphological transformations" (Theuws 1962: 320- 322). The second line of thought attributes this qualifying term to the Baluba habit of punctuating some answers or conversations by the exclamation Shankadji. The significance of this conclusion varies with the context but, in general, it expresses the humility of the people and can be translated by the phrase ''with pleasure or willingly", in the majority of cases. At the conclusion of a protracted conversation they may ask: "Ubaitabija mambo?" (Do you understand this problem?). The response may be "Naitabija Shankadji" (With deference I accept). Town
1. 3. 3 The meaning of the term Kabongo (Bwanga 1987). Cape The expression "Bene Kabongo"of identifies the Baluba, who live in the Kabongo territory. This term Kabongo is the name of the first king who ruled this empire after the partition of the ancient empire into two domains, namely, the Kasongo Nyembo domain and the Kabongo domain. Kasongo Nyembo and his group occupy the side of the Lomami spring, the source of the most important riverUniversity in this area. In the Kabongo domain the Paramount Chief, the residential village and the inhabitants are called Bene Kabongo. The Bene Kabongo is part and parcel of the group Baluba Shankadi or Baluba Katanga. 27
Like the Baluba, the Bene Kabongo, believe in the existence of a Supreme Being that they call Shakampanga.
1.4 Culture
Culture may broadly be described as the refmed understanding of the arts and other intellectual achievements, such as literature and music that mirror the civilization of a people living in a particular period of time.
For Luba people, culture, Mwikandilo, is the set of features inherited from Bankambo (ancestors or grandfathers) that have become a living reference. It also reflects the various ways in which people solve their problems, and which, after a period of time, became a way of life of that society. This kind of detail distinguishes Muluba from other people. Mwikandilo was the oral transmission from one generation to the next. All respectful Muluba live in conformity with their culture (Bwanga 1987). Town
1. 4. 1 Community life Cape The Muluba lead a communityof life based on a patriarchal structure. Mukulumpe, elder of Kisaka, represents Mulohwe's (King or Chief) power in Kibunclji, village. Mulohwe is one who retains political and sacred power accorded to him at the time of enthronement and which symbolises Bulohwe, (kingdom), the power of the fIrst Luba King Kalala Ilunga. Bulohwe is indivisible Universityand provides a sacred tie between the living chief and the dead. Mulohwe is protected by Bavidye's (gods) spirit that rules Luba religious life (Gansemans 1978: 56). 28
Luba political organisation is based on the principle of partnership in Dihata (King or Chief resident) under the leadership of Bamfumu (Dignitaries). In terms of the economic life, the Baluba belong to the hunters, Biluwe and the farmer Bindimwe, the principal sources of food. Baluba engage in hunting during the dry season, Bushiho, that is the complementary activity in the Luba economic system. But, it occupies a place of considerable importance in Luba social and religious life. Biluwe are grouped in their association, named Buyanga, and enjoy magical and protective power from the diviners, Bwana vidye (Bwanga 1987).
Baluba who live in the vicinity of Lwalaba River and Kisale Lake are called Balaba. During the dry season, Bushiho, Balaba live on the papyrus island for about three months, and engage in fishing. While Baluba live in the area where Lwalaba River does not flow, such Bene Kabongo (Inhabitants of Kabongo territory) are called Ba ku ntanda, those who live on dry land. Town Despite all these considerations, agriculture remains the principal activity in Lubaland. Men and women work together on the arable land. They grow cassava, maize, sweet potatoes, peanuts,Cape beans, bananas and dates. The palm tree also produces oil, Manyi, salt,of Mweho, and palm wine, Malwa a mukoma or Malevu that, with maize beer, is a popular beverage. Chickens, goats, lambs and cows comprise Baluba's cattle farm. The Baluba weave mats, Byata, baskets, Bisaku, hats, Bitebo and, make clay saucepans, Bisuku bya dima and raffia articles of clothing, Bisandji bya madiba. University All evidence confIrms that in the Luba community, a woman, Mwananmukaji, plays a discreet but very important role and is sometimes a 29
determinant in the social and political life in a chieftainship. It is historically proved and culturally admitted that women form the generational foundation Bulohwe i bana bakaj;. This means that the transmission of the cultural wisdom of Bulohwe is in the hands of women. Woman is the guardian of tradition, Mbutwile wa Bantu or clan mother (Mutonkole 1987: 28).
1. 4. 2 Family life
Through the centuries, the Luba family, Kisaka, is the combination of one man, his wife, or wives, and their several children. In the broader sense Kisaka is the association of all the descendants of a common ancestor. In Luba family, Tata, the father is the head, in a strict patriarchal system. Wife or wives, and children, must respect Tata. If a man is polygamous, the fITst wife holds a place not accorded to the wives who follow. She is called Muntwa bene (respectable). She dictates the conduct of the other wives. Her status distinguishes her from the other wives and, of her,Town it is said: Muntwa bene i lungenyenye kevwana binena djuba wivwana nka binena kweji, the first wife is a star that does not hear what the sun says and is only commanded by the moon4 (Kweji). The second wife is called CapeMpungwa mwadi and the third is called Ntomene, and each wife has her ownof duties (Mande 2001).
In Luba cosmogony, however, the sun does not have stars; it is solitary, but the moon, considered masculine, has a star, that is, the fITSt wife, Mwadi wa kweji, or fITSt dame, among many dames (stars), (Muntokole 1987: 29). University
4 In this ease moon means husband and star is his spouse. 30
In Luba thinking the hierarchy principle among human beings is determined by the natural order. The one who saw the sun before hislher brothers or sisters is the eldest of the children in Kisaka. In his hands all family responsibilities rest. The eldest, Mubedi, has the authority to settle disagreements, to advise, to encourage and to punish. Watching over others, in respect of common matters, is the duty that is the fIrst priority of the eldest of every family.
The Baluba have an appropriate proverb that applies to the legal duty of the eldest. They say: Kyabadikile i nshingo ni i mutwe? I mutwe, what came fIrst, the neck or the head? Naturally, in childbirth the head is followed by neck.
In this hierarchical order, the head, Mutwe, is eldest in the family and the neck, Nshingo, is second. The elder is called Mubedi or Kyalala nkombe, the one who broke the hymen or the virginity. Town Children of the same family, of the same class of people or of the same social rank, give the elder the name Tutu for boys and Kaka for girls. If the younger does not call the elder, TutuCape or Kaka, he/she may be provoked to considerable indignation. The Tutuof and the Kaka are considered as connected to Tata in the fIrst instance and, in the second instance, to Lola. This hierarchical relationship is of vital importance if they are to incarnate the maternal love and the paternal providence. The Baluba say, Tutu abe I shobe, Kaka abe i inobe, your elder brother is your father and your elder sister is your mother. University Among Luba people it is not unusual to hear a child calling his father, Tutu, or his mother, Kaka. This elder law requires that, when diffIculties arise 31
between Kisaka members, Tutu should say some word. The dictum: Nenenena, miuningo ileta lulu, speak clearly, because grumbling kills, is an appropriate warning (Masaluka 2000). All this suggests that in Luba society the respect toward an elder, Mukulumpe, is obligatory and that the elder should respect the younger. Mukulu lemeka nkasa, nkasa nandi akulemeke, meaning elder brother or sister, respect the young and the young will respect you. Clearly, among Luba, mutual respect is essential to social decorum.
In Lubaland, the words Tutu or Mukulu, Mukulumpe (plural: Bakulumpe) indicate an old person, one who is influential, a notable and a respected elder person. Wisdom, Neni is a quality ascribed to Mukulumpe. But, there are some Bakulumpe who are not good when compared with young people. Mukulumpe is one who, in a long life, has accumulated a wealth of experience, whereas a young person, Nkasa or Nkasampe, is inexperienced and unskilled. According to public opinion, Mukulumpe must overlook disrespect and be ready to condone misdemeanours. The Baluba say Mukulu tyimwinaTown mu manwi, the wise breaks an insult under the knee and it does not move beyond that point (see Mutonkole 1987: 63-64). Cape Again, belonging to Kisakaof is the knowledge of his genealogy that distinguishes one group from another. The following example may illustrate this:
Misasulo ya ba kisaka kya bene Lenge Lenge clan's genealogy
Mwine Kasakai ne Kabunda From Kasakai and Kabunda Mwine KyankodiUniversity From Kyankodi (River) Mwine Kyala kya mpongo From valley land 32
Wa ku Nimbye na Banze Inhabitant of Nimbye and Banze hills Wa ku lulu nengenyanga mweni From the mountain that makes foreign beauty nasha wiya neditolea kwabo ukanda comes home dirty may go up bituhu lea nsense and become clean.
Keeping a precise record of someone's genealogy is important for Luba people. Discovering a relationship with others in society, and fmding a place in the family link in a chain of relationships, gives the psychological effect of a sense of security. It also establishes a cultural component to interpersonal relations in the clan.
1. 4. 3 Education
Education is a process of training and instruction especially of children and young people in schools and colleges that are designed to convey knowledge and to develop skills. Town
Historically, in the absence of schools and colleges, Luba education was informal and unorganised. All learningCape was occasional or circumstantial. Despite this, during normal life,of especially during the evening conversation around the fire, who provided quality time to Bakulumpe in order to give advice to young people (Bwanga 1987).
By the age of twelve years, the young Muluba has learnt at the fireside that roots andUniversity leaves of a particular tree heal specofic misongo, sickness or disease (Burton 1961: 81 ). Nanga and Mbuki or Kilumbu before their death initiate their young children or young relatives to the subtleties of their job and 33
so a certain amount of skills training is provided in secret societies like Mukanda or Kwisao, Butanda, Bumbundye and Buyanga, where special teaching is dispensed. During the early years' training by Mukanda and Butanda, the
purpose IS initiation that prepares the young to be equipped for marriage. Bumbundye is dancing that, as social convetion, provides essential preparation for young people to derive enjoyment in celebratory ceremonies. Buyanga initiates the young into the acquisition of the skills for hunting.
With regard to family and social relationships, informal education gives young people the skills that are essential for leading a normal daily life. This gives the young the opportunity of participating in family conversation when Bakulumpe take the opportunity of giving advice prior to marriage, or before undertaking a long journey or before visiting a village for the first time, or before travelling to a distant country (Mpanga 1987).
When the young are advised about marriage,Town Busongi, Mukulumpe must give the advice Dilala wa mukoma. Buluo buswa kishima abe kolamabo bisuku: in matrimonial life one must speak and not be isolated in silence among the saucepans. Animated interaction betweenCape partners in dialogue and in exchanges, is essential for successful marriedof life. In their day-to-day relationships, Baluba ask young people to show friendliness to all those with whom they come into contact. In this way, it says: Kubumba biya lcebwino, bwino ikwikala ne Bantu - moulding a well- pot is not an art; true art is to live in a good relationship with all one's neighbours. Bakulumpe ask young people to be careful in selecting those with Universitywhom they share ideas. In this case they say, Banza meso uyuka otwitala ana adi munda kwi ayuka: appearances are always deceptive. Katyi tee. Kalala mwana nyama Ice kalala mukulwa nyema: slight movement is not 34
sufficient to bestir a small animal, but slight movement is sufficient to attract the attention of a large animaL
The secret society, Bambudye, the evidence suggests, provided a more organized education in Lubaland. This society adopted the principle, Shabundye, that an ordinary person has the power to defer the normal functions for an indefinite period. Such a person is supported in this task by many other people such as Kikungulu, who regulates the affairs of society and decides on things such as the dances. Musenge is a foreman who assigns tasks to members. Ndalamba, is not delegated any clearly defined task but follows Musenge and is subordinate to Kikungulu.
Bumbundye, as the society of dances requires of its members, learns all about the society from kusubila to kusubula. For the session, Bwana mukamba wa kilo is in charge of the building of the Kinyengele, lodge- house, following the instructions. His office is confmed to building operations,Town Ngubako.
According to Burton (1961: 159-163), most people join the Bumbundye of their own free will but some are compelledCape to become members. All active and discerning people, and those whoof live in a comfortable hut and garden, and in particular attractive women, felt constrained to become members by Bambundye. Membership was encouraged and, any member in good standing introduced others. It was the task of Tusulo, 5 who officially welcome newcomes, to promote the interests of the society. The novice, known to the world as the Ngulungu, Universitythe uninitiated, but given a name by Bambundye Manseta, was
5 Tusulo writes Bruton (1961: 158) is the official receiver, and to him all gifts for the society as a whole are brought. 35
required to pay an entrance fee. Once the Ngulungu has been initiated the person is taken to a little wooden figure draped in cloth, and called Kihukahuka, who must be greeted. Needless to say, the greeting does not elicit a response. The Ngulungu must make a full confession of all the more serious misdemeanours of committed, in the presence of the entire society, and on pain of death. It is this confession, Kwisasa that makes it hard to withdraw or resign from Bumbundye. All the Kinyengele know all the worst incidents in Ngulungu's life and the initiated person is required to pay another fee, about fifty francs, and constrained to keep the secret of the Kinyengele for fear of being uncovered and exposed to the bright sun (Bwanga 1987). The members of Kinyengele then gather round and congratulate the newcomer, Mbundye Mwana. The new member's is then whitened with ash.
The Kusubula, the last ceremony, may follow within two or three days after the initiates have learnt the required formulae, and shown themselves ready to pay the necessary fee in beads, Malungo a TownBuluba. This ceremony is accompanied by the drinking of beer, Malwa, which the initiates must provide, and consists in being conducted Mwana-Mbundye past various signs, known as Masumbu, to which they must give namesCape or titles. of After having completed all those tasks, in the next stage, however, Bambundye believe that they are possessed by Vidye and not by an ordinary death spirit. And the necromancers, Mbuki, declare that once, in the distant past, Bambundye and Bavidye were indivisible (Burton 1961: 165). University 36
1. 4. 4 Artistic life
Generally, Baluba lead an impressive artistic life, especially Bene Kabongo. The Lukasa that shows how the imperial court was constituted is made at Makwidi village in Kabongo territory (Nooter 1981: 140). Baluba creativity designed pictorial representations and other depictions in visual arts and other corporeal signs, as they seek to express their distinguishing features as a tribe.
1. 4. 4. 1 Corporeal signs
According to Sendwe (1954: 89-92), art or Luba visible signs may be classified into four categories: (1) tattoos, Ntaho, (2) sharpness and teeth pulling up, Kukula ne kuzola meno, (3) hairstyle, Kutenda and braid Kubanda and (4) circumcision, mukanda. Town 1. 4. 4.2 Tattoos Ntaho (singular Lutaho)
The Ntaho, the scars made on theCape body are, in fact, drawings designed to enhance human beauty, above all,of the beauty of the women. Men, Banabalume indulge in various aesthetic scars on the face, the nose and the cheeks.
1. 4. 4. 3 Sharpness and pulling up teeth, Kukula ne kuzola menD
WhenUniversity humans laugh the eight incisors in their mouth are more visible than the other teeth. For aesthetic reasons, and in order to be distinctive, Baluba show their distinctiveness on these eight teeth. 37
Consequently, all adult Muluba have four lower incisors extracted, Mazole and the two medians of the four upper incisors are sharpened, Makule in the middle. Men and women of the time did not leave their incisors unadorned. Baluba were very happy about this distinctive sign because this was considered to flatter their appearance. As a consequence, they talked easily and, when they spoke, they opened their mouths proudly and smiled constantly. The cleaning of the teeth is an important part of Luba life, and many plants are used as cleaning agents (Bwanga 1987).
1. 4. 4. 4 Hairstyle, Kutenda ne kubanda, braid
Among Luba people cleanliness has always been an important precept and hygienic care of hair is an expression of this rule. The action of cutting hair is called Kutenda and combing and brushing it into a hairstyle is referred to as Kubanda. The hair of children, Bana, is shaved off leaving only a tuft of hair, Kituntu, on the front of the head. Bam/umu, dignitaries,Town comb their hair in a bunch, Divuvu, or in plaits, Dishima, that make their head appear dented when the hair is parted. Cape 1.4.4.5 Circumcision, Mukandaof
Aesthetically, Mukanda is considered to make the masculine genital organ more beautifuL At the initiation camp the specialists, in such matters, do the operations. In most cases circumcision takes place during the rites of initiation (see page 80,University 2.6.2.1 Mukanda, initiation of young boys) through which young people are introduced to adulthood. It is considered an act which makes young boys real men and it is regarded a shame to be uncircumcised in adulthood. 38
Through Mukanda, the candidate is prepared for marriage, and is considered productive and competent to do things by himself, like building a house or making his agricultural land productive.
1. 4. 4. 6 Visual arts
From the artistic point of view the Baluba, especially those from Kabongo, have developed artistic skills to a high degree. Their artists excel in the practice of the plastic arts. Wood and clay are the basic material. They fashion statuettes (Nkinsi) and big masks (Kifwebe), headrests (Musamo) and arrow holders. They use different musical instruments that are made from wood: drums (Ngoma), xylophones (Mandimba), wood gongs (Kyondo). These instruments harmonise the melodies for social entertainment (Gansemans 1978: 59-68). The Baluba are also good dancers (Burton 1961: 8) and singers. With great skill they also weave mats and the raffia cloths. In the Luba area mats have a great importance because they are used as beds,Town seats and caskets.
These are used for the purpose of decoration for ceremonies and for the worship of God, Leza, which are occasionsCape on which Baluba use wooden instruments. Baluba do not haveof written documentation of events but through the medium of their visual art such as Lukasa, the initiated understand how the ftrst imperial court was constituted. Because the entire display represents Kalala Ilunga, it is portrayed in the middle of the upper half of the board (Nooter, 1948: 140). University 39
1. 4. 4. 7 Other arts
The creative skill inherent in Luba art is also reflected in the design of their dwelling houses, Njibo, and in the styling of their clothing, Kuvwala. Muluba has a type of house that displays aesthetic elegance: Kisala Nzolo, a straw house with a conic roof that hangs to the ground. Kabwai is also a straw house but with a large wall and roofing that does not overhang to the ground. This is the type of house that males prefer. Ndaku is a chieftainship residence. It is divided into various rooms: a living room, a bedroom and a bathroom. This style of house, situated in the middle of the village, has a large court (Dibulu). Leading off from the Dibulu are passages on avenues, Mikola named after the Mfumu: Mukola wa Mukelenge Senga, the Mediator's street or Mukola wa Mukelenge Kalala, the General's street (Bwanga 1987).
In Lubaland, the clothing that is worn depends on the kind of material that is produced in the area. Raffia is a fibre that Townhas, over many years, been developed, as the principal Luba clothing material. Even today such traditional clothing has not been completely abandoned.Cape
Women's clothing is moreof specialised and diversified than men's clothing. This also depends upon circumstances. Kibango is a scarf worn on the head more to avoid natural hair loss. Butembo is a loincloth that girds a woman's loins up to her thighs. It is cut in front and covered by Lwemba, a strip decorated with pearls. Kimondwe is like Butembo, a loincloth but it is adorned with pearlsUniversity that make it very special. Kimondwe is a special cloth used on 40
ceremonial occasions such as after Butanda initiation and Butundaile, and is worn with Lwemba, a pearl- decorated strip.
It is said that men's clothes are made of animal skin or of raffia fibre, Kisandji kya madiba and serves to gird a man's loins and to extend to his knees. Mulohwe's clothes, Bisandji bya bukolwe are long, decorated with pearls and raised in front by leopard skin. With regard to dressing, there are some Luba proverbs that advise people that they should rather imitate people who dress smartly than the manner in which people speak, Beulanga muvwadilo~ kebeulanga muneneno. This is what Luba wisdom recommends to people (Bwanga 1987).
1. 5 Sociocultural and religious life 1. 5. 1 Sociocultural life
In general, the Luba shankadi, social order Townis established on the basis of patriarchal system and its organisation boils down to the extension of the relationship of the family group. The man has his Ndaku (sleeping hut) and his Kumbala (dining hut). The Mfumu (dignitary)Cape surrounds his huts with fences. These huts are built in the weededof place Lubanza. By the term "family", is understood a man, his several wives and his various children. This is called kihango. Several social families bear the name Kisaka in which the children are brought together round the founder-name. They can say: Kisaka kya Kasongo Bwanga (Kasongo Bwanga' s family) and so on. Several Bisaka combine to build a village.University This village is in fact a conglomeration of families. It is likely that these families do not always have the same origin. It should be noted that the first founder of the family forms in the Kibundi (Village) the most important 4l
Kisaka (Verhulpen 1936: 202). In the Kisaka, it is the duty of parents to teach, instruct and initiate children into family, social and political organisation of their people.
According to the same author, Verhulpen, Luba society comprises the class of Mulohwe (king), hierarchical because the posts determine the importance of dignitaries they occupy according to their ages, their seigneury, and often, the royal insignia that they wear and his family, the class of dignitaries, the stratum of people and the slaves.6 a) The class of Mulohwe and his family forms one social class of notables of Luba society. These are persons who have royal blood that is considered sacred blood. b) The Bamfumu (Notables): the dignitaries and the workers in the imperial court, the chief of villages and their dignitaries who form the second class. This class is hierarchical because the importance of dignitariesTown is determined by the posts they occupy, their seignary, and often, the royal insignia that the wears society. These are persons who have royal blood that is considered sacred blood. c) The ordinary Baluba, the stratum ofCape people without special rank or position and the strangers who have comeof to live in Baluba the territory. These persons constitute another class. d) The Bahika (slaves) were the prisoners of war or the men and women who were purchased. The Balohwe (Kings), the notables (Bamfumu) and the rich people (Bampeta) owned many slaves (Burton 1961: 5). The slaves were servants whoUniversity were given hard manual work and were accountable to very strict
6 Ibid,203 42
masters who had the power to sell them or to make them free. In this way they became free men and women.
1. 5. 2 Religious life
The Baluba believe in the existence of the spirits in all things. Colle said: "on the whole, the private and the social life of our Baluba is filled by the religious spirits. The idea of invisible beings haunts them. They see them everywhere" (Colle 1913:T II, 511).
The Baluba have invented several categories of spirit:
At the top of the list of all spirits, are the Supreme Being Vidye Mukulu, Leza, Creator, and Shakampanga, of all species, the impassive spectator of the misfortune of his creatures. It is for this last aspect of the spirit that the natives do not dedicate any service directly to Leza (VerhulpenTown 1936: 152). But the Baluba worship Leza through the ancestors Bankambo. African theologians and scholars are generally agreed that Africans revere and venerate divinities either as an end in themselves or as intermediaries.Cape It is generally accepted that God is not worshipped directly, but onlyof through the intermediaries, states Turaki (1994: 34).
After the Supreme Being, come the great spirits Bavidye or Mikishi. The Baluba do not consider them as gods but as creatures. The great spirit of the second categoryUniversity contains the genius of the rivers and lakes, of trees and animals, of mountains and rocks, and the natural phenomena. The eastern Baluba distinguish the spirit of East, which smokes tobacco, the Bishimba, and the spirit 43
of West, which does not smoke, the Batitenta (Colle 1913: 421). The tradition of Kinda people, in the Baluba Shankadi country, divides the genius in two parts: the Bapemba from Lake Upemba to the East, and the Bahungu bene Kapuwe from the North and does not smoke tobacco (Verhulpen 1936: 164). These spirits can choose some men and women in whom they may take up residence. They take possession of these chosen men and women and they become priests. They call them Kitobo kya Vidye or Bwana Vidye (Priest).
The spirit of death, the spirit of the ancestors. The Baluba believe that after death, the double or the shadow of the deceased (Kikudji) remains and continues his life. Because of this fact, the chief, and the ancestors of the family, are able to follow and control the behaviour of their descendants. The Baluba say that these spirits are considered to be close at hand and they attribute to them the misfortune, sickness, suffering they endure and all the luck, peace, health, and prosperity they enjoy. Herein lays the reason why the Baluba venerate the spirit of the ancestors. The spirits of Townancestors venerated were only those who gave good witness and who lived into old age, the Baluba call them real ancestors, Bankambo, who are good spirits (Bafu bayampe). There are also among the spirits the kizwa (the spiritCape of perverse nature that seeks only to visit misfortune on descendants). Theyof call it Mufu mubi (Bad spirit).
Lastly, the Baluba believe in spiritual action within the life of a human being. Those spirits that leave their body may move out in the form of a shadow. They call them Banfwityi (Witches) (Colle 1913: 422). The Baluba believe in Universitythe power that enters in relation with all the spirits, except Vidye Mukulu, who cannot intervene in the people's problems because he is distant. The Baluba believe that sickness is consequence of the presence of the angered 44
7 spirit in people . This spirit can be a genius, a spirit of death, or a spirit of witch.
1. 5. 2. 1 The cult of ancestors, Bankambo
The authentic Luba religion is the veneration of ancestors, because it is the centre of all life. The veneration that the Baluba offer to the spirit of their ancestors is similar to that offered to the genius, namely, making an offering, prayers and thanksgiving.
1. 5. 2. 2 Witchcraft and magic
Baluba people believe in the capacity of particular persons able to take control of the natural forces. This power from nature used to protect the population, is called Bwanga (fetish). The opposite of protection is to harm the life and the luck of people. That is witchcraft. TownThe Baluba believe in the existence of magic and call it Ngeni (knowledge). This can be good or bad according to the outcome. If it is harmful to society, it is witchcraft (Dilowa), a term derived from the verb Kulowa (toCape bewitch, to throw the evil). This is the kind of magic practised by the Banfwityiof (witches). There are special rites for the funeral of witches. All this is to cast away their spirit from those who are living. Those who go witch hunting are venerated and their death is regretted (bampald ba manga, bilumbu, bwana vidye) (Kunyanga 1999). The preceding observations bring some corrective to the idea expressed by Verhulpen. Verhulpen, Universityholds the view that the Muluba understand by magic and witchcraft "the art to subjugate to his will the forces held by nature that he will be able to
7 Ibid412 45
annihilate the charm and the witch spell". In the same context he defines witchcraft as "the art to subjugate, by magic, the hidden power of nature, the genius and the spirits of the ancestors to his will, in the goal to harm the members of the group, to use the charm or to cast a spell" (Verhulpen 1936: 161 ). The Kiluba has only one term that conveys the concept of magic, namely, Ngeni. They say, Ngeni miyampe (good magic), Bwanga and Ngeni mibi (bad magic), Bunfwityi. And also, about Bwanga they make out the good fetish (Bwanga buyampe) when the fetish brings life and Bwanga bubi (bad fetish) when it brings misfortune. Witchcraft in its feminine form is called Kiswenene and in its masculine form is called Nzuji or majende (harming fetish or bad magic).
1. 5. 2. 3 Totem and taboo
In their religion the Baluba have taboos and totems. Verhulpen, in his analysis on the Baluba, states: " there are many prohibitionsTown which depend upon the seigneury" (Verhulpen 1936: 161). The Baluba are often considered a people of prohibitions. The Bijila (prohibitions) are many and vary from one clan, status or secret society to another,Cape depending on which the person belongs to. There are many taboos and theyof are identified in different categories: taboo of chief, of witches, sexual taboo, and the taboo of the sacrifice (Colle 1913: 459). These taboos extend to the nature of some phenomena especially to healing. There are also taboos that relate to animals that one dare not eat or kill, because they are said to have some relationship with a group or a person. Certain clansUniversity boast about their totem. The natives of Kime in the territory of Kabongo are called "Kebadi nzolo utoka" (Those who cannot eat the white 46
chicken). In their tradition they say that, at the time of emergence of Lake Boya, the surviving ancestor of the flood came out with a white chicken (Ilunga 1987).
1. 5. 2. 4 Idols
The Baluba have idols. Their idols are the fetishes that are displayed in one's room and in which great confidence is placed. However, belief in them is not belief in a god, but as in a creature. In this situation Burton (1961: 127) has said: Notwithstanding all that has been written of there being no love or worship offered to these supposed spirit, we have known grown people to sit for hours beside their idols, talking to them, warming themselves beside the same fire, speaking caressingly in endearing terms, and generally offering them that respect and friendship which could hardly be called by any other name than that of worship.
The Baluba recognize that the effectiveness of the fetish depends on the Supreme Being. They never omit to add the words "Shi Vidye uswile" (If God wants) each time the fetish is passed to someone Townelse. This has caused some scholars to say that the Baluba were not idolatrous, in the strict sense of the word (Colle 1913: 476). The Baluba were discerning enough to make a distinction between their fetish (BwngaCape buhake) and the Supreme Spirit, the Creator and Conservator of all things.of
1. 5. 2. 5 Worship of physical phenomena
The Baluba attribute a spiritual essence to every physical phenomenon. This is whatUniversity the Baluba thought about earthquakes in those times. For them the phenomenon of an earthquake was provoked by a snake, Pumpi, a spirit that at the time of his displacement, caused the earthquake. Consequently, it was 47
necessary to make some ceremOnIes and sacrifices to calm him. These ceremonies took place at a specific location that has some relevance to the earthquake and were celebrated by the Bitobo (Priests) (Mutombo 1999). The moon was also the object of particular veneration. People consider that the moon is motivated by a charitable genius. Consequently, at the time of each new moon, people rub their bodies with a red and white coloration and then they dance (Colle 1913: 476). This was frequently done for the parents of twins and for the people who were possessed by the spirit of the second category. It was considered to be the time for them to draw on the favour of these spirits.
1. 5. 2. 6 Divination, Kubuka
Divinatory activity enjoyed a special place in the Luba areas. Information about divination will be more fully developed in Chapter 2. The diviners (Mbuld or Kilumbu) are considered among prestigious people. Their work consists in the ability to reveal the cause ofTown certain anomalies such as sickness, misfortune and adversity. Referring to the Ndembu people ofKatanga, Turner states: "among the Ndembu, the diviner regards his task as the practical one of revealing the causes of misfortuneCape or death" (Turner 1975: 269). People consulted a diviner in times ofof failure. These diviners were magicians, competent to reveal the damage suffered by those who failed to observe the funeral rites. One of the causes of the death could be failure to worship death.
1. 5. 2. 7 Secret societies University Several secret societies exist in the Luba villages (Bibundi). The important and better known are those of the Mbundje and Mayanga. The 48
Mbundje are the dancers who form an association of pleasure and the circle of dance (Burton 1961: 154). They evoke all happy events such as birth and enthronement. They inaugurate initiation ceremonies to celebrate their practices, their language and their obligations. The second group of the Mayanga is the association of hunters whose speciality was the hunting of the big cats, the Baluba referred to as Banyema ba mikishi (The spirit's animals). This activity required initiation. The funeral rites of the members of these societies signified had particular meanings. The Baluba also recognise the priest and his role as mediator between the living human and the spirit. They believe in the future life and in the resurrection of the dead. They worship in a temple, but in a small mortuary hut (Colle 1913: 631).
Preliminary conclusion
This chapter introduces us to the study of the geographical and historical situation of the Luba people. I have considered Townthe people who live almost entirely in the province of Katanga. This is one of the eleven provinces in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. This province is subdivided into districts, territories and Villages. The Baluba cameCape from the North and the Northeast and live in the district of Haut-Lomami,of Tanganyika, Haut-Katanga and Lwalaba. A conglomeration of people that reside there: the invaders who established the first and the second Luba Empire, as well as the indigenous people, some enslaved and others not enslaved, states Verhulpen. I have also considered that the term Baluba and its consequence, Kuluba, means to make a mistake or to be lost. And the term BeneUniversity Kabongo shows the inhabitants of the territory of Kabongo: the chief, the population and the major residential village are indicated by the same name. The Baluba believe in the existence and the presence of spirits in all 49
things. The idea of invisible beings haunts them. They see spirits everywhere. The Baluba believe that, the spiritual aspects of everything that is involved in the act affect each act of every day, of every life whether good or bad.
The next chapter proposes to examine the Luba vision of the world, both the visible and invisible world: links, and the interaction between the two worlds and a perception of their life. This gives insights into the background of Luba.
Town
Cape of
University 50
CHAPTER 2 THE LUBA VISION OF THE WORLD
2. 1 Introduction
All people, all human beings, have a philosophy, that is to say, a perception of the world, of themselves as human beings, of the environment in which they live, and of their destiny. The Baluba also have a particular worldview. No single aspect of their life can be understood without an understanding of their worldview. In other words, the Luba perception of healing can be understood, only in the context of this worldview.
I have, in this chapter, researched the Luba worldview. There is, in Luba thinking, a theme that constantly surfaces in conversation and in daily preoccupation. This theme may be summed up in one word "life", Bumi (Tempels 1965: 79). Bumi is the essence of whatTown the Muluba possesses. Muluba must protect it, reinforce it and perpetuate it by procreation and by his progeny (Munza 1988). Cape All the Baluba's life is markedof by earnest concern to possess life, to increase life and to protect life. Grevisse (1945: 18), in his study on the subject of Basanga mentality (see chapter one), understood the aspiration of Bantu's soul about life. Although life is their main preoccupation, the Baluba have the firm conviction that life should not be a personal matter. Life is truly the consequenceUniversity of the interaction of many forces, visible and invisible (Mwosengo 1982: 5-14). 51
The Baluba believe that the world is divided into two parts: the visible world (Ntanda) and the invisible world (Kalunga).8 Ntanda is the inhabited world and Kalunga is the inanimate world the latter is also divided in two: namely, Kalunga Nyembo, a world inhabited by the dead who were good people in Ntanda, and Kalunga ka musono, the place reserved for all who were nasty, bad and evil people in the Ntanda. The Baluba, on trust, assume that the universe is full of beings that have power, called by scholars, vital force, and which is not equally distributed. There are those who have a superior measure of vital force and who are, consequently, able to neutralise the vital force of the weak (Bwanga 1987).
2. 2 Visible and invisible world
Popular opinion among the Luba is that they visualise two worlds: the visible world and invisible world. Pastor Bishimba Lukasu considers that the Baluba identify three worlds within the experienceTown of the human being. To explain this opinion, the Baluba refer to the adage: "Misumba ibidi pa ntanda, ino wa satwe keuyukene", "two locations on earth but the third location is obscure" (Munza 1988). Cape of The adage suggests the perception the Baluba have of life. The Baluba use the term Misumba (singular Musumba) to describe a place that people locate themselves for the purpose of gathering together or for hunting and fishing. The word Misumba conjures up the image of a position someone takes up for swift University
8Kalunga can also mean Ocean. 52
action and quick movement. This suggests that when the task has been accomplished they leave the Musumba and return home.
The literal translation of the adage is that life exists in two locations on earth but the third location is obscure. There is also a figurative meaning. It is that the Baluba are firm in the conviction that there are two habitations on earth
that a person occupies temporarily but there is a third that in some way IS undefmed.
When a Muluba interviewee was asked to describe the first two Misumba, he said: the first Musumba is located in the mother's womb (Dimi or Difu), because no one enters the world before the completion of the full term of gestation. The second Musumba, said the interviewee, in the opinion of the Baluba, is the independent post-parturition existence of human life. After life in this Musumba, however, the habitation of life is hidden in the exclusive obscurity in the third Musumba (Munza 1988). TownThis third Musumba is what Abbot Hebega (1979: 21) calls Ie monde de la nuit (the night world).
2. 3 Visible world Cape of The visible world is the earth that is the place of habitation of human beings and other living creatures, i.e. people, animals and plants. For survival in this world, people, animals and plants require a natural environment but human beings need knowledge and technology, in addition to the natural environment. University 53
The Baluba consider that all terrestrial space supports the visible world and is inhabited by people who are beings endowed with vital force, an element that is essential for the reinforcement of life and for the promotion of life (Tempels 1965: 79).
2. 4 Invisible world
Abbot Hebga (1979: 21-23) defines this world as a universe of the hidden and mysterious realities, a world of darkness (monde de la nuit). Nuit (darkness) is not synonymous with the kingdom of dark or the kingdom of sorcery or the kingdom of evil. It is, in fact, like a universe where the doctors, exorcists, diviners, priests and other workers of good operate.
De Rosny explains the term Nuit (darkness) that exceeds the human lifespan and common mortal knowledge. It is aboveTown things in the world of secret intentions and in the world of hidden goals (Rosny 1974: 18). This world is inhabited of gods, ancestors, spirits and animals. In order to act in this world, the human being needs some degree Capeof initiation that will help him see more than ordinary people see (Masaluka 2000). of 2. 5 The connection or the intercourse between two worlds
Although these two worlds are apparently distinct from each other, the Baluba are frrmly of the conviction that there is a vital communion between the visible worldUniversity and invisible world. The human being is considered to be the active link of a long social chain in which the central link is a common ancestor, 54
Nkambo. Also the moving in the two worlds is made in two ways. The Nkambo come and visit the living, blessing or cursing them, according to their conduct towards the Nkambo. The Baluba consult the Nkambo when life becomes very difficult or when personal or family problems emanate: sickness, disease, misfortune and death. The Baluba also consult the Bankambo (ancestors) as an act of thankfulness for kindness shown to the living.
It is also true that all happy events are interpreted as blessings and misfortunes are endured as curses in the life of Muluba: all is ascribed to invisible actors. I have concluded that fundamental Baluba logic attributes human destiny to the principal agents of the visible and of the invisible world.
2. 5. 1 The forces of the visible world
The visible world is composed of human beings, animals, plants and minerals. There are two categories among human beings, namely,Town ordinary people and those called "people with compound eyes". The latter include the chief, sorcerers and healers who are Mbuki and herbalists, Bapaki ba manga. The people with compound eyes communicateCape with two worlds and possess magic power. of
Chief (Mulohwe)
Priest (Kitobo) Diviner (Mbuki) University Sorcerer (Mfwintyi) 55
2.5. 1. 1 The chief (Mulohwe)
Mulohwe is the term that describes an ancestor's representative. He is the guardian of the tradition of the people. The Mulohwe is there for the interests of people and he has the task of protecting the population. He has both material power and immaterial power and this allows Mulohwe to be in contact with the invisible world deputed to establish the balance between human beings and their ancestors. There is balance if things are going well in society and there is harmony when all aspects of life function together. There is imbalance when society experiences social conflicts, a multiplicity of diseases and a lack of fecundity or fruitfulness. Mulohwe is the ancestor's representative most often heard by people in the village. He is considered the greatest sorcerer in the village because his vital force exceeds that possessed by any other (Bwanga 1987). The Mulohwe is said to be a man who has certainTown special powers that are bequeathed to him by the spirit of the ancestors. After Mulohwe's death, he passes this power to his successor. That is to say, one of the members of his family is named Mulohwe without taking Capeinto account his intellectual capacity, and only because he belongs to the Mulohwe'sof lineage. On the occasion of the enthronement ceremonies the new Mulohwe spends the night in a specially constructed hut of sorrow (Kobo ka malwa). Two mats of grass-cloth, and the Makumbo, the dried heads of the previous chiefs, are placed in the hut. This hut has neither doors nor windows and is built by subjects close to the chief: his brother's daughter,University and two officials, Kyoni and Mulunda. The first act for the officials is to shave the head of the Mulohwe, remove his clothes, and place every excretion of his body in a length of grass-cloth (Burton 1961: 21). Through Kobo ka malwa, the Mulohwe must appear vested with some supernatural power from the Bankambo. Later all excretions of the Mulohwe's 56
body, Nkoba, are carried by a trusted wizard to the highest hill, or to the highest river-source, it is buried with suitable spells and incantations. It is accepted that nobody will have supremacy over the Mulohwe. But Mulohwe remains the source from which authority and initiative trickles down to his subjects. The fact that these bundles of grass-cloth are buried is kept secret and nobody may approach them, could mean, "to hide the Mulohwe", Bwanga bwa kumufya. Even the wounded that fall in the vicinity of this special place, are abandoned and allowed to die and to decay. No hunter would dare to follow his quarry to this spot. In the end the Mulohwe takes his niece to be his wife. In ordinary circumstances this is considered incestuous, but in this situation is accompanied by ceremonial celebration. The Luba say this diminishes the misfortunes of the chieftainship. This incestuous connection between Mulohwe and his niece is called Kusudila malwa a bulohwe. The Mulohwe is regarded as worthy of exceptional respect. His rights are expressed in the coupletTown "A niece to sleep with, a grand-child to fondle, and a grandmother to lean upon". The official title of this conclusion of ceremonies is Kumfinga malwa, cursing misfortune. After the ceremonies the Mulohwe, remains in theCape Kobo ka malwa for one or more days before appearing in the village asof chief (Burton 1961: 22).
The Mulohwe is called Tala (Father) and all the members of the community are considered his children. His lineage extends up to the establishment of the empire, a contention that seeks to prove that the Mulohwe is not confined to aUniversity small group but embraces the whole chieftainship. Mulohwe claims to belong to the Bavidye, spirits and a parent of all the dead chiefs (Ilunga 1987). No ordinary human being could have the ambition to lay claim to such dignity: spirits would not give him (human being) the super-natural quality. Consequently, every Mulohwe eagerly claims lineage to Musuku (literally: 57
umbilical cord) to the long dead chiefs. There is absolutely a questioning of the Mulohwe's authenticity. In terms of this reasoning, Mulohwe's position is beyond reproach (Mutombo 2000).
All Baluba trace their origin to Ilunga Bindi Kiluwe who founded the chieftainship along the Moba River near Kalemie close to the Lake Tanganika. Every Luba chief is a descendant of Ilunga's lineage. The Mulohwe Kabongo is the direct descendant of this Ilunga's lineage. This lineage is called Bene Ilunga (descendants of Ilunga). It is this group of Bene Ilunga, who have authority to decide the name of Mulohwe's successor (Burton 1960: 64-65).
Burton contends that the authentic Mulohwe is the ruler of the community and is the nominal owner of everything. In general, he claims responsibility for the wellbeing of the people and commands the total loyalty of his SUbjects. In the past, those who resisted the Mulohwe's rules risked being tortured or killed. It is why upon the death of Mulohwe he was buriedTown with the living slaves and sometimes with his living wives (Burton 1960: 67-68).
In brief, among the Baluba, Capethe chief is the representative and the guardian of the ancestor's tradition.of Mulohwe must protect and serve the people for whom he has responsibility.
2. 5. 1. 2 Witch, Sorcerer, Mfwintyi, Kinda
AmongUniversity the Baluba, a witch (Mfwintyi or Kinda), is considered to be a human being capable of harming society by means of magic. While a witch is expected only to advance his or her own interest and never work for the benefit 58
of the community; a witch, it was said, could be conscious or unconscious of his or her situation. Supporting the belief that some people become sorcerers by birth, Raynolds noted:
A man cannot help being a witch; it is not his fault that he is born with witchcraft in his belly. He may be quite ignorant that he is a witch and quite innocent of acts of witchcraft. In this state of innocence he might do someone an injury unwittingly, but when he has on several occasions been exposed by the poison oracle he is then conscious of his powers and begins to use them with malice (1963: 16).
Through investigations and interviews, for Baluba, the Mfwityi or Kinda, is a person regarded as a jinx. His sole task is to hann the life of the inhabitants of the village. He devotes his time to putting a jinx on people, and directs his hann on the whole family into the sole purpose of killing them (Nsenga 1999). According to the research, the Mfwintyi is any a man or a woman, but it is said that the female sorcerer has more power than the male sorcerer. Many men, who were interviewed and enjoy a good reputation in matters of witchcraft, say that their witches are powerful.Town But compared to the women's Bumfwintyi usually called Kiswenene, men are less devastating than women. The women put such a terrible jinx that no known magic can stop. Women remain inflexible in their decisionsCape especially women witches who are sterile. Burton quotes the exampleof of a woman who was apprehended strangling a young girl and tearing the corpse limb from limb. When arrested, she made no excuse for this abominable deed and simply replied: Bonso badi ne bana, mwanda waka amiwa nami kidiho nandi? all women have children, why do 1 not have a child? Or why I am sterile? "I want a child, and because I cannot bear children, I stoleUniversity this child and because I cannot keep her alive, 1 decided to kill her" (Burton 1960: 216-217). In the majority of cases women are considered as Mfwintyi or Kiswenene because they are ruthless. The Mfwintyi is harmful and 59
his essential character is not to cause someone to become ill but to kill. Frequently they kill people because they dislike them or because they did bad things. Every time they kill, however, they do so intentionally (Reynolds 1963: 15).
A great deal of superstition surrounds these descriptions of the Mfwintyi. The Baluba shudder with fear, when they hear the hooting of an owl at night, because it is said that the Mfwintyi then eviscerates a woman. They also say that the Mfwintyi haunt at dawn. The old women specially are often accused of being Biswenene (singular: Kiswenene) that, at last they stop denying, and just give in. Biswenene is associated with Milenda: thin, red films with which the Biswenene are supposed to become invisible and flyaway. Only human beings with compound eyes or people who have been initiated to these mysteries have the ability to see them. According to the popular Luba belief, the Biswenene have several Milenda that glisten or are blood- red on each thigh. This is known throughout Luba area and anyone who does not showTown confidence in Biswenene's Milenda is considered an incredulous fool, Muntu wa bituhu (Ilunga 1987). Burton writes: "the texture of Milenda is said to vary from that of a butterfly's wing to that of a piece of red cloth, orCape the membrane in a bat's wing" (Burton 1960: 134). The Milenda help theof Biswenene to fly from one place to another. The Milenda allow the Bamfwintyi to be invisible, to disappear and to fly. For this reason, before Kiswenene is killed the magician pulls out her thigh skin or 9 breaks her legs or foot bones, in order to prevent her from disappearing .
In brief,University the Mfwintyi have great influence in the Luba community, on one hand they share, with the diviner, Mbuki, the honour of making the
9 Ibid 283 60
population happy, of informing and of leading the Balohwe and their Bamfumu. The Bamfwintyi also have the power to give the hunters the opportunity to catch animals in order to have meat mwita wa malenganya (spell meats). On the other hand, the Mfwintyi are subtle and sly, almost always hypocritical and suspicious, and generally very sensitive to flattery. Their influence is worse in society, and they are responsible for many difficulties.
2. 5. 1.3 Healers, medicine-men, Nanga, Mbuki or Kilumbu
Having regard for the importance which the Nanga and Mbuki or Kilumbu enjoy in society, it is necessary to recall that the Baluba attribute their misfortune and sickness more often to the action of the Bamfwityi (witches) or to the Nkambo's anger because some kinsmen do not respect ancestor worship. For example, to lie to one's wife, to break the taboos, to abandon ancestor practices, to embrace foreign gods, all constitute reasons for the Nkambo's anger. Town
In addition, it often happens that Baluba talk about Lufu lwa Leza (God's death), that means, the death thatCape comes from God. That is generally said about old people, a child notof accepted in the family, or for the wicked adult to end his bad manners in society (Munza 1987).
Considering all this, the Muluba's life may be summed up as questions that could be reduced to several "why" and many "what can I do". Why does a human beingUniversity die? What can I do to have success? What can I do to satisfy Bankambo? 61
At the conclusion of each answer to the question "why", another question comes back like a refrain: "What can I do?" What can I do to anticipate such and such a situation? In order to face the series of questions, Baluba often go to consult the Bavidye: Bilumbu and Nanga (Garrard 1983: 263-264).
2. 5. 1. 3. 1 Nanga
Among Luba people Nanga is the healer who, knowing the virtue of healing plants, heals people. He is, above all, the person who invests his clients with power from secret beings, the spirit that led him to compound the Bwanga (medicine) (Gansemans 1978: 58). Mbiti (1975: 162-163) argues that to African societies the Nanga (medicine-men) are the greatest gift, and the most useful source of help. They also name them herbalists, traditional doctors or Nanga in Kiluba. These are the specialists who have suffered most from European American writers and speakers, who wrongly called them 'witch doctors' , a term that should be buried and forgotten forever, said TownMbiti. In some villages in Lubaland Nanga is within reach of everyone and he is the friend of the community. He is accessible to everybody most of the time. Cape The Baluba distinguish oftwo kinds of healer: Nanga and Mbuki. Sometimes the same person may be both kinds of healer and is then named only Nanga. After their presence has been announced in the community once and others wear special clothes made of animal skin and powdered with lime, they make contact with the spirit world. They may have recourse to the spiriting away of peopleUniversity or to hypnotism in order to impress people with their supernatural power (Burton 1960: 70). These healers constitute two different categories: the soothsayers Mbuki whose role is to divine (Kubuka), to consult 62
the death spirit in order to reveal the cause of the hidden event. The role of the Nanga is that of Kuhaka, to make medicine, to mix the magic spell in order to help sick people. Sometimes the same person may be Mbuki and Nanga. Generally, the distinction between these two professions is clear and Mbuki is rated lower than Nanga (Burton 1960: 70).
The Nanga, known as Mpaki, the herbalist, uses his knowledge of different kinds of trees Mityi, and, roots Mifi, to heal people. There are no fixed rules governing the calling of someone to become Nanga. This may come when he is still young or in middle or later life. In the Luba area, Nanga passes on the profession to his son or some other young relative. Some Nanga believe that the spirit, or the living-dead, has called them in a dream, or a vision or in waking, to become Nanga or Mbuki. There are both men and women in this profession. In some societies, writes Mbiti, it is believed that the medicine man, Nanga, possesses gifts or powers obtained either through birth or by taking certain medicines (Mbiti 1975: 163). In every case, Nanga orTown Mbuki must undergo some kind of training. Among the Luba people, by the age of twelve years the child has been taught the habits, norms and characteristics of animals, birds, insects, trees, plants and stones. In ordinary Capevillage life and, more in evening talks around the fire, the Nanga has learntof that the Mulolo tree leaf will cool a bum and that the tea of the Kapepe root, will cool fever. These cures, said Burton, "are not a matter of learning for some particular school or scholar. To a greater or lesser degree, they are the property of the entire community" (Burton 1960: 70). This is to say that, the ability to compound (Kuhaka), the charm to heal the sick, is not Universitypossessed solely by Nanga or Mbuki. Just as is in western society, simple ailments, such as headaches, or cuts are treated without reference to a doctor so also, many sicknesses are treated without reference to Nanga or 63
Mbuki. Some of the remedies are common knowledge: others known only to a few people. The Nanga herbalist is consulted only in simple matters, those where the cause of the malady appears obvious. But, if the cause is not obvious, or if the remedies or the charms of the Nanga do not have an effect, thereby showing that there may be some hidden cause, the client must consult Mbuki (Reynolds 1963: 9). Mbuki has a special responsibility for revealing secrets and naming witches. Many people consult Mbuki when they experience misfortune.
In some cases, Nanga must undergo formal or informal training. In Lubaland, as stated above, there is no formal training as among the Azande people where training is long, expensive and can take several years. This is to say, it takes a long time to reach the goal, and it is a complicated matter (Mbiti 1975: 163). But in Lubaland the training involves some kind of apprenticeship:
A reputation. however widely spread, is not sufficient to make one into a Luba Nanga, for among the fraternity there is a kind of law of apostolic succession, and no Nanga may be considered as fully fledged unlessTown he has been initiated by another member of the profession, the ceremony of introduction being called Kusala lusalo (Burton, 1961: 83).
In this case the initiate pays a small fee Capeto the one who is going to introduce him, and in exchange he is given the powderof from many Kabamba (skulls). After this initiation, Nanga is said to bring healing largely because of the power of his hand, received at his initiation (Burton 1961: 83).
The duties of Nanga are many and varied. I select some examples, identified byUniversity Mbiti, to illustrate this point:
Among the Ndebele the medicine man Nanga supplies medicated pegs of a new homestead. He combats witchcraft and magic by preventing their action and 64
sometimes by sending them back to their authors. After the burial, it is the Nanga who performs the ceremony of striking the grave, if the person has died from witchcraft. The ceremony is performed at sunset. Among the Azande the Nanga cures the sick and warns of impending danger. It is he who removes failure from hunting and from farming. He can harm and protect, kill or cure. He attacks witchcraft and magic with his medicines of which he knows and keeps plenty for this and other purposes (Mbiti 1975: 164).
In summary, the duties of Nanga, from these and other accounts, are as follows. Nanga are concerned with sickness, disease and misfortune. In lubaland, these acts, it is generally believed, are caused by the ill will or ill action of one person against another, through the agency of witchcraft and magic. The Nanga's task is, therefore, to discover the cause of the sickness, fmd out the criminal, diagnose the nature of the disease, apply the treatment, and apply a means of preventing the misfortune. They practise also as Mbuki. Mbiti writes:
Nanga give aid to increase productivity or to give good results. They advise and assist on how a man may win more love from his wife; they give help to impotent men; they test people in order to prosper in business or succeedTown in politics; They apply various aids to students to enable them to pass their examinations, they perform various rites to increase the fertility and productivity of the fields or livestock; and barren women (or their husbands and relatives) continually consult them in search of being able to bear children (Mbiti 1975: 166). Cape
The Nanga, in short, symbolizesof the hope of Luba society: the hope of protection and security against evil forces, and hope for good health, prosperity, good fortune, and ritual cleansing when harm or impurities have been contracted. University 6S
2. 5. 1. 3. 2 The soothsayer, diviner, Mbuki, Kilumbu
In Lubaland when they talk about Bambuki or Bilumbu, it is the question of certain extraordinary heroes considered as superior and fabled beings. After death their spirits, Bavidye, are supposed to dwell in places such as a fountain spring as well as humid caverns where water leaks from a rock. Bavidye also live in the rocks and cliffs. In Kasakai village, people believe that the spirits (Bavidye ba Nyimbye na Banze) live in the hills or mountains, Lulu, named Nyimbye na Banze. When the wind blows with great force from the Lulu, people hold that it is the Bavidye who are announcing that something, like death, is about to happen. These spirit dwelling places are called Bavidye and the same term is used for all who practise the profession of Bambuki.
It is also important to know that the name Kilumbu derives from the verb Kulumba, to be embodied. This term shows, above all, the action of coming back to life and being embodied in the newborn. TownAgain, the name Kilumbu evokes the human predisposition, the Kulumba, which is the action of Bavidye.
It often happens that one man or womanCape collapses suddenly, trembles, and with foam at the mouth, declares: of"Bizwa bya yeu nasha bya yewa bibakwata", the spirit of one has captured me. This case, an example quoted by Burton, of the Shimbi Spring, where the guardian spirit of Mwanza chieftainship lives, helps us to have some understanding of these experiences. Two Bitobo (priest or Mbuki's assistant) live near this spring and, once a year, they clean the path for the libationUniversity of beer, offered to Bavidye. Burton observes that: 66
On being seized by the spirit, the possessed person will rush in frenzy straight to the Bitobo, saying Shimba wa kwata (Shimbi has taken hold of me). A drum of notification is beaten, and a time arranged (generally the same night). for a session of prophecy. At sunset the possessed man or woman plunges into the sacred spring. and, sitting up to his neck in water, he prophesies all night, telling people what the spirit requires of them, while from time to time he raises handfuls of the dripping waterweeds above his head. The prophecy included such admonitions as "Tell Banza that if she will give up eating egg - fruit, she will become a mother. Tell Ilunga to stop telling lies", these charges being interspersed with much intelligent babbling, recitation of old proverbs, and calling on the names of long dead heroes. The possession then passes, and may never return. Those who have gathered to listen, pay the Kitobo and they, in their tum, share the proceeds with the one possessed, while about half the proceeds go to the local chief, who for this reason, is always glad when a man or woman is taken by the spirit of Shimbi (Burton 1961: 50).
Outside the occasional manifestations, the dead hero spirits have a permanent means of showing their presence by mediums: men Bilumbu or women bifikwa. These names Kilumbu or Bilumbu and kifikwa or Bifikwa are ordinary human beings till the time when he starts to Kusuma, that is to say, when Vidye is embodied in him. Once, he is possessed by this Vidye (spirit), the medium is called Vidye (plural Bavidye). Now, Townany person who talks with Kilumbu or Kifikwa must know that he is not speaking to the man or woman but to the Vidye, who is embodied in him. Cape When hero spirits possessof a woman, she becomes Kifikwa, and if it is a man spirit that possesses her, she carries an arrow in her hand and an axe in her belt and takes on a masculine appearance. Everybody greets her as they would greet a man. And she responds, every time when they greet her as a woman, by saying "Kokingimunai bwi wabakaji, nami ne wa mbala enka bwi abewa" (do not greet or talk to me like a woman; I am a man, like you). Certain women Bifikwa are Universitypossessed by the famous dead hero spirit and are a great influence in the area where they live. Local chiefs are like toys in their hands and they cannot 67
make important decisions without advice from Kifikwa. Her influence is preponderant in the chiefs election and no one can anticipate her decision. The Baluba believe that by venerating Bifikwa, they show attachment to the dead chiefs that are reincarnated in them. In addition, to the Nanga, the Mbuki or Kilubu has a special responsibility for revealing secrets and naming witches. Many people of the Luba consult Mbuki when they experience misfortune. Mbuki is believed to be very helpful in times of accusations. When there is conflict, people consult the Mbuki. Any person who is a suspect consults Mbuki for clarification, because accusations defile a person's character. Through the Nanga the Kilumbu often refer sick people to Nanga for strong medicine.
In summary, among Luba people, Mbuki or Kilumbu has an essential role, that of Kubuka, to consult the spirits to reveal the principal causes of various events.
2. 5. 2 The forces of the invisible world Town
According to the Luba adage of three Misumba (locations) quoted above, the nature of Misumba defmes the Capeinvisible world as the place of secret intention, a place of mystery (Rosnyof 1974: 18). This definition involves the idea that, it is not possible to know with certainty who are active actors in this world. Nevertheless, those I wish to describe are general, but to the Baluba they are specific.
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2.5.2. 1 Leza,lD Supreme Being.
It is difficult to find the deeper meaning of this name Leza. According to the researches of Wing (1920: 1981), Leza or Nzambi, is always Leza or Nzambi, because, reportedly, no human being has ever seen Leza. One contention is that Leza is the Almighty; above all causes and things. Leza has no origin. He was not created. Alexis Kagame (1976: 138) names him the Supreme Being. It is also important to note that the name Leza often comes with several attributes in which Shakapanga (Creator Father), Kapolemwinebantu (consolation of human poverty), Kungwabanze (master of universe), Kalembakamaweji (source of all thinking and of all human intellect), Kimpangamutombo (wise unknown) (Sendwe 1954: 106) are some of the references. He is the creator of all being and space. Kadi hala umwite ukwitaba umulonde bukwidila, (He is not far; when you call Him He answers, and when you follow Him you cannot fmd him). Dibwekyala ntanda (Rock which covers the whole earth). He is also the architect, inventor, creator of all things. It is whyTown Bene Kabongo names Him Bunda Ngulu ne Minonga, Creator of mountains and brooks, Kafula Moba, Builder of sun, moon and stars (Bwanga 1987). Cape These attributes make Lezaof the Lord of all life and of creation. It is the one to whom all power, fortune and misfortune, health and sickness, fecundity and barrenness, life and death belong. In the hierarchy of spiritual actors, Leza is at the top; He occupies the first place. All invisible beings depend upon Him as the intennediaries between Leza and human beings (Tempels 1965: 42-43). University
10 I prefer this term Leza because it is the most used today_ Sometimes Vidye Mukulu: Supreme Being. Almighty is also used. Le:a means to cherish as a mother cherished her child or a chief his people. 69
2.5.2.2 Mikishi or Vidye (secondary divinities).
Mikishi or Vidye are personal beings that live in situations in nature like rivers, seas, forests, rocks, mountains, valleys, caves, rivers and springs. In general, these beings do not have a human status on earth. It often happens that the spirit of such ancestor is raised to Vidye's level. In the circumstances it said: "Muya wandi wakoma baalamuka ke Vidye". Literally it means that his spirit increases in strength, as he becomes Vidye (Garrard 1983: 259). Baluba, assign to divinities (Vidye) the benevolent or the malevolent powers that they use when they intervene in the visible world. Vidye are in the hierarchy of forces, the direct links that bring together the living to Leza.
According to Burton (1961: 73-80), writing on the religion and magic among Baluba, it is possible to defme some Mikishi that were known to most: -Mpanga and Banze: divine couple located at Kaluyi, a village situated in the Kasongo-Nyembo chieftainship in the Kamina territory.Town -Kilumba is Mukishi who live in Lake Boya near Kabongo Railway station, in the Kabongo territory and in the Kinkondja chieftainship, Bukama territory. -Mutonkole has his residence in CapeLake Kisale sited in the Kinkondja chieftainship, Bukama territory. of
2. 5. 2. 3 Ancestors, Bankambo.
Bankambo are those who lived on earth as human beings, and became invisible at Universitydeath. The Baluba believe that the dead have not died; they continue to live among their parents. 70
In short, the dead, Bankambo, take part in all the daily activities of human beings. They have power to appear to living people, to give advice or to harm their descendants. For this reason, the Baluba give particular importance to dreams and visions because they are, for them, the usual means that the actors of invisible world Bankambo use to communicate with the living. Baluba distinguish two kinds of Bankambo: the good and the evil.
2.5.2.3.1 Bankambo (beneficial spirit, worthy).
The good or benevolent are those who were good and enjoyed a loyal life in society. Baluba name them Bankambo. They are supposed to be sensitive to the needs of their brothers and sisters who are in poverty and in distress in this world. They are also considered to act like protectors and lawyers for the family from which they originate and communicate with the superior divinities. During this time, they fulfil the role of messengers between visible beings and invisible beings. These Bankambo bequeathed to their descendantsTown a coherent list of norms and decrees. If this social code is disobeyed offenders must make compensation, otherwise severe sanction will affect the whole community. This may mean desolation, sickness or death,Cape failure in business or diverse calamity affecting not only human beingsof but also cattle and harvests. This Luba conception of blessing and of curse approximates to the Jewish mentality (Deuteronomy 28 and 30).
2. 5. 2. 3. 2 Role of the Bankambo in Lubaland University The Bankambo are for Luba people the parents and grandparents, the forefathers and foremothers, those called by Ngada and Mofokeng (2001: 31), 71
"the spirits of those who went before us and who are nevertheless still with us and who still have an influence upon our daily lives". For that reason, adds Ngada and Mofokeng, the Bankambo are not worshipped but respected in the same way that we respect honour and revere our living parents. The spirit of Bankambo protects us in the same way that we are protected by our living parents. And ''worship is reserved for God 11."
Rejecting the veneration of our Bankambo, observes Ngada and Mofokeng12 "leads to hideous behaviour like rape, murder, abortion, robbery, sodomy, homosexuality, adultery, prostitution and every other kind of abuse". And in Luba tradition, someone who commits such heinous deeds is seen as being possessed by an evil spirit called Kibanda. To shun this Kibanda the human being must be cleansed by the Mbuki according to the custom of the clan.
In Lubaland all the deceased are not considered as Bankambo: only human beings who enjoyed a good life on earth, whoTown have done good to others and those that were sensitive to the needs of others and who procreated (Tetusa 1996). Cape The Bankambo have the taskof of caring for a man's flock, his health and his prosperity. It is normal for the Muluba in distress to make a direct approach to the Bankambo when seeking assistance. They also have the role of taking care of their flock and protecting the respect of the tradition. Bankambo fight against evil powers and serve their descendants. They are the Batumibwa, ambassadorsUniversity of Vidye Mukulu, the Most High; they work for harmony among
II Ibid,29 12 Ibid,31 72
human beings. They fulfil the role of messengers between visible beings and invisible beings.
As stated, above, the Bankambo have the role of mediating for their descendants since they are closer to Leza, and they are also expected to play the role of protecting their lineage against harm. If they are not remembered, the Bankambo also cause illness as a means of getting attention. In this case the Mbuld advises the Kisaka of the possible rituals to be performed in order to solve the problem (Bwanga 1991).
2. 5. 2. 3. 3 Bibanda (evil dead, worse)
Certain dead are considered Bibanda, evil. Because these human beings led a life that was outside the norms and social customs, they were ostracised by the Bankambo. Baluba put into thls category of person, those who committed suicide (Bezezeke or Betudike), those who wereTown infertile, and the witches Biswenene or Kinda. Because they were not accepted among the Bankambo, they often lived among animals such as cats, dogs, snakes, lions, owls, (Bazola 1968). Sometimes they set up obstaclesCape that hurt those who passed along the way. They serve no other purposeof than to damage the goodwill of society (Bwanga 1987). Before studying the conception of life, it is necessary to aim for more precise description that the schematic representation, below, of the Luba vision of the world, provides.
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LEZA - VlDYE MUKULU ,..--- (Master of Life and Creation) ! VlDYE, MIKISHI, BAMWlKEULU r-- (Secondary divinities) ! BAFU: THE SPIRIT S OF DECEASED '--- 1. Bibanda. 2. Bakambo (Evil spirits) I(Protecting Ancestors) ! INTERMEDIARIES - 1. Bamfwishi 2.Bavidl?,ez Nanga (Wizards, Witcb) (Divines, Healers) I ! SOCIETY.
2. 6 The conception of life Town
In the following paragraph, I present a broad VIew of rites and ceremonies, which mark Luba social Capeand religious life, above all: Kubutula (birth), Kwisao (circumcision), andof Lulu (death). I have set out different stages of rites from birth to death. Religiously, for Muluba, all these rites and ceremonies are perceived as signs of belonging to the community. It is imperative to go through these ceremonies in order to be considered a member of the community. Members of the community feel healed and better by the fact that they haveUniversity participated in ritual ceremony and not having done so could result in their being rejected unhealed. 74
2. 6. 1 Birth and its rituals
Among the Luba people, careful preparation is made for the birth of a baby, because it is considered the desire of ancestors (Nkambo) to be reincarnated in the new - born child. This is expressed by the Nkambo to the pregnant woman in dreams, or through the dreams of relatives, or by Kilumbu. While, all this time of Dim; (pregnancy), the future mother will be conscious of this fact and, if some difficulty should arise, she will seek the explanation of this Nkambo about what she has dreamed. She will then give Nkambo some gift before the birth and at birth the new - born child will be given the Nkambo' s name dreamed by pregnant woman (Mande 2001).
In the course of time the Luba people focussed their attention on life's journey from before birth to after death. There is great joy when a woman discovers that she is expecting a baby. The arrival of Mwana (baby, child) in the family, Kisaka is one of the greatest blessings of Townlife. The Baluba greet this event with enthusiasm and joy. The pregnant woman informs her husband, and, before long, other people are told about it. Immediately steps are taken, once members of her family-in-Iaw are awareCape of it. From this time the spouse must sleep in a separate bed until severalof months after delivery, or even after weaning the baby. If it is the first Dimi, it is the practice that one morning, one of the sisters-in-law rushes into the hut of the pregnant woman and pours water over her body saying "Kodi na Dimi wi/ame: you are pregnant, be careful" (Mande 2001). This has profound significance among Luba people, because now the pregnant womanUniversity may not have sexual relations and men and women may not talk about her Dimi for fear of being responsible for any misfortune that may befall her. But during this time, the pregnant woman is forbidden to eat certain 75
foods that are taboo, like Mayi (eggs), Mwita wa ngulube (pork meat). She is also not allowed to do certain types of work such as cutting firewood or drawing water. About this, Shorter (1985: 82) observes that,
Taboos have their purpose in human culture. They are a kind of teaching - aid. In this case, the pregnancy taboos, they highlight the possible danger to the future mother and the baby, and they inculcate an attitude of caution and solicitude on the part of those involved.
In each Luba village (Kibundji), there are always women who are called upon to act as kimbutuja (midwives) at the time of delivery. It often happens that the birth is a complicated delivery, and then kimbutuja may ask for help from protector spirits, the spirit of Bankambo. After the birth, the mother-in-law, Mama Muko, makes a loud shout, Mukunda, to express the joy saying: "Wabene wa mabo wahande! Someone else with problems is saved! The baby, Mwana, is isolated in the hut where it remains till the Musuku (umbilical cord) detaches. Then the baby is welcomed in Kibundji. Now it is considered as one of them (Ilunga 1987). Town
Throughout Africa, writes Mbiti, (1975: 88) "men may not be present in the house where delivery takes place,Cape except for exceptional reasons. Women are, therefore, the chief witnesses ofof the arrival of babies".
Among Luba people, the umbilical cord, Musuku, IS buried under Mukoma, palm or Dikonde, banana tree (Bwanga 1987). In some areas such as Uganda Musuku is dried up and kept with great care over a long period of time (Mbiti 1975: 90). University The birth of Mahasa (twins) is unusual. Because of the unusual character of this birth, the new - born were considered as Bana ba malwa (misfortune 76
children) and one or both were killed. It is said that before the colonisation of DRC, a few days after birth, the second twin was tied up the mother's back and she would drop him into the river. On the other hand, Mahasa, are considered as a fortune, a gift from Bankambo. Now, in the Lubaland, thanks to Christianisation, the Mahasa are not considered as children of misfortune and Baluba sing and praise Leza for them. This led to the belief that twins or triplets brought blessings to the family and the community concerned, argues Mbiti (1975: 95). Such children are normal, as any other child, and there is no reason to fear them or regard them as having more power than other people.
The delivery of Mahasa is testified by Kimbutuja, who herself is the mother of twins, who are alive. After birth, the presenceTown of Nanga is requested. The Mahasa are covered with white clay that shines like moonlight, because, these children are considered by Luba as moon's children. At such a time Nanga sing the following song: Cape Nkimbe ho lumo of I do sing not only one song Ne Kyungu ne kapya for Kyungu and Kapya Lola kimbe ho lumo lola Mother I do not sing for one Yo! A bana bahamba Oh! You hamba's children Naimbe buyanga bwa ulele Let me sing the spirit of whom Is sleeping Namwene bya malwa bya I had difficulties to choose my Kutonga 1010 mother NasakanyaUniversity bya kuha kaimba I do not have something to give To the singer Mukwetu wa Umba ne Mujinga My friends Umba and Mujinga Iyaho kya Sendwe, kya kaimba Move, you artist, singer, KyaNomba tambourine player 77
Refrain
Naimbe tubidi twa malwa I sing for two misfortune children
(Gansemans 1978: 78-79) The birth of Mahasa was not announced with the happy cries that mark a Luba birth. But, in the case of Mahasa, the women are present in the hut and they sing songs that commend sex and sexual life.
Among Luba people, burying the placenta, Kizami (plural Bizami) has a special significance. For that reason, the act of burial is accompanied by several ceremonies. Contrary to the single birth Kizami that occurs in silence, the burial of Mahasa's Bizami, twin's placenta, is accompaniedTown by dance named Bitolo. Some special songs like "Kelwimbwe lumo ludi malwa; Kelwimbwe lumo Iud; malwa"(you may not sing only one song, it is harming) and some crying "Kayi kayi-ye; kayi kayi-ye". occurs. But theCape Musuku of Mahasa is not buried. It belongs to Nanga who was present at the time the baby was delivered. It will be used as a magic substance, especiallyof strong and useful for the hunters (Biluwe) Manga (Bwanga 1987).
In Lubaland Mahasa are always named Kyungu (frrst) and Kapya or Kabange (second). If three babies are born, the third is called Shikutumwe or Katumwe (GansemansUniversity 1978: 80). Shikutumwe is considered as a mysterious presence, and the Baluba surround the child with favourable circumstances through fear for its premature death. Here is some work that Shikutumwe are forbidden to do. But, Katumwe is allowed to do what he/she wishes to do. Generally Mahasa's education is planned with care, because they are protected by several prescriptions. They must not be insulted or beaten; they are excused 78
for all unacceptable things they do, saying: "Udi na bulubi mwanda wi mwana wa malwa", which means "you are little bit mad because you are mysterious children". Nowadays, as Mbiti (1975: 96) observed, such children are regarded as normal and there is no reason to fear them or regard them as having more power than other people. At the rising of a new moon, the twins' mother, Hamba, sings with her face, and that of the twins whitened with kaolin. She shouts out of joy, saying Kayi kayi- ye, every month during the twins' childhood (Mande 2001).
2. 6. 2 Initiation into adult life
Among Luba people, the major point in the Townlife of the individual comes when the young person undergoes initiation. During the initiation period young Muluba males and females evolve through physical, emotional, and psychological changes, which take themCape from childhood to adolescence to adulthood. The main initiation rites are termed Mukanda for boys (Bana ba mbala) and Bulanda for girls (Banaof bakaji). These rites, comments Mbiti (1975: 97), are practised in many parts of Africa and are highly treasured as intrinsic to traditional life. Nowadays, in lubaland these initiation rites of traditional Mukanda and Bulanda have been neglected and are almost forgotten. All operations of a ritualistic character have slowly disappeared, especially in all the major cities.University But, according to Kwenda (2002), these rites are still alive among some southern African peoples, e.g. Xhosa, Sotho and Tswana. Historically, observes Kwenda (2002), the rites have come and gone and in some cases come again. Currently among Xhosa the boys' rites are very much alive, though undergoing change, while the girls' rites have almost disappeared. 79
2.6.2. 1 Mukanda, initiation of young boys
Mukanda, the circumcision ceremony, is accompanied by great feast among Baluba people. The ancestor's custom goes together with Jewish Biblical rites, observed Sendwe (1954: 93). These ceremonies take place around May and June, in the dry season. All male, Muluba from birth to sixteen years old "I mutwele ku Mukanda or Kwisao", are circumcised. In the past, when all the necessary preparation for Mukanda has been made, the young boys due for the initiation went and, for three months, lived in the bush (Mu Ntanda) with one teacher, named Kijika. There, they lived and were tested by hard work. They learnt how to build a hut, to hunt, to fish and, above all, how to be a good husband. In this respect they learnt about sex Townand how to use sex as a responsible man. After spending time in this way, Mu Ntanda, young men (Basongwalume) went back to the village, Kibundji, where a great party was provided for them. Because, they hadCape now entered into adulthood the change must be evident in all they do. Thereafter they were permitted to marry and ready to start their adult life as responsibleof men (Bwanga 1987).
2.6.2.2 BUlanda, initiation of young girls
As for young boys during the time of Mukanda, the ceremony BUlanda, allows youngUniversity girls to emerge from childhood and to enter adulthood. They are taught about the female body and about what gives them the necessary qualities to be considered as a wife. Certain mysteries surround this BUlanda. According to Sendwe (1954: 87-97) this initiation, is led by women of good repute, for girls between 7 and 14 years old young girls, Basongwakaji, who must practise the Kikwama (preliminary initiation). They are required to go to the bush in small 80
groups of six or ten, led by the matron. They pick the roots and the leaves of the kifumbe tree and are taught to use the roots to enlarge the labia minora. During this time the Ntaho (scars made on the skin by a sharp knife Lushimbo) are made to form tattoos. The most important tattoos are of two kinds: the aesthetic tattoos and the scars (Nsalo) for love or medicine. The Ntaho are visible or invisible and is the foremost quality~ above all feminine beauty. The Ntaho that are immediately visible decorate the face, cheeks and upper arm of men and women. The abdomen of a woman is richly decorated with Ntaho of different drawings, especially drawings that have the shape of stars. In order to make the Ntaho shine, wives coat themselves with charcoal. The Ntaho are made when they are between ten and twelve years of age. Very few Baluba women are without these marks. If she does not have Ntaho a Townwoman would be the object of ridicule and may even remain unmarried. The Ntaho are not visible but hidden under the clothes. Four Ntaho decorate the thigh of the woman. These tattoos are intended only for the eyesCape of the husband, Mulume. When the women are not wearing raffia clothes, the Ntaho are decorated on the inner side of each thigh. They are then calledof Milalo.
This initiation is always done in the matron's house. Ten to thirty young girls remain isolated for several weeks, fed with food provided by their families. The matron is called Hamba, mother of twins. Every day, Hamba teaches them about sexualUniversity behaviour, domestic chores and social life. She teaches them the importance of fidelity in married life. At the conclusion of the initiation, as for the young boys, a sumptuous party is organised in the Kibundji, and the Basongwakaji wear the Kimontiwe, the ceremonial women's clothes. It is a time 81
of dancing and merriment. They have now been prepared for marriage and are considered suitable to be a wife in the Kibundji 13 (Muya, 2000).
In Lubaland, initiation is very important because it provides access to marriage. Initiation is a bridge, Kila/o, between youth and adulthood. Initiation offers the opportunity to young people, Basongwalume ne Basongwakaji, to be prepared for marriage. Mbiti (1975: 98) writes that,
The blood shed during the physical operation binds the person to the land and consequently to the departed members of his society. It says that the individual is alive, and that he or she now wishes to be tied to the community and people, among whom he or she had been born as a child. This circumcision blood is like making a solemn agreement between the individual and bis people. Until the individual has gone through the operation, he is still an outsider. Once he has shed his blood, he joins the stream of his people, he becomes truly oneTown with them.
2. 6. 3 Butundaile, marriage
Each community is based on a Capesocial structure within which marriage, Butundaile, as an institutionalisedof union, is one of the fundamental elements. The chief purpose of Butunaile is for a couple to have progeny. This not only assures preservation of the group itself, but, for Luba people, this enables the Bankambo to be incarnated in their descendants. But, to give birth to, Luba dictum says, is to ready oneself to die. When a banana tree bears fruits it gives itself death: UniversityDikonde dihe dibeyowa.
\3 Muya was in this task my principal helper of gathering information about girl initiation. She is a woman of mature years who was initiated when she was young. She has all kind of Ntaho on her body and possesses a wide knowledge of Luba history and social institutions. She is now alive and her father was Kitobo in Kabongo territory around 1930. She gave me permission to make this reference. 82
After Mukanda and Butanda comes the Butundaile. This is the ceremony that [mally allows Songwalume, the young man, and Songwakaji, the young woman, once married, to live together as wife and husband under the same roof.
Before Butundaile, the Songwalume and Songwakaji meet each other at an appointed rendezvous and the Songwalume may, after discussion, present gifts, such as, Nzolo, chicken, Malungo, jewellery or Mitunda, money. The Songwakaji will then present it to her Lolo, mother, or her Tata, father, depending on the territory in which they reside. In Kabongo territory the Songwakaji hands over the gift to her Lolo who will then give it to her husband saying: "A Mukelenge mambo byo adi bi" (Master, here is the important settlement). If Lolo and Tata accept the gift, the ButundaileTown will be concluded and both families (Songwalume and Songwakaji's family) meet immediately in order to conclude the proceedings by fixing the dowry and the date for the Butundaile. In some circumstances Capethe gift is not compulsory; the simple declaration made by Songwakaji is accepted by Tata and, after consultation, the Butundaile, will be contracted. Itof must be noted, however, that once the gift is handed over, it cannot be returned (Bwanga 1987).
Today, however, the money of the betrothed, Songwaiume, is called Disahu (from verb Kusahula, to announce) but, when accepted, the act is called Dihanga (fromUniversity verb Kuhanga which means dispel). This is interpreted as, Kuhanga balume bonso (to deter all other men and remain faithful only to the one who has paid money). After the money has been paid, the family of the betrothed cooks food for the son-in-law, in order to welcome him into their home and to make the Butundaile official. But, if Songwalume, for any reason, decides to break: off the Butundaile, the Dihanga will be refunded. That allows 83
the Songwakaji to marry another Songwalume or another Mulume, man. In all these circumstances the Songwalume is accompanied by a witness called Mfungu one who acts as mediator between Songwalume and Songwakaji. Mfungu is a man who is well acquainted with the young betrothed and their family. In some cases, once the Dihanga is given, Songwakaji is permitted to share the marital bed with her betrothed, Mulume, without fear. Generally, she must wait till the day of Butundaile after dowry has been paid. The last payment is made official on the occasion of a special meal, called Masobo. On the next morning after Masobo, the actual ceremony starts. The young woman, Songwakaji is washed by a woman from the family of the man in order to ascertain that there are no scars or deformities of any kind on her body. A report is given to her family. The marriage speechTown is delivered and the speaker seeks to give advice. At the end of the speech, Lolo, Songwakaji, mother, weeps bitterly as she would when her daughter dies. This action is called Madilo and is customary when a family memberCape dies. In effect, to marry her daughter, means loss for the Lolo, because the Songwakaji leaves her family and always goes away to live with her husband.of
Young girls, Basongwakaji, from their Kibundji carry the household utensils on their head. While the procession moves along, the first song is sung. In it the choristers sing of the wife's beauty and give some advice to the young couple. TheUniversity style in which these songs are sung is very special and unique in Luba vocal music (Gansemans 1978: 100-103).
This extract of song shows the character of Luba cortege song of Butundaile: 84
Refrain
A diwi 1010, diwi lola, a diwi lola Oh! My voice, mother Diwi kasongwa lubembo, a diwi lola Voice that cannot Change by Lubembo (musical instrument)
Longa nasonga ne bete, Muyampe If it is possible I will call Lalaho! You, bye beautiful!
Soloist
Bamufunine kunanga, They forbid her to go out Bamubakila luhango, Muyampe They build the fence for her Lalaho! Bye beautiful! Town When the wife arrives in the husband's vil1age, she is acclaimed and the parents-in-law welcome her by praising her beauty. They then sing songs that symbolise the end of childhood life, BumiCape bwa busongwakaji. The wedding then starts and the wedding guests danceof all day and all night (Ilunga 1987).
Then, Basongwakaji, young girls who accompanied the bride, leave her and strike up a song that is intended to make her sad. In this song the term Kolala, good night, repeatedly sung, concludes the wedding ceremony (Muya 2000). University
2. 6. 4 Luba, Misongo, sickness or disease
Among the Luba people there are two kinds of Misongo (sickness): the nonnal and abnonnal Misongo. For Muluba, Misongo is nonnal when sickness 85
is of short duration the sick person is then called Umbevu. For this kind of Misongo, the presence of Nanga (healer) is not required. The remedy may be easily- found roots and, within days, the condition is relieved. If, after using medicinal roots, the patient, Umbevu, has not recovered and the sufferer continues to be sick, that is to say, the Misongo becomes chronic, a specialist, Nanga, is called, because the condition is now considered abnormal. The Nanga who is also Mhuki (soothsayer or diviner), may recommend medicines, Bwanga that strike at the cause of the Misongo. When the members of the family of the sufferer go back home, after consulting the Mbuki, they appeal to the person responsible for causing the Misongo to set the Umbevu, the sufferer, free of the Misongo, for fear of also being killed. For Luba people all things that happen in the life of a human being have a source.Town The following proverb sums up this idea: "Lufu kabulwe mulambikwa, Umba wqfwile balambikalo Monga" (death does not evade responsibility, Umba died and Monga was responsible for his death). Cape
2. 6. S. Lulu, death of
According to the biblical anthropology, a human is a compound of a spiritual vital principle that is immortal as well as a material vital principle and physical body that is perishable. Lufu is the destruction of the body and is the consequenceUniversity of the inability of the lower functions to maintain the body. The body becomes incapable of sustaining the stability necessary for the superior vital principle to exist and it immediately departs from the body (Dubois and Van Wijngaert 1970: 46-47). 86
Lulu or death is the end of life; it is the state of being dead. The human conception of death varies from one society to another. The Luba have their own understanding of the Lulu. For the Baluba, Lufu, as the common experience of all human beings, remains a mystery, They do not give clear and precise answers to different questions about Lulu, but they believe in the reality of death. Colle (1913: 399), speaking about the Muluba attitude to impending death, Lulu, observes this: "When his end comes, our Muluba does not fear death, he is calm in death", Many beliefs explain this Luba attitude to imminent death. It is considered as the immediate separation of soul and body.14 The Luba believe that it is not the end. For the Muluba, Lulu means "not the termination, but the exchange of places". For Muluba, Lulu is the transference from one life into another life, another experience. This perception is encapsulated in various proverbs or dicta: "Wafu, kafwindidile", (He died, but he has not passed away completely). This dictum not only quickens the impulse to survive in the progeny of the deceased but also gives assurance of his survival in anotherTown world. For that reason the Baluba place jewels or beads in the coffin in the belief that these gems will appraise in value and will aid Mufu in death to pay for transportation to Kyabu, who will lead the deceased to the final Caperesting place (Bwanga 1987). of The death was also regarded as a sleep, a rest that Muntu (human being) may not get in this life but will certainly get in the Bankambo's world. Again they say about death that: "Tata baala balala" (father has made his bed, he is sleeping). "AmbaUniversity baala balala" (they say that he is sleeping) "Lola beshinka", (mother ha'l taken her rest).
14 Ibid 87
Lulu is also seen as a power before which human beings are impotent. Lulu overpowers everything. Everybody Wa kiswenene, Nanga, Mbuki, may be overcome by death. ''-Kalunga Nyembo tumanya mikendi twiye", the next world has sent a message to which we have given an answer. The saying that "Lufu mukulu, bwanga bubela", Lulu is older than Bwanga, the fetish belies the position as for some ancient people, Lufu is perceived as a sort of atmospheric poison that pours out until it effects a fatal influence (Webster 1952: 163). It was believed that Lulu has a polluting and contagious character. Everything possible was done to restrain the expansion of Lulu. Nevertheless, Muluba, conscious of imminent death, repeats this dictum: "Dikonde dihe dibeyowa", when the banana tree bears fruits, it gives itself death.
Over and above these considerations, for an understanding of Lulu, the Luba refer to another aspect, which deserves elucidation. Among Luba people this attributes a fatalist aspect to Lulu. Town
Muluba sees in Lufo an incontrovertible process and one that cannot be controlled. Muluba estimates that nothingCape such as a fetish, Bwanga, is able to deliver humans from the grip of death.of Several dicta emphasise the implacable nature of mortal destiny (Mpanga 1987). "Winyema ya muswa; howakafwile, muswa ulula nsadi amba: Namoneho nyema ya kudya" (You are food for termites, when you die, termites will say: we now have food). This dictum that puts in perspective the vanity of human pride, showsUniversity the fact that the human being is subject to Lulu. 88
"Lwafwa udi byodi lwa hingakena hodi (if your likeness passes away today, tomorrow will be your turn). "Lufu kayukile Nanga" (death does not know the healer) "Uyuka dyobutulwa, kuyukanga dyofwa". (You may know the day of your birth but not the day of your death). Lulu asserts his authority over humans.
In the Luba conception of Lufu, as in that of some other people, the distinction is made between two kinds of physical Lufu, and a third kind, spiritual or moral Lufu. About physical Lufu, Baluba refer to two kinds: Lulu lwa kanyefu, natural death and Lulu lwa dilowa, death caused by evil power.
2.6.5.1. Lufu Iwa kanyefu (natural death)
Natural death is, among Luba, good Lufo. Natural death occurs when humans die in old age, after having succoured a progeny, and being a responsible parent. In this case at the funeral the TownNgitu, body is whitewashed because the Mufu, late has well accomplished his earthly mission and may appear dressed in a white dress before Bankambo and before Vidye Mukulu, Leza (Bwanga 1987). Cape of 2. 6. 5. 2 Lufu lwa dilowa, death caused by evil power
The Baluba talk about death caused by evil power as: "Lufu lubi". This is premature death that arises when humans are on the threshold of adulthood. It also happensUniversity to adults in deteriorating circumstances. In this case, Baluba say: Waditu ke muntu (he is beyond being a person). This kind of Lufu is painfully sad and seriously lamented, and, as a consequence, parents consult Mbuki to 89
know the origin of this Lufu. In situations where death is the result of broken taboos, the Kisaka attribute blame to the deceased, Mufu. At the time of burial, the kinspeople will say: '"Mwana bafu kubulwa matwi (he died because he did not respect the advice of others). In the case of Lufu [ubi, bad death, it is affirmed that there are not natural deaths in lubaland and this is expressed by the following dictum: Lufu kabulwe mulambikwa, death is not possible unless a CUlprit is identified (Bwanga 1987).
2. 6. 5. 3 Lulu mu bilongwa, Moral death
The concept of moral Lufu exists as a Luba expression. In contrast to physical Lufu, moral Lufu distinguishes between the individual and society. It refers to the individual, who has lost his intellectual capacities, one whose reason is deranged and is regarded as dead, Mufwe. It also refers to one who has lost the zest for living because of the death of one upon whom the person was emotionally dependent, or one who is devastated byTown the failure of an enterprise on which great hopes were placed. Anyone in such a moral condition considers himself as having died, Mufwe and often declares: Nafu, I die. Cape In society, an individual whoof displays offensive behaviour, conduct that lacks insight, typifies a person who goes against social norms and has died to society and to his family, Kisaka, and people will say of him: I mufwe, he has died. The foundation of moral Lulu is the fact that the physically living person may be considered Mufwe, because of his anti-social conduct or his immoral life in society. UniversityThis living person is considered as dead or as one who does not exist. 90
Baluba show metaphorically by Mulu all of limited intelligence, those without physical or sexual force, without defence or progress and they say Abe wi mufu! You have died. Somewhere, Lufu becomes an entity, a personage without pity or pardon or love. In its positive aspect Lufu is the end, the summit, the limit and may be unnecessary and superfluous! When they have consumed the feast Baluba exclaim Tubadye kana bakujWa (we have eaten good food). When work is stressful, they say Kano ke kaji i lulu (this work is hard). When they have projected a good or attractive circumstance, Mwana muluba (Luba expression showing all ethnic descendants) will say: Kensha i lulu lusaka kwijika, literally (Tomorrow it is death, we will be buried) and dynamically (tomorrow it is terrible, we will rejoice). And Muluba says, after each good occasion on which he/she was well- treated or after food has been cooked for him or her, WajWako lS which means: In this way thank you. On the other hand, when someone is ill or passes away Muluba says WajWako to express hislher compassion (Bwanga 1987). For Baluba the word wajWako means that when a human being does something good or bad, it is likeTown death because he/she has lost a part of his vital force of which he/she will be deprived till the time that he passes away. They say: Wqfu: he/she has died. Cape 2. 6. S. 4 Causes of death of
Two ethnologists among those who researched the Luba people, Jean Weydert (1938: 114) and Colle (1913: 400) wrote that there were several causes of Lulu. Lulu, it is suggested, is the consequence of demoniac action; it is sorcery practisedUniversity by ones personal enemies; it is perpetrated by demons breaking taboos, Kujilu/a, by the spirit of the deceased, Kumutulwila or
15 Lulu, muju, wafWako have for root verb Kufwa which means to die 91
kumusukumina mufu. F or this reason, some scholars observe that, in the lubaland, not a single death can be attributed to natural causes (Weydert 1938: 114). About death by sorcery, Mbiti (1975: 117) writes: "people believe that sorcery, witchcraft and evil magic cause death. Therefore, when someone has· died, people often try to find out who used sorcery, witchcraft or magic against the dead person".
Baluba say: Lufu kafwilo, Lwendo kendelo, death has a cause and the journey always has a goal (Bwanga 1987). In reality, if Muluba did not believe in death from natural causes, as some people do, certain cases become exceptions. Old age, and accidental death are good examples. Generally, in the case of old age, they are compelled to admit: "Bafu kanyonga shima", he died because of worry. In this case, the emphasis was put on the insufficient care that was given to people of advanced years.
2. 6. 5. 5 Deceased and life in hereafter, Bafu ne Bum;Town mu Kalunga
Bafu, the dead and Kalunga, the hereafter or the next world, are, in Lubaland, the subject of much thought.Cape A great deal of discussion focuses on one's fate in Kalunga or the hereafter.of
Concerning Bafu, it is proved that the deceased are objects of veneration and worship, and accorded a special status. The deceased are considered as powerful as the living, Bomi. Bafu have the capacity and responsibility to act in the living sphere,University hovering over all of their relatives. Bafu may act in a positive way or in a negative way. Bafu have more knowledge than Bomi. For this reason, in lubaland, they believe that the Bafu have the ability to discover the 92
sorcery, Banfwifyi, Babiswenene. It often happens to the parent on the occasion of burial (Kyaba kya kujika mufu) to ask Mufu to take revenge on the one responsible for his death. The living, Bomi, see in Bafu the agents that are able to protect them from their enemies. Baluba, believe that Bafu" reappear in this world by the mediation of their shade or double, for chastising or for rewarding the living" (Makonga 1964: 63). Bafu also have the capacity of blessing and cursing, hearing and answering. They serve as the link between the living, Bomi and the dead, Bankambo.
The dead, Bafu, are classified into two categories: Nkambo and Bizwa or Bibanda. The first, Bankambo, form the group named Bafu bayampe, the good dead and are considered saints, who are worshipped and may be invoked. Bizwa or Bibanda, writes Colle (1913: 422), form the category of the soul of perverted nature who only identify with the bad dead. Baluba believe that the dead live. F or that reason, in the funeral speech, they ask Mufu to watch over the living, Bomi, to intercede for them, or again, to harm all whoTown injure the family, Kisaka. Mufu is present in the Kisaka in everything they do and, at meal- time, when there is animated conversation, the Mufu is regarded as a witness. Baluba regard any part of Nshima (food) thatCape is dropped as having been requested by Bafu. Before drinking any beverage,of the head of the family, Mukulumpe, pours a quantity of the liquid on the floor for the Bafu whom they believe are present on such occasions (Bwanga 1987).
How does Mufu survive? In traditional Luba anthropology, Baluba have alwaysUniversity thought that a human being, Muntu, is built into three large parts. In this case, the idea of only two principles of existence, given by Colle (1913: 422) is not acceptable. Muluba knows that the human being has a body, Ngitu 93
or Mubidi, a soul called Muya or Mutyima and a shadow, Kikudji. Some of the terms used deserve precise definition. Ngitu or Mubidi is an external visible form.
In Kiluba soul or spirit is translated by two words: Mutyima or Muya. Mutyima is considered in two ways. Firstly, Mutyima shows the heart of a human being or of an animal. Secondly, this term determines the principle of intellectual, voluntary and emotional activities. In this case Mutyima shows the emotional and intellectual life. All emotional activities, also defaults (love, compassion, goodness, hate), are located in the heart: whereas the intellectual and voluntary activities are called Neni. Consequently, the expression Mwana wa Neni, describes an intelligent child. Muya is the life breath, the vital principle that goes out and comes back in human beings. When Muya has gone, the human being dies.
The shadow, Kikudji, is an insubstantial and Townintangible substance that can be visible and momentarily invisible, according to circumstances. It may be disembodied, motile, and wreak vengeance on its enemies, said Colle (1913: 48). This ethereal form may take the Capeactual body shade and appear to certain family members, especially thoseof who were not aware of the related death (Bwanga 1987). The shadow, Kikudji, is the dead double, the ghost of the deceased. The Bafu's Bikudji are those who descended into the hereafter, Kalunga Nyembo or Kalunga ka Musono. In the next world life continues. Bafu live and may go out to be in touch with Bomi, the living. But they feel the need to be Universityburied among their own people. Being buried elsewhere builds up the feeling of dread and regret. It is often said: Bafwila kwa bene (he/she died among other people). For supplying to the needs of those who suffer dread and 94
regret, the funeral monument, Kyelekejo, was built where the rest of one who has died among other people was treasured (Masaluka 2000). Muluba lives in strict privacy with his dead, especially with those who appeared closer to him and whose influence on life seemed undeniable, said Bwanga (1987).
Preliminary conclusion
By way of conclusion, this chapter introduces a study of the Luba vision of the world. I have understood that there is in Luba world-view a theme that constantly surfaces in conversation and daily preoccupation: "life" Bumi. All Baluba's life is marked by earnest concern to possess life, to increase life and to protect life. Although life is their preoccupation, the Baluba have the firm conviction that life, Bumi, should not be a personal matter. Life is truly the consequence of the interaction of many forces, visible and invisible. The Baluba believe that the world is divided in two parts: visible world (Ntanda) and invisible world (Kalunga). The visible world is Towncomposed of human beings, animals, plants and minerals. Baluba distinguish two categories among human beings, namely, ordinary people and those called "people with compound eyes", by means of which they communicate Capewith two worlds and through which they possess magIc power. This categoryof includes Balohwe, chief, Bamfwintyi, sorcerers, Bafianga, healers who are Mbuki and herbalists, Bampaki ba manga. The Mulohwe, chief is the representative and the guardian of the ancestor's tradition. He must protect and serve the people for whom he has responsibility. The Mjwintyi, Kinda, witch, is considered to be a human being capable of harming societyUniversity by means of magic. The Nanga is one who knows the virtues of plants that heal people. Whereas, Mbuki has an essential role, namely that of Kubuka, to consult the spirit to reveal principal causes of various events. Forces 95
that it is not possible to know with certainty inhabit the invisible world. Those, I have described are general, but also specific for Luba people: Leza, Supreme Being, Mikishi or Vidye, spirits, Bankambo, ancestors, Bibanda, evil dead and animals. Leza is believed to be in the top and one who made all things; they call him Shakapanga, Creator Father of all things, Bundangulu ne minonga, who made mountains and rivers. And I have concluded that the fundamental Baluha logic attributes human destiny to the principal agents of the visible and of the invisible world.
At last, the conception of life has presented a broad view of rites and ceremonies, which mark Luba social and religious life from birth to death. The Muluba's ultimate purpose is to make the invisible familiar. Muluba believes in most of the case that he/she may not live without Bafu, without their presence. Confidence and trust are so big that the Muluba does not see the necessity to think about it: all comes from the hereafter, good and bad, life and death. Nothing in Lubaland can happen by accident and everyTown incident is investigated for its cause. This is probably the most common thread that runs through African culture. That is why, Muluba thinks that it is wiser, to be concerned with invisible beings than to be concernedCape with externals such as dressing. Research into Luba traditional societyof must take account of this Luba world VIew.
The succeeding chapter considers the impact of Christian missions on Luba culture. Consideration will be devoted to western perceptions of the world, the Universityimpact of missionary systems of healing, the efficacy of traditional medicine, healing after the time of missionary, and the expectations of indigenous people. 96
CHAPTER 3 THE ENCOUNTER OF CHRISTIAN MISSION WITH LUBA CULTURE
3. 1 Introduction
The perception of the world, of humankind, of destiny and of the environment varies, from the judgement of one to the judgement of another. Similarly, the perceptions of decision-makers in the society that despatched missionaries to DRC, to other states in Africa, to Asia varied. As Mucherera contends (2001: 36-37): "When Christianity was brought to Africa, missionaries did not seem to recognize that they also brought their western culture". The missionaries, wrote Whidborne, came to Africa "to convert the heathen to Christianity, an attempt at replacing the traditional religion and culture in its entirety by Western Christianity".16
Missionaries did not understand and did not bother to understand at the beginning, the African society, which they came to evangelise ... [They]Town assumed that Africans either had no religion at all, or that they had only a vague conception of the existence of a Supreme Being, argues Zvobgo l7
So the worldview of a societyCape that moulds the social values of the missionaries it sends is indicativeof of the approach to ill-health and healing as well as disease and death.
University
16 Ibid,37 17 Ibid 97
3.2 Western conception of the world
If Luba worldview appears predominantly religious, it IS a fair assumption that western powers have adopted a rational approach. It implies that the west would strenuously deny, as primitive imagination, the concept of a spiritual world where, after life, fate is determined. Upon arriving in Congo in the nineteenth century, medical missionaries introduced western-style medicine and practised "missionary medicine" (Jansen 2001: 77). The writings of some early missionaries convey their perspective on western medicine around the tum of the last century. The example given by Dr Arthur Neve (1859-1911) quoted by Jansen, one who worked as a medical missionary some thirty years in the mountains and valley areas of Kashmir, gives some idea of the evolution of modern medicine:
The modem edifice of healing is built on deep-laid foundations of research and labour, and the equipment of the physician is becoming year by year still more elaborate, as the advance of science discovers the therapeutic powers of synthetic 18 preparations of antitoxins, of x-rays, or of radium Town,
According to Neve, the western system of healing is the result of about five centuries of discoveries and developmentCape of medical thinking. Western medicine has built its vast body ofof knowledge upon research. This distinguishes western medicine from certain non-western medical traditions, the foundation of which is either textual or traditional (Christakis 1992: 1079).
This perception of the world assuredly is regarded to be scientific and rational. In this approach, only facts controlled in scientific studies are acceptable (RacanelliUniversity 1951: 17).
18 Ibid,77 98
Ethnocentrism led many early western people to regard as ignorant or superstitious those who did not act in accordance with their own practices. Their own medical system was the only one for them, because it was the only one they knew (Chavunduka 1994: 6). They were also opposed to traditional medicine, observes Chavunduka,
They felt that traditional healers encouraged people to worship their ancestors instead of God. Worshipping one's ancestor was at that time regarded as sin. Thus, because of their association with ancestral spirits, traditional healers were regarded as worshippers of the devil19.
Westerners resolutely engage in determining rational laws and principles that govern nature and employ every scientific and technical means of combating deterrents to the good of humankind. As a consequence, western society remorselessly excludes spiritualist tendencies detectable in phenomena, especially in the aspect that relates to health. According to Jansen (2001: 79), the following are some features, which are specific to western medicine:
Dynamic progress, with increasing specialisation Town Pragmatic orientation and the use of high technology Quantification and the quest for medical certainty Intemationalisation, for example: the World Health Organisation network, international conferences and publications, cultural exchange of scholars and students, the Internet. Cape of Significantly this world-view is defended with equal VIgOur by ecclesiastics and secularists alike. The following, writes Ray, (1977: 22-23) confirms this:
-Jesus s'est conforme au simplisme de ses auditeurs. II a epouse leur langage. Et plus lard les disciples dans leurs recits de guerison, ont prete au Christ des paroles qu'il n 'a jamaisUniversity prononcees.
19 Ibid,5 99
(-Jesus has been conformed to his auditor's thinking. He married their language. And, after some time, the disciples in their heatings narration attributed to Christ the words he never pronounced). [Own translation] -Jesus a partage les erreurs de son temps. Homme parmis les hommes, pouvait-il en savoir plus que ses comtemporains? Dans sa connaissance il est reste tributaire des cosmogonies juives. Et meme s'if etail Ie fils de Dieu, if etait limite dans son savoir puisque, selon Hebreu 2:17, Hi/fallait qu'iljut rendu semblable a sesfreres!" C'est pourquoi, ignorant tout de la psychiatrie, a tort il a tenu certains de ses rnalades menlaux pour des demoniaques! (-Jesus has shared the errors of his time. Man among men, could he, know more than his contemporaries? In his knowledge he remained linked to the Jewish cosmogony. And, if Jesus was an incarnate Son of God, he was limited in his knowledge, because according to Hebrew 2: 17, "he had to be made like his brothers in every way"! It is why, ignorant of all psychiatry, be took certain mental sickness for demonic!) [Own translation]
The Western conception of the world may, therefore, be described as scientific, logical and experimental. There seems to be no place for spiritual things, argues Ray_ In the wake of the Protestant Reformation, observes Uka (1994: 148):
Christian took many practical actions and church groups to deal with sickness, both physical and medical. Christian hospitals, clinics and medical schools were established and some reasoned that God is not longer willing to heal people directly by miracles except through strictly material and physicalTown means. In this way, Witcomb says:
God has wisely protected the significanceCape of miracles in history by the rarity of their occurrence even in Bible times. Enoch's translation was the only recorded miracle over 1,700 years between Adamof and the flood. For centuries Israel suffered in Egypt with no special voice from heaven. Only rarely did miracles occur during the centuries from Joshua to David20
The most plausible explanation of miracles related to healing is that given by Wale Bogge, (see Uka 1994: 149) who wrote:
God permittedUniversity these heatings to take place in order to establish the Christian Church; once the reality of the new faith had been demonstrated, the dispensation was
20 Ibid 100
withdra\\-l1. Thus the healing ministry being given only for a special period has no application for our time.
But it should be observed that currently dramatic cases are reported in Lubaland that are ascribed to God's miraculously healing power through Balombi, as Christian petitioners testifY (see Chapter Four).
3. 2. 1 Of sickness or disease
In the light of this proclivity for science, Martin (1953: 64) argues that the western world will not give credence to a spiritual dimension in matters of sickness or disease in the way that Bantu philosophy asserts.
It is also noteworthy that medical science is evolving a comprehensive view of human existence. It is recognised that duringTown the nineteenth century, medicine was almost exclusively limited to the material causes of malady. Today, with scientific contributions of scholars, like Sigmund Freud (1856- 1939), and Carl Gustav Jung (1875-1961),Cape modem medicine also accepts the psychological dimension as inexorablyof connected with material aspects of health (seen Martin 1953: 14). It is true, however, that the spiritual aspect of malady, remains contestable and debatable. It is why, sickness is often understood as "all which disturbs psychological functioning of a human being"zl. Over this sphere, for medical science, it is no more than primitive quackery. University
21 Ibid, 35 101
3. 2. 2 Of healing
In the light of the foregoing, it is fair to state that the conception of malady and its healing depends, in principle, on our perception of human destiny. Indeed, a materialist conception of life will restrict healing to its material and physical aspect. Likewise, a spiritualist view of sickness will relate its diagnosis to unsuspected aspects of human life.
According to scientific medicine, healing appears as restoration of the physiological or psychological functions of a disturbed human being (Martin 1953: 35). It is also important to underline the fact that medical science deploys a great deal of power to preventive medicine. Even in this approach, however, preventive means essentially follow materialist conception of the life of a human.
3. 3 Missionaries and the traditional medicine Town
Although this study is confmed to the issue of healing among Baluba, it is proposed not to take issue with the Capewhole problem, which concerns Black Africa. Consequently, in the followingof paragraphs, it is important to consider a general approach to the problem before outlining particular reference to Luba people.
Given the inclination of the western mindset toward ethnocentrism, the material superiority of westerners and its spiritual life on one hand and the urgency ofUniversity its evangelical mission on the other, it is a safe assumption that 102
missionaries shared this general presumption and traditional practices in Africa were viewed accordingly C. Gamier and J. Fralon (1951: 202) aver that:
( .. ) la position de eet imperialisme culturel est precise: Ie non-civilise est inferieur au point de vue intelleetuel, e 'est-a-dire qu'if n 'a pas notre raison, que son esprit n 'est pas deductij; et qu'il suit des pratiques et des participations mystiques et symbolyques. II est egalement inferieur dans Ie sens social: mode de vie, groupements. Moralement, il agit suivant Jes donnees fausses ou nefastes. De la, apres avoir juge, il n y avait qu 'un pas afaire pour vouloir reformer: (. .. ) e 'est done par l'education et la predication que se propagerons fa civilisation chretienne ... (the position of this cultural imperialism is precise: the uncivilized is inferior on the intellectual point of view, i.e. he does not reason as we do, that his spirit is not deductive, and that he follows mystic and symbolic practices and participations. He is also inferior in the social sense: life style, groups. Morally, he acts according to false noxious data. From there, after having judged, there is only one step to do for need of reform: ( ... ) it is by education and by preaching that the Christian civilisation shall spread). [Own translation]
Missionaries, it is indicated, inevitably adopted this radical position. During the colonial period in DRC, Christian mission, Belgian administrations and great companies were so bound together that it was very difficult to distinguish the errors of one sphere of influence fromTown the infamy of the other sphere of influence. As a consequence, informed observers reject the appellation "civilizing trinity", when referring to these three entities. About this Young (1965: 12) writes: Cape of On analyse traditionnellement la structure du pouvoir politique do Congo-Beige en partant de I'image d'une trinite composee de J'Administration, de I'Eglise et de Grandes Sociitis. II est important de se rendre compte non seulement que celie triple alliance etait un tissu sans coutures, mats aussi que chacun de ces element a I'interieur de sa propre sphere d'activite, avail une force d'impacl sans comparaison dans louIe I'etendue de I 'Afrique tropicale. (traditionally, they analyse the structure of Belgian Congo political power from the government compounded trinity image of the Church and great companies. It is important not to consider only that this triple allianceUniversity was a cloth without teams, but also that each of these elements has the inside of its proper sphere of activity, and a power of impact without comparison across tropical Africa). [Own translation] 103
Their principal goal, according to Martin, (1981: 16-17) is the creation, not only of a new human being in the spirit of the Good News, but also of a new culture and a new life-style. The missionaries, assisted by the rulers, were faced with the initial break up of all indigenous cultural and religious structures, pursuant of this slogan: "Tout detruire, tout abattre, tout raser afin d'etre a me me d'e/ever, sur les ruines, une civilisation nouvelle, une civilisation occidentale chretienne (To destroy all, to cut all down, to raze all in order to be able to build on the ruin a new civilization, a western Christian civilization), (Mulago 1967: 2). [Own translation]
Every aspect of life was made subservient to what westerners considered was a civilising influence of the western way. Family life and social background, educational and economic strategies, healing and religious practices were all tainted by western priorities. The western concern and goal were the psychological destruction of the identity and consciousness of the colonized. The more dangerous and pervasive domination,Town according to Fanon is "the psychological and mental domination" (see Mucherera 2001: 47), because physical domination can be removed by revolution or by other means, whereas mental and psychological dominationCape is too complex to remove because it is in the psyche and theof consciousness of colonized people. This colonialist attitude, observes Fanon, creates an "inferiority complex" in the native with which he was not born. "This is something that came as a result of the colonial system". According to Fanon argues Mucherera (2001: 48),
Colonialism creates an empty shell mentally in the colonized. What then is placed in this is Universitythe colonized's belief in the superiority of the colonizer. Part of this belief is that, if the colonizer was to leave, the colonized would not be able to function on their own. The basis for the identity of the colonized is the colonizer's history, culture, 104
language and religion. Colonialism creates self-alienation and identity dissonance as well as confusion about self.
The phenomenon described as the "civilising trinity" (colonizer, church and corporate industry) seemed intent on suffocating every social practice with which it came into contact. This was a deliberate policy that sought to annihilate the spiritual content of the lives of the colonized people and to supplant it with a new and different value system, as observed by Gamier and Fralon, (1951: 204). In this way, church and ruler seemed indistinguishable. In many cases, the church was simply a ritual aspect of western colonialism.
With the advent of Christianity in Lubaland, the attitude of Luba converts towards the Bankambo and the practices of the traditional medicine by the Bambuki have changed because they were considered as superstition, idolatry and fetish. The church did not hesitate to impose radical reforms; no more fetish worship, no more absurd superstitions, no more gods worship ... and all the manifestations of social life that tend to formTown a child, to make it become a "man" in the true meaning: great feasts, dances and rites of initiation. For example, in 1923 at Kisangani, the main city of DRC Oriental province, the missionaries in co-operation of the rulersCape listed some customs considered as harmful to public order. Missionariesof asked rulers to act against them: "hunting and dancing ceremonies, religious rites on the occasions of birth, circumcision, the appearance of a child's teeth, girls' puberty, marriage, and illness; offering to ancestors and spirit ... " (Owaohene 1998: 89).
It wasUniversity in vital matters of health that indigenous practices proved most resistant to the inducements of the "civilising trinity" wrote Gamier and Fralon (1951: 204) 105
Dans Ie domaine social, la sante pub/ique, I 'Administration a dil engager une veritable lutte contre les pratiques fltichistes et surtout contre les charlatans ... La conlrainte a dCt eire exercee .. .(In social domain, public health, the government has engaged a true struggle against fetishist practices and especially against the charlatans ... The constraint was made ... ). [Own translation]
The fetishist practices, refer to Nanga, and Bavidye or Bilumbu as ostensibly, the charlatans.
In terms of these testimonies, it is clear that missionaries were absolutely dismissive of traditional medicinal practices. In their view, such practices were diabolical and deserved to be rooted out. Massive attacks against traditional value by missionary and administrator is witnessed in many part of Africa observes Owaohene (1998: 89).
Missionaries and colonial government officials felt that traditional healers encouraged the belief in witchcraft, which was regarded as a severe hindrance and a real stumbling block in the way of TownChristian missionary work (Chavunduka 1994: 5)
3. 3. 1 Efficacy of traditional medicineCape of The prejudicial attitude of missionaries was aimed at persuading Luba people to eschew traditional medicine as ineffective and the machination of evil. In Luba, report gained currency that many sicknesses were unsuccessfully treated by western medicine but were cured by traditional medicine (Kabamba, 1999). ManyUniversity people suffering from different diseases such as epilepsy, anaemia, skin diseases, diabetes and possession by evil spirit, have been healed. 106
This healing should not surprise us, because long before the introduction of western medicine, the Luba healers, Bambuki provided health care to people.
In his writings, Pastoral Care from a Third World Perspective, Mucherera (2001: 117) observes that among Shona Christians who believe in modem medicine some recognize that there are certain diseases still believed to be curable by traditional healers using traditional medicine. This causes considerable psychological conflict for the Shana Christian as for the Luba Christian. Following is an example of such a situation given by Peaden:
European medicines, although in many ways superior to the drugs that the nganga gave, were not infallible and there were many illnesses, which they were not able to cure. On the other hand the nganga were able to cure some the Europeans could not ...On one occasion, for example, an African teacher was admitted to hospital for observation after suffering for several weeks ...After a week the European doctor told the writer that nothing physically wrong could be found with the teacher who was then discharged. He thereupon went to an nganga and after doing what the nganga prescribed; and a year later there had been no recurrence of pain ...the Shona distinguish between the physical working of illness and its spiritual cause22 Town 3. 3. 2. Missionary point of view
Generally, it is known that the CapeProtestant missionary in Belgian-Congo did not display enthusiasm for Belgianof colonial politics. Young (1965: 13-14), the historian, writes that the Protestant army missionary corps, composed of American, British and Scandinavian personnel, at no time expressed allegiance to the Belgian colonial system. As a result they gained the Belgian government's distrust. This is probably one of the reasons why Protestant missionaries were often considered as the outsiders. The insinuation is that University
22 Ibid 107
Protestant missionaries did not contribute to destroying traditional Luba practices. What is the Protestant missionaries' opinion about this situation?
It is in this situation that the account of some Methodist missionaries, as part of the group called the "pioneer team" in North Katanga, should be recorded. Generally, missionaries avoid referring to their attitude about Luba or African traditional practices. The impression is that all missionaries regarded questions on this topic as sensitive. Some missionaries were, however, more open and frank than others. Such is the case of one, Omar Hartzler (1985) whose opinion was:
During early years, said Omar. it is true to confirm that the majority of Methodist missionaries were, in principle, not racist, but accepted the racist customs, which were practised in the country ( ...). They acted with the impression that a White human being was superior to a Black, and for this reason White must dominate Black.
This view expressed by Omar is a point of view held by a group of missionaries, whose position is unclear. It would Townseem that they accepted the racist customs with reservations but, in order to be acceptable and so dominate the Black people, they concealed their opinions. This ambiguity, however, remains in Omar's declaration and mayCape be discerned in their whole approach. They did what Luba proverb says;of "Bingija kolelwe mutome a talala", that is to say give reason to the drunken one and you will drink quietly. That is merely a way to calm the situation and this provides the opportunity to do what you wish to do.
This Universitycircumstance is well documented. It was customary, in the colonial period, for few non-Belgian Protestant missionaries to attend study sessions called "colonial courses" before taking up appointment in the Belgian-Congo. 108
These missionaries also learnt the French language, a study that provided them with appropriate teaching skills.
In respect of that, Madame D. Buser (1984) observes that the criticisms expressed by Methodist missionaries about traditional practices in the Katanga Province, were based on the fact that the Christian religion was very strongly influenced by western culture.
3. 3. 3 Missionary means of healing
Martin (1981: 50) avers that behind these drastic measures to annihilate black traditional practices, missionaries were determined to introduce the western medicine in order to diminish the influence of Nanga. In respect of health, rulers, the church and pharmaceutical companies have, to their credit, made achievements of considerable worth. A dispensing hospital was established in practically every rural town of significantTown population. Mobile teams of medical personnel were organized in order to provide health care for villagers. Missionary stations became health centres. Modem clinics were built and schools of medicine were establishedCape (Gamier and Fralon 1975: 206). of Despite all the strategy, one question remained: were the means adopted sufficiently effective? Martin (1981: 50) writes:
Nous devons Ie nier categoriquement. Cette insuffisance de I 'action missionnaire occidentale dans Ie domaine de la guerison sera I 'une des raisons du success foudroyant de la predication et de la guerison par fa priere des eglises independantes, (We must categorically deny it. This insufficiency of western missionary action in the healingUniversity field will be one of the reasons of striking success of preaching and healing by prayers of the independent churches). [Own translation] 109
Luha tendency of seeking healing in traditional medicine and of consulting Bavidye or Nanga remains. In the course of my ministry, desperate people came for relief and for counselling and told me about their chronic maladies, which drove them to consult different Nanga or Bambuki in Kabongo territory. In view of this experience, I hold the view that the Muluba seeks to know the reason for everything that happens in his life. Every event demands an explanation. In addition, for Muluba, the Bamhuki, as the ancestors' representatives, are able to give the answer to all concerns.
One case in point is the story of a 32-year old married woman, Ngoie Muluba. Having been married for two years and not having given birth, she consulted many physicians. Nothing changed. In 1997, she then decided, together with her husband, to consult the Mbuki. After diagnosis, the Mbuki prescribed some medicine and performed several ceremonies. After three months of treatment, she became pregnant and gave birth to her first-born. Today she is the mother of three children (Mande 20003).Town In the context of life in Congo, this is easily understood because the inhabitants did not build the new order: the colonial invaders, without consultation, imposed an order according to their own plan, their own aspirationsCape and their own materialistic conception of the world. of
3. 4 Healing after missionary time
The reference to "missionary time", defmes the time during which western missionaries monopolised church power. The post-missionary time is that period Universitywhen missionaries transferred power to the indigenous church. In Congo the post-missionary time begins with national freedom, around the year 110
1960. For some insight into the healing problem during this period, it IS important to be apprised of the aspirations of the indigenous people.
3. 4. 1. Spirit and aspirations of the indigenous people
Anecdotal evidence of medical incidents indicates that when diagnosis is fallacious, despite the physician's professional ability or the quality of the remedial medicine administered to the sufferer, the consequences are inevitably ineffective. It often occurs that the ailing person develops a depressed feeling and is tempted to abandon one remedy in favour of another in quick succession. This was the case among Luba people vis-a.-vis the new Christian civilisation, especially in matters of health. It is important, however, to recognize the quality of treatment in the sphere of health. So, among the Luba, healing a sufferer is the consequence of several approaches.
As a consequence of the fact that indigenousTown people were monstrously deceived prior to national freedom, they always reacted to situations with suspicion and apprehension. Cape Young (1965: 51) observesof that there was an apparent urgency to transform DRC into a new "Belgium in Africa". Church functionaries and their allies were prompt to constrain local inhabitants from the traditional practices such as polygamy, sorcery, religious practices, medical practices, as well as social and educational activities such as dance, initiation rites and great feasts (Gamier andUniversity Fralon 1951: 204-206). 111
The following extract from M.Van Eetvelde, Governor of the Independent State of Congo (E.I.C.), reflects the determination of colonial politics:
Nous n 'avons plus a craindre aucune preponderance (. . .), ni aucune ingerence etragere. Le nouvel Elm (Congo) sera beige du point de vue religieux come il est deja politiquement beige. J'espere que nous pouront bientot disposer d'une armee de missionnaires qui aideront a la creation d'une Belgique nouvelle et plus grande dans un pays lointain, (We do not have to fear any primacy ( ... ) neither any strange interference. The new state (Congo) will be Belgian on religious point of view as it already is politically Belgian. I hope we should soon dispose one missionary army, which shall help to the creation of a new Belgium more great in a far country), (Sladre 1962: 200). [Own translation]
Besides placing a ban on traditional practices, the colonial administration, observes Young (1965: 77-78), did not allow any kind of political activity. Press freedom and freedom of association were legally promulgated in Congo in August 1959, a day before national freedom.
When traditional chiefs felt their authority Townthreatened by the colonial powers they mobilised the frustrations of the inhabitants, incited them and mounted resistance. It is the case of "Azande", "Yaka" and "Baluba Shankadi,,23. Simultaneously, the spontaneousCape reaction of religious groups to social imbalances and inequalitiesof was galvanised into the co-ordinated social action of the populace.
Such religious movements as Kimbangu were significant in the Bas Congo Province, as well as the Mwana Lesa and Kitawala movement in Katanga Province.University Secret societies, practising traditional rites and practices,
23 Ibid, 79 112
added a further dimension to the social ferment. In Lubaland this manifestation 24 25 was most noteworthy among Bambudye and among Ntambwe Bwanga •
These religious movements, especially the secret societies, are apparently the equivalent of modem day fundamentalist sects of religionists who are at odds with the conventional interpretation of the religious tenets to which they subscribe and with which they are in broad agreement. The detail, however, is outside the scope of this dissertation.
In earlier times the frustration of resistance movements, religious sects and secret societies was muted and less overt. This resentment became more assertive with the national freedom in June 1960. Young (1965: 162-3) writes that, at that time,
L 'atmosphere etait Jaite d'incertitude et d'insecuriti. Sous la surface d'une joie delirante, on trouvait en fait des craintes et des sOUPfons de toutes sortes. Les rumeurs les plus absurdes trouvaient audience; tout Ie monde, de l'echelon Ie plus important jusqu' au plus bas (. . .) Personne ne savait ce que demainTown lui resevait. (The atmosphere was made of uncertainty and insecurity. Under a tumultuous joy, there found in fact fear and suspicion of all kinds. The most absurd rumour took place; all, from the highest to the lowest level ( ... ) none knew what was to happen next to him). [Own translation] Cape This, in fact becomes a feature of post-missionary times. It would seem that the circumstances relate to theof return of the power of traditional practices.
24 Bumbudye is the society of professional dancers, and doubtless many are members for the sake of the gains that they make by really remarkable displays of muscle, agility and skill ... and deeper aims of this sect are centred, not in the open village, but in the carefully guarded Kinyengele, society-lodge (Burton 1961: 154)
25 Ntambwe Bwanga is a healing society built around the medicine named Ntambwe Bwanga, medicine, which is briefly an impersonationUniversity of the white man. The one, who is taken by it, ceases to speak his own language Kiluba and uses Kiswahili, aping the white Belgium in every detail. He is also sought out by his neighbour for healing and averting calamity (Burton 1961: 174) 113
If the fIrst decade of national freedom features power struggles and secessionist wars, the second decade is a time when colonialist hegemony is seriously questioned. This permanent quest for identity is manifest in the proclamation titled "Recours a l'autheticite", "Recourse to authenticity".
L 'Afrique, longtemps repliee sur elle-meme, dans une meditation profonde, se dott de faire part aux hommes de ce qu 'il y a de profondement humain, d'essentiel, d'eternel, dans sa propre conception de la vie. Et il semble de plus en plus urgent qu 'elle Ie fasse. (Africa, for a long time folded up on itself, in deep meditation, must announce to human beings what is deeply human, essential, and eternal in its own conception of life. In addition, it seems more and more urgent that it did it (Collectif 1957: 58). [Own translation]
It is necessary to state that the content of authenticity is multifaceted: it expresses and drives the idea at cultural, economic, political and religious levels of thinking (Collectif1982: 71-72).
If the point of view of missionaries conveyed many reservations, it was not the case of indigenous Christian Methodists Townwho worked together with missionaries doing pioneering work in North Katanga. It is a widely-held opinion that black culture is mediocre. Traditional practices, like initiation rites, polygamy, fetishism, witchcraft, and Capespirit belief ... do not contain anything good. Missionaries require abolishing them in all their forms (Katwebe 1987: 228-230). of
The fear that engaged the mind of the late Pastor llunga Kumwimba was the tendency of the majority of Christians, above all that of young people, of questioning ecclesiastical policy. The traditional practices, cited above, constitute aUniversity convincing proof of his position when he urged: "My son! I say this 114
to you and it is my firm opinion: after the pastors of my generation have passed away, it will be the end of Katanga United Methodist Church".
Dr Kwenda (2003) recalls a similar experience. He was attending a United Methodist Church meeting in Zimbabwe. During the meeting, convened in order to discuss the issue of the integration of some traditional practices in church worship, one senior lay member said: "Doing that is like taking people back to Egypt".
This strongly-held radical standpoint of a son of the Congo is, quite obviously, the result of missionary education. According to Pasteur Kayij (1984) this education consisted of teaching the indigenous people to imitate the westerner's behaviour on one hand and, on the other hand, to despise all aspects of black teaching. For that reason everything belonging to black culture was followed by the pejorative adjective "Kishenji", that is to say, "wild allegation". Town Talking about Xhosa people, Manona, shows the way they were cruelly treated by missionaries because their traditional religion was condemned in all these aspects (see Nokuzola 2000: 3). Cape
In Bumshill, Rev. Laing, who servedof the community from 1831 to 1872, burnt boy's initiation lodges at one time and spilt beer he found being consumed by his followers. In Grahamstown as late as 1939, White clergy threatened boys who wanted to go to the veld for initiation with excommunication. The boys defied the order and went through the full process of traditional initiation. When they came back, however, they had to make a confession before they could participate in normal Church activities again.
This isUniversity fatal for traditional practices and indicates that it was necessary for Blacks to hide the religious practices they considered important to perform. 115
Early, the Katanga United Methodist Church (K.U.M.C.), took very strict disciplinary measures (Journal 1953: 26):
We recommend that we believe that the custom of circumcising young boys is good and hygienic and should be continued, and the evil customs ( ... ) should not be continued but the people taught a better way.
These measures, which in earlier times illustrated a broad character, became more and more specific. In 1960 at the annual United Methodist Church meeting in Elisabethville (Lubumbashi), the following was decided:
Hatula; kutumia mizizi kama dawa ... sharti twende kwa hospitali ama dispemaire. lnakatazwa kabisa kwa mkristo kucheza michezo mubaya sawa: a) ngoma, b) dibese najeza (cartes), c) kifwebe ao malinga ku bar, d) kilumbu ao kulakusha (We must not use roots as medicine ...we must to go to the hospital or health centre. It is forbidden for a Christian to play bad games as: (a) tam-tam, (b) playing card, (c) mask or dancing in snack bar, (d) soothsayer or awaking), (Proces Verbaux 1960: 59, 63). [Own translation]
The Church meeting m 1962 took this firm decision in cases of subsequent offences: "If members refuse to obey, theyTown cannot remain members of the Church (Proces Verbaux 1962: 62). The prohibition on church members to participate in such activities is, in effect, a condemnation of traditional religion. Cape of Nowadays, it is officially admitted in K.U.M.C., that all believers who resorts to traditional medicinal practices, should be punished (Journal officiel 1985: 190-191). The impact of Christianity in Lubaland can be seen in the United Methodist Church members who today found themselves caught between ChristianityUniversity and traditional religion. 116
It is, however, important to point out that today this strict ban is strongly opposed, above all, by educated Methodist people. They ask, for example, is pure traditional medicine incompatible with the remedies of the African herbalists? "Is this medicine different from the modem herbal medicine which is not considered a pagan practice?" (Katwebe 1987: 230).
3. 4. 2 National independence
The ftrst decade of the country's crusade for freedom is marked by the struggle for political power and the wars of secession. The second decade highlights the process of decolonisation. This protracted sequence of events indicates a constant search for identity and reaches its climax when President Mobutu proclaimed an authentic African identity as the essential social construct for the Congolese people argues Ngindu (1979: 228).
In order to concretise an understanding of thisTown Congolese identity, forged out of diverse languages and different cultural practices, researchers, intellectuals and scholars conferred together in a national seminar convened by the government (1982: 226). The Capeconcept of a Congolese identity was formulated as a conference proclamationof and became the driving principle for political action and national development.
In pursuance of this principle, in respect of public health, Congolese traditional medicine was declared a reality. As a consequence, it was declared a historical factUniversity that the health of the Congolese people was preserved in 117
precolonial times, persisted in spite of colonial times and has survived into 26 postcolonial time .
The authenticity of Congolese traditional medicine having been declare~ it was affirmed as the solution to public health in DRC. In the event, practitioners of Congolese traditional medicine are distinguishable into two distinct categories: Bambuki, a variety of traditional healers and Balombi, spiritualists or religious sects of healers in Lubaland.
Besides traditional healing in the DRC, it should be noted that healing is also the practice of the sects of the African Independent Churches. Healing is one of the main concerns of both traditional healers and spiritual healers. To some extent, the two sides are in a sort of conflict in the way they deal with healing ministry. Each side claims their authority comes from God. Although there are similarities and differences between the two sides, each has its own particularities. Town
3. 4. 3 Spiritualists or religious sects Cape The main activity of the ofsects of the African Independent Churches (AICs) is the practice of healing prayers. This practice is, however, not the monopoly of religious sects. The Balombi, the prophets of the mainstream church like the Protestant church and the Catholic Church, claim that they have received the gift from God that empowers them to heal sick people (Garrard 1983: 454-534).University
26 Ibid,303-304. 118
African Independent Churches have their own way of including healing of the sick in their church practices. This becomes a means of drawing adherents to the flock. When Western Nigerians were asked why they joined the Aladura Church, they replied: "I was sick; through this church or the prophet, I was cured" (Mitchell 1963: 48).
Researchers affirm that a striking resemblance exists between the conduct of a prophet of the spiritual churches and the action of a traditional healer or diviner (Jansen 2001: 80). Spiritualistic churches in Ghana and Nigeria give evidence that a prophet discerns the will of God in precisely the same way a traditional leader discerns the will of the "Oracle", regarded as the source of wisdom (Obenga 1987: 46). Mutumwa healers from Zambia Coppebelt claim that their healing style is different from that of the traditional healers and that which western doctors observe (Dillon-MaHone 1983: 211).
Significantly, sociological research confirmsTown a similar trend in a high density urban area, Soweto, a metropolis annexed to Johannesburg: the diviner depends on a vision; the Holy Spirit inspires the prophet. "The power of the diviner comes from his guiding shades,Cape the power of the prophet comes from the Holy Spirit, but in some cases itof comes via his shades" (West 1975: 173). In Lubaland the Bambuki and Balombi have similar experiences, of being called by the ancestors, Bank ambo for the first or by God, Leza through his Holy Spirit for the last. The Zulu diviner, Isangoma, and the Zionist prophet claim that ancestors or the Holy Spirit could appear in their dreams (Jansen 2001: 81). "'From the viewpoint of medical pluralism it is interesting to know that in Soweto thereUniversity was evidence of some co-operation between prophet and diviners by exchanging of information" (West 1975: 185). 119
In researching this aspect of religious life, a commentator runs the risk of making generalisations (Martin 1975: 48). An experience of different kind was reported, that of Simon Kimbangu the prophet (1889-1951). Hearing voices in the dead of night and the very specific words: "I am the Christ" was reported in 1918, during the period when the Congo was ravaged by influenza epidemic. It is sceptically contended that a patient's fevered condition might suggest incoherence, delusion and delirium. Nevertheless, it was considered a meaningful experience and affmned and in that confidence performed the first miracle of healing, repeated several times thereafter, by Simon. "He preached that fetishes should be cast aside and trust should be placed in God alone,,27.
3. 4. 4 Socio-economic situation of the country 3.4.4. 1 Socio-economic aspect
Since DRC achieved national freedom in 1960, the country has experienced a deteriorating socio-economic condition.Town The consequence was all areas of life were adversely affected. Since that unprosperous period, the Congolese people lived an impecunious life and eked out an existence that sorely tested their power to survive the Capeafflictions of the time. of Mushitu (2000) contends that in the circumstances of the time, the adoration in which a prophet, a healer, a Mulombi, a diviner, a Mbuki, was held, might very well have helped people survive the difficulties. Their adherents provided their daily bread despite the insufficiencies they themselves suffered. As a consequence,University a desperate member of a local church or a leader of a prayer
27 Ibid 120
group may dramatically declare himself or herself to be a person of prophetic power endowed with the gift of healing.
In these times of very hard economic conditions, when employment was hard to come by, professing religious convictions became an easy option to gain an income. Indeed, with the looming war, uncertain political dealings, and the associated instability, people chose to go in quest of God for an easy solution to their social problems of sickness, disease, poverty or other adversities. These conditions force people to seek refuge in those who claim to possess the gift of healing from God, Balombi, or traditional healers Bambuki, from whom they hope to be provided with solutions. Common people are attracted to religious leaders (Balombi and Bambuki) because they present the prospect of spiritual gifts: healing, financial success and material prosperity, employment and a settled life. People Hock to them in order to fmd answers to their daily concerns. They come from various churches and from among the unbelievers. Their main objective is to seek soul salvation. Town
The DRC's declining health facilities and high costs of hospital treatment boosted the claim of the Mulombi or MbukiCape to be paid money because they cost the person in need of their servicesof less.
In political terms, Belgium, as the colonial power, devised a decolonisation process for the Congo that extended over a long period. Ostensibly this was a political strategy designed to delay, for as long as possible, the ultimate transfer of power to the Congolese (Wilson 1994: 173). A Belgian academic, UniversityA.J. van Bilsen, published a plan in 1955 for the gradual emancipation of the Congo over 30 years. This provoked furious protest from 121
the Congolese people when the schema was uncovered. Astonished by the unfolding of events in other European imperialist countries, however, Belgian policy was severely changed and a rapid decolonisation ensued.
28 In 1960, the year of independence declares Wilson ,
Only three out of 4,600 top civil servants, and no commissioned officers - indeed, only three sergeants majors - were African, in marked contrast to the British and French colonies. In practice, this meant that the elected politicians enjoyed, in comparison with other Africans, very high salaries.
The absence of trained and skilled executive officials in colonial government and because of high salaries paid to politicians, a power struggle for political hegemony, for prominence in the social community and for dominance in the Church hierarchy was evoked. Positions of leadership were essential for the accumulation of wealth.
3. 4. 4. 2 Economic aspect Town
Human needs were also not gratified by economic circumstances. The increase in the number of practisingCape Balombi and Bambuki was indeed associated with the current poorof economic conditions. But this did not contribute to the solution of the everyday problem of the Congolese people.
My contention is that this circumstance is attributable to two factors. Firstly, what is termed Congolese evil, affects every aspect of Congolese life. During theUniversity rule of the Second Congolese Republic (1965-1997) the
28 Ibid 122
maladministration resulted in a devastating collapse of the Congolese economy. The wide-ranging consequences affected every aspect of Congolese life. Secondly, a lack of confidence in the social organisation caused main churches to lose their value and influence among Congolese. Nowadays, there have been decreasing numbers of members mainly in Protestant and Catholic Churches. This suggests that people have lost their interest in church attendance because they want to be where they hear about prosperity. At the same time, the healing by faith through the energy of the Balombi, and healing through traditional healers, Bambuki, has become increasingly attractive, precisely because they promise prosperity as well as health.
In this regard account must be taken of the deference and respect which the Luba people hold, not only for their God, Leza, but also for their forefathers, Bankambo, as well as for the messengers of their forefathers, Bambuki. These imperceptible influences are regarded as having emanated from God, or a representative of their ancestors. Quite clearly, theTown fullest advantage must be derived from them for the healing processes to be curative when people are suffering and are in need of sustentation and succour. Cape In addition to the interventionsof that bring healing, Suffering Congolese people also lacked employment opportunities and, regarding their more personal needs, desired marriage partners and the wherewithal for parenting offspring. Because the Balombi address their secret desires, people flocked to the prayer groups. In spite of the adversity of the times the Congolese were experiencing, they contrived to offer the Mbuki or the Mulombi reward for the comfort they experiencedUniversity from their attentions (Mande 2000). 123
The precepts that featured in the sermons revealed by the Balombi invariably revolved around money. Worshippers were beguiled into conceding that giving, as sacrifice, was an offering in benefaction: They were bestowing money to the Balombi, ostensibly for the holy purpose of appeasing their God. These claims Balombi tried to indicate by supportive scriptural references. The following verses were often used to persuade people to increase their offerings for the benefit of the preachers:
I give to the Levites all the tithes in Israel as their inheritance in return for the work they do while serving at the Tent of Meeting... Instead, I gave to the Levites as their inheritance the tithes that the Israelites present as an offering to the Lord. That is why I said concerning them: They will have no inheritance among the Israelites (Numbers 18: 21,24).
The priests, who are Levites indeed the whole tribe of Levi are to have no allotment or inheritance with Israel. They shall live on the offerings made to the Lord by fire, for that is their inheritance... for the Lord your God has chosen them and their descendants out of all your tribes to stand and minister in the Lord's name always (Deuteronomy 18: 1,5)
By these selected scripture verses and by subtleTown persuasion the preacher induces fear of divine punishment. The verse from Malachi in which the prophet accuses the Jews who have turned away from God's commands, when they came from exile, are usually usedCape as an example, which may encourage people to present gifts: of
Will a man rob God? Yet you rob me. But you ask, 'How do we rob youT In tithes and offerings. You are under curse the whole nation of you because you are robbing mc. Bring the whole tithe into the storehouse that there may be many foods in my house. Test me in this says the Lord Almighty, and see if I will not throw open the floodgates of heaven and pour out so much blessing that you will not have room enoughUniversity for it (Malachi 3: 8-10). 124
Many interpret the word of Malachi as suggesting that the offering of a lithe is a bargain struck with God in order to procure a blessing. Others think this is not an appropriate interpretation because the context indicates that the giver must be motivated to offer a gift. Making the offering must be a spontaneous response to the realisation that God is the source of all things. The gift betokens thanksgiving for God's manifold goodness to mankind.
Be this as it may, when the Mulombi teaches his church members the appropriate attitude to money, once spiritually motivated, they will give voluntarily and even give beyond their means. Paul gave the following example about people of the Macedonian Church who gave their gifts for God's work intentionally:
Out of the most severe trial, their overflowing joy and their extreme poverty welled up in rich generosity. For I testify that they gave as much as they were able, and even beyond their ability ... And they did not as we expected, but they gave themselves first to the Lord and then to us in keeping with God' will (2Corinthians 8: 2-5). Town
Following the above example the true Mulombi lives through God's gifts, teaching the appropriated attitude about voluntary offering. That is the case of Meshak, one among the true Balombi, Capewho does not expect to be rewarded after offering healing prayers for sufferingof people. People however, often return with presents to thank God for what He has done for them.
The gift is used for God's service and also to support Mulombi's work. This suggests that the true Mulombi sustains life by means of declining voluntary giftsUniversity and builds his support on the extent to which his clients are persuaded by biblical teaching. Another category of Balombi, named Balombi 125
ba bubela, false Balombi as for Bambuki, in addition to the expectation of voluntary gifts, also require from their clients a certain compulsory fee before they are willing to commence the healing seances. The background of these Balombi is, on the one hand, their own culture and, in the other hand, biblical tradition (Mwepu 2001).
Preliminary conclusion
The chapter examined the western conception of the world, which is observed as a more rational approach, whereas the Luba worldview remains essentially religious. By ethnocentrism many early Western people (missionaries and colonialists) regarded Luba, who failed to act in accordance with their own practices, as ignorant and superstitious. According to the scientific mould, it is clear that the Western world cannot give a spiritual dimension to sickness or disease as asserted in BantuTown philosophy. Whereas the conception of malady and its healing depends in principle on the perception of human destiny, it may be assumed that missionaries, in their evangelisation, shared the general western opinion and Capeviewed Luba traditional practices as evil practices. Their principal goal wasof the creation, not only of a new human being (in the spirit of the Good News), but also of a new culture and mode of living. The "civilising trinity" (Ruler, Great Companies and Missionaries) sought to taint every social practice with which it came into contact. Even if Protestant missionaries shared in Belgian-Congo, the Belgian colonial politics, in full measure, they were considered outsiders. The insinuation is that these missionariesUniversity did not have a great part in destroying traditional Luba practices. 126
After this study, I recognise that the first decade of Congo's crusade for freedom was marked by the struggle for political power and the war of secession, whereas the second decade is a time during which colonialist hegemony is questioned. The concept of Congolese identity was formulated in the proclamation titled "Recourse to authenticity", and became the driving principle for political action and national development. Traditional healers, and a variety of other healers, have received freedom to exercise their ministry. Indeed, the deteriorating socio-economic situation and its consequence, the long war and uncertain political dealings which affect all areas of life, caused the Congolese to choose to go in quest of God for an easy solution. People flocked to Balombi and Bambuki to find the answer to their daily concerns. Despite their own difficulties, the adherents provided the healer's daily bread. As a consequence, a desperate member of a local church or a leader of a church group, may dramatically declare himself or herself to be a prophet or healer.
Town The next chapter considers the Bambuki and Balombi among the Luba. The culture and healing of Bambuki and Balombi, and the Balombi and healing in the name of Jesus Christ, will be the Capefocus of this chapter. of
University 127
CHAPTER 4 THE BAMBUKl (SOOTHSAYERS) AND THE BALOMBI (CHRISTIAN PRAYER PETITIONERS) AMONG THE LUBA
4. 1 Introduction
In this chapter the work of Bambuki and Balombi will be developed in order to distinguish between Mbuki and Mulombi. This distinction is significant in the event that those afflicted with sickness or disease wish to consult Mbuki or Mulombi, for a solution of the major problem: healing.
4. 2 Culture and healing among the Bambuki 4. 2. 1 Definition of culture
It has been stated that culture may broadly Townbe described as a refined understanding of the arts, and other intellectual achievements, such as literature and music that mirror the civilisation of a people living in a particular period of time (see Longman 1983: 168, Hahn 1995:Cape 76).
Broadly, the culture designates,of according to Ngimbi Nsenga (1990: 41), all that the human being affirms.
Culture develops the multiple capacities of the human spirit and the human body; strives to subjugate the universe through knowledge and work; gives coherence to social life, customs and institutions; translates, communicates and integrates into his work in the course of the great spiritual experiences and the major human inspirationsUniversity so that ultimately they contribute to the progress of humankind. 128
The Bambuld and the Balombi each has its own culture, which distinguishes them and becomes a living reference for investigators and researchers.
4. 2. 2 Generality of the sickness and the healing
Before interrogating the Bambuld and the Balombi, it is necessary to understand how the Baluba consider the problem of human suffering: sickness, disease and misfortune: why, in Lubaland, people who are ill, consult the Bambuld or Balombi for healing. The questions that the Muluba asks are: why do we suffer, where does sickness come from, what is the cause of sickness or disease?
Racanelli (1951: 65-67) suggests that there are many forces that operate in the world, the nature of which is not known. InTown addition to the natural and metaphysical forces, the Baluba consider a human invention an additional source of misfortune. Cape According to Dereau (1953: 17) the human, physical and moral nature, each has its law. The physical andof moral health depend upon this law. Any human being who does not observe the law of nature must know that suffering misfortune is an inevitable consequence. The human body needs nurture, rest, health and anyone who abuses the body harms the health of the body; all who observe the physical law of nature may enjoy a good life; anyone who defies the physical lawUniversity of nature invites suffering in the form of sickness, disease and death. 129
Similarly, in the matter of moral life, according to Christian teaching, God inscribed his law in the human heart (Proverbs 23: 29-32; Galatians 5: 21; IPeter 4: 3-4). Those who observe this moral law have peace, joy and cheerfulness. To do evil: being a thief, a prostitute, a liar leads to misfortune. The Bible (Proverbs 3: 7-8) does not remain silent on this subject. For example: " Do not be wise in your own eyes; fear the Lord and shun evil. This will bring health to your body and nourishment to your bones".
Also, the writer of the book of Proverbs 4: 20-22 adds, with solicitude: "My son, pay attention to what I say. Listen closely to my word. Do not let them out of your sight keep them with your heart; for they are life to those who find them and health to a man's whole body".
It is not only original sin (Genesis 3: 1-8), which can be the origin of human suffering; personal sin, that comes from disobedience to the natural and moral law, is also the irrefutable source of misfortune.Town
Society curbs personal sin. Society, determines social relationships. All human beings belong to the human family.Cape Acts of benevolence, directly or indirectly, benefit the whole familyof and acts of malevolence cause harm to the rest of society. History reveals that the madness of one may put the goodwill of the whole village in jeopardy. It is said that because of the personal sin, human beings suffer misfortune caused by others: the family, the government, the social and the economic structure. The parents' sin may be visited on their children till Universitythe fourth generation (Exodus 20: 5). 130
In addition, negligence and ignorance are depicted in the Bible as frequent cause of human sin. In short, there are involuntarily committed sins and innocuous errors. Nevertheless, such sins may have disastrous consequences for the person himself or for society as a whole (Leviticus 5: 14-15; Numbers 15: 22-29). In the researches of Bergson (1983: 17) it is revealed that, for human beings, physical suffering often comes from imprudence or lack of foresight.
It is important, to apply Bergson's hypothesis to life situations. The origin of misfortune is not always outside the person but relates to attitudes. The negligence, lack of hygiene, imprudence, lack of foresight, laziness are intimately related causes of misfortune.
Misfortunes are always attributable to the human being and his or her society. It is also important to know that there are other misfortunes that may exclude human or social responsibility. Natural disastersTown include earthquakes, diseases, drought and inclement weather ... " OUf world is an open wound, and the history is a drama which goes on" (Collectif -: 16). Many Bible texts refer to natural catastrophes (Jeremiah 4: 24; CapeZechariah 14: 5-6; Numbers 16: 31-33). of Within categories cited above, there are others called spiritual beings: malicious beings, Nkambo, ancestor and God. The malicious beings are Satan and his allies. The Bible shows Satan as a person (Pache, 1946: 139-140). Jesus calls him the prince of this world (John 12: 31). But, Paul, the apostle, speaking aboutUniversity Satan, uses the terms: "ruler of the kingdom of the air", "the spirit who is now at work in those who are disobedient", "the evil" (Ephesians 2: 2). Talking about Satan's allies Revelation (12: 9) designates them as 131
Satan's angels. The synoptic Gospels (Matthew, Mark and Luke) call them "evil spirits" (Mark 1: 23-27).
For the clarity of this subject it is necessary to state that the spirit beings do not have bodies like human beings (Luke 24: 39). The evil spirits have the capacity to cohabit incognito, in a body or any place (Ray 1977: 30). According to all identification above, Satan is not their father by way of procreation; he is morally their father in the disobedient way. 29
Throughout the Bible, from beginning to end, Satan is presented as an agent capable of provoking physical and moral illness. Employing his wiles, Satan may either take direct action or may act with the help of his allies (Pache 1946: 138-139). The story of Job is one example where Satan acts:
The Lord said to Satan, 'Very well, then, he is in your hands; but you must spare his life'. So Satan went out from the presence of the Lord and afflicted Job with painful sores from the soles of his feet to the top of his headTown (Job 2: 6-7).
Indirectly, Satan very often uses his many demons. He is able to use his many allies, of which the principal is Capethe "old man" (passions, bad feeling ... ) said Pache (1946: 138-139). of According to the study made by Ray (1977: 29) about the three synoptic Gospels: Matthew, Mark and Luke have fifty-three episodes of healing by the words or the hands of Jesus, of which eighteen appear in Matthew, seventeen in Mark and eighteen in Luke. Through these fifty-three stories, it is specified that University
29 Ibid, 30. 132
twenty-four cases of healing concern the demoniacs or people possessed by evil spirits.
In brief, this study shows that Satan and his allies play an important part in certain physical disorders or diseases that affect humans. It is important to assert that these disorders are not only psychic. The Bible refers to the organic disorders: fever, haemorrhage, skin disease, blindness, deafness and other physical infirmities (Crespy 1952: 5). It will be inadequate to attribute certain categories of sickness to malicious powers. This source of sickness we can say justifies and reinforces the Baluba's fear of the agents of the invisible world.
The ancestors, Bankambo are the dead members of a family, Kisaka. They are the most powerful, the "head-father" of a lineage. They love, protect, care, bless, counsel and advise the living, Bomi. For this reason, they command reverence, respect and veneration. When the living do not conform to what is commanded, Bankambo utter a curse and bringTown misfortune upon them (Masaluka, 2000). In Africa, as in Lubaland, the descendants of an ancestor are in perpetual contact with him. Referring to that situation, Steyne said: Cape Life has no meaning apart from ancestral presence and ancestral power. The tie-in with the dead is so much a ofpart of the whole fabric of life that when someone is about to depart this life, they are requested to take greetings or requests to the previously departed. But communication does not end there. The deceased will again communicate with the living in this present life (see Turaki 1999: 178).
Generally, some disorders that supposedly come from God are construed as a curse. It is evident that this perception considers only one aspect of God's love. For themUniversity God is absolute kindness, it is inconceivable that He is capable of evil. 133
The reality is that God, in his love, may permit sickness to the detriment of those that He loves. The Bible sustains this idea: "And we know that in all things God works for the good of those who love him, who have been called according to his purpose" (Romans 8; 28).
Eareckson (1978: 78), a servant of God, having vast experience of suffering, affirms that it is very difficult for a Christian to choose between two opposite desires: on one hand, the desire to serve God and on the other hand, the desire to make himself attractive to other people. Before this embarrassment of choice, God may put up with any misfortune in order to draw our attention. In the Bible the adventure of Jonas is a good example of the eventuality in which God means to act (Jonas chapter 1-2).
A study of the problem of suffering leads to the following conclusions: suffering emanates from several sources of misfortunes, of which the following are most urgent: Town - The universal law of death, a consequence of original sin; all human beings are subject to death and all the causes that lead them there. - Human beings themselves: byCape their disobedience to the natural and moral laws that control human life;of by their ignorance and negligence; by their laziness, maliciousness and imprudence; by their non- observance of hygienic conditions. - The society in which we live: because of the omissions of the family, government and the socio-economic structures. - TheUniversity natural accidents: earthquakes, diseases, bad climatic conditions and all unpredictable causes. -Industrial pollution. 134
-The Spiritual beings: Satan and his allies, Bankambo and God.
God's suffering is the expression of His love for his elected people. In the light of these conclusions, it is now possible to approach the question of Bambuki and Balombi healing among Luba people. One of the major preoccupations of Luba is certainly healing, kundaha. In fact, in the most celebrated Christian cult in Lubaland, healing sessions have an important place and go according to a variable ritual but with certain common features.
The healing question introduces us to the complex world of health. Health or well - being is only one form of good fortune; sickness is but one of many misfortunes. The concepts of health and sickness ordinarily include much more than bodily or physical health, argues Worsley (1982). The Muluba in his life wants to know how to maintain good fortune and avoid misfortune. If misfortune should occur, Muluba wants to know why it happened, how to be rid of it and how to regain good fortune. The MbukiTown and Mulombi are, in this matter, united in being able to give the answer.
4. 3 Persons, status and role of MbukiCape in traditional society of In Lubaland Kilumbu is a human being filled by the spirit power, named Vidye. The person filled with that force is also called soothsayer, Bwana Vidye, Bwana Kilumbu or Mbuki for men and Kifikwa or Kibinda for women. In other words, this type of person is a diviner. It is said that in the past, female diviners were more commonUniversity than their male counterparts, but today the ratio is more than reversed. Of some contemporary Bilumbu, interviewed among Luba for this study, very few were women (see Nooter 1961: 187). Before exercising 135
their art, diviners must be seized or possessed by the same Vidye for which incantations where made. When the person is possessed, a diviner becomes Vidye or Bwana Vidye. Thereafter, people who consult him or her know that he is not an ordinary person but a Vidye, spirit, one who is incarnated and speaks through him (llunga 1987).
For that reason in traditional Luba society, soothsayers, Bambuki or Bilumbu, are considered prestigious people (see chapter 1). The Bambuki are a conservative force in the Luba society. They possess privileged knowledge and this affords them potential power. The role of Bambuki is to reveal the tension between what is good and bad, natural and unnatural, healthy and diseased, in the sphere of the spirits, in the society and in the self. That is to say: to reveal the hidden cause of particular events in society (Bwanga 1987).
When the Mbuki arrIves In the village, Kibundji, in Lubaland, the inhabitants look upon them from a respectful distanceTown and, in great awe, and remark: "We are blessed. Now we can have counsel from the spirit-world" (Burton 1961: 52). Now, all hidden things that human beings worry about will be revealed whether good fortune or misfortune.Cape Health or wellbeing is one example of good fortune; sicknessof is one of many misfortunes. In fact, outside the western world, the concept of health and sickness ordinarily includes much more than bodily or physical health, argues Worsley (1982: 315-348). Muluba wants to know how to enjoy good fortune and avoid misfortune. If misfortune strikes in Lubaland, people want to know, why and how to be relieved of its consequencesUniversity and, to regain good fortune. And the Mbuki or Kilumbu is one who can give an answer to that preoccupation (Bwanga, 1987). Nooter the researcher writes (1961: 180), "the diviners, Bambuki, are the equivalents of l36
doctors, therapists, lawyers and priests for individuals, families, factions, chieftaincies and entire kingdoms".
4. 3. 1 Category of Divination, Lubuko
Each society engages in divination. "No aspect of life is not touched by divination", states Philip Peek (1991: 1, 3). Among Luba as among the people of every society, the distinction between different categories of divination, Lubuko, is made.
4. 3. 1. 1 Lubuko lwa Kashekesheke (Kashekesheke 's divination)
The divination that centres on a form called Kashekesheke is the old system used among Luba people. The word Kashekesheke, refers to the verb Kusheka, to saw, whether the literal cutting of wood or the back-and-forth of other objects. It also refers specifically to the instrumentTown Lubaya, gourd or Kakishi, the wooden figure used in the divination session and usually recognised as an oracle (see Nooter 1987: 180, Tetusa 1987). The derivative is the verb Kushekula, to discover what is hidden Capewith the synonym Kujingulula, to know or to recognize. That to suggest thatof the practitioner of Kashekesheke is seeking to know and to discover, kusokola, the cause of a given problem, in order to find the solution.
Turner (1975: 15) contrasts the Ndembu equivalent of this verb Kusokola, noting that UniversityKusolola is "the manifestation of what resists conceptualisation in the linguistic terms available to Ndembu". Kashekesheke is the name that the Baluba of Kabongo, Malemba and Bukama have given that technique. In the 137
north, near Basonge, the same technique is named Kat%ra or Katotola from the verb Kutotola, meaning, to hit something several times to obtain a result, or to knock on a door repeatedly, to gain entrance. By analogy the Katotora means Kulasa myanda ya bine, to vomit the truth (Kyoni 1987).
A small sculpture, a Kakishi, a wooden statuette or kabaya, gourd is Kashekesheke is an oracle for contacting the Bankambo, ancestors, who act as agents of memory. Kashekesheke is said to have been practised before the arrival of Mbidi Kiluwe and before the beginning of Baluba Bulohwe, kingship. It was introduced by Mijibu wa Kalenga, the fIrst diviner (Burton 1961: 3-4).
Kashekesheke, observes Nooter (1987: 185), "is a personal form of divination that is not directly associated with Luba royalty. It combines the invocation of family spirits with medicinal mechanisms to fInd solutions to problems of both a personal and a collective nature". Town 4.3. 1.2 Lubuko Iwa Vidye (Vidye's divination)
This kind of divination, LubukoCape is used by the Kilumbu called Bwana Kilumbu wa minwe itoka ya elangaof mu Mpemba (Bwana Kilumbu, who has white fIngers that he is putting in chalk). In this case the Kilumbu has Kitobo, priest, which calls Vidye, spirit to dwell Kilumbu, and it is only Kitobo who has the duty of receiving the clients, and a container named Mboko, gourd (Bwanga 1987). Further, of the contents of the Mboko, gourd, it is found among Lunda Luvale of Zambia,University Angola and southern Congo under the name Ngombo basket and among several other African tribes. While, the most widely known and the most popular in southern Africa is that of throwing the bones (see Reynolds 138
1963: 102). According to Nooter (1987: 185), Bilumbu have gained prominence in Luba with the introduction of Bulohwe.
4.3.1. 3 Lubuko Iwa Nanga (Nanga's divination)
In this form of divination, Mbuki, a diviner, is an ordinary man or woman using the Kileo or Mboko; big covered gourd and they name the diviner: Nanga Kileo. He does not have any prohibition like Bwana Kilumbu. He does not have a separate place for eating, Mbala. And he is not possessed of the spirit, Vidye, observes Bwanga (1987).
4.3.1.4 Lubuko twa Mwavi (Mwavi's divination)
Lubuko twa Mwavi is like a microscope in western medicine and they call it Kyeleko, proof. The diviner is named Kabija mwine Bwanga. He does not suffer any prohibition. The taboo that applies to allTown diviners is not to have sex with theirs wives on the day of Lubuko.
In general, the purpose of any kindCape of Lubuko is to fmd hidden features in people's life. There is a need to ofknow why a person has become sick; who is responsible for the sickness? Why it was done? It may be, because the person has many children or because he is rich. After talking about it, the kin people gather together and decide to see the diviner in order to know the cause of the sickness, said Bwanga (1987). University 139
4. 3. 2 Techniques and procedures of Lubuko
There are many kinds of Lubuko in Lubaland, and each has its own technique and procedure. It is necessary to distinguish between what Dominique Zahan has called "intellectual" divination, conducted through the interpretation of mnemonic devices, and the trance of spirit mediums who serve as direct messengers from the other world, the world of Bankambo, ancestors (see Nooter 1987: 180). It is, however, very important to consider each Lubuko in order to understand the technique and procedure each employs.
Generally, whatever the method used, all divination has a role to find the cause of misfortune on one hand, and to show people how to be released of it, on the other hand.
4. 3. 2. 1 Lubuko lwa Kashekesheke (Kashekesheke's divination) Town Kashekesheke has, as practitioners, both man and women but female specialists are more common. Women have received the power to lead 30 Kashekesheke from the Nkambo spirit,Cape Vidye. While men require Lusa/o , incision, the insertion of herbal andof magical medicines under someone's skin, Kikoba means to augment personal power. In the case of divination, Lubuko, Lusalo is made in the part of the hand that will be in direct contact with the divining instrument (Bwanga 1987). Nowadays, Kashekesheke diviners rarely use the wooden figure; they use the cup-shaped Kabaya gourd instead, and they
30 Depending onUniversity the ingredients of the magical medicines employed, Lusalo may also ensure victory in war and luck in hunting, protect from and actively combat sorcery, prevent or correct sterility, and renew conjugal attraction. Lusalo is also performed for a variety of physical disorder, from minor discomforts like headaches and rheumatism to more serious diseases. Finally, Lusalo may be an exchange to create blood brothers (Verhulpen, 1936: 171). 140
may also use an aluminium cup or a tin can (see Nooter 1987: 182). In order to say that the power of Kashekesheke does not reside in the object itself but in spiritual guidance, through Lusalo contact with the instrument, Lubaya or Kakishi (see Burton 1961: 66).
At the commencement of a consultation, the consultant tells the client what he/she needs to know. And the client explains the problem about which he or she has come to consult the diviner's spirit. At the same time the client and the Mbuki, the diviner, negotiate an initial fee, which may be settled in money, Mituntia, beads, Malungo, chicken, Nzolo or palm wine, Malwa a malevu.
Now the diviner, Mbuki asks the client some questions, which may be answered affirmatively or negatively. He also prepares the Kakishi figure, or the Kabaya, gourd or cup, by rubbing its surface with certain plants to invoke the spirit, Vidye. If the response is in the affirmative or in the negative, says Burton (1961: 65): Town
The instrument moves up and down perpendicularly, causing a smart rapping on the stool. If the affirmative is very decided, the Lubuko moves in a circle, in the horizontal plane. Very frequently the affirmative answer is a combination of both the foregoing signs. If the reply isCape in the negative, the Lubuko moves backwards and forwards horizontally, in a line at right· angles to that this would join the two men who hold it. Often if thisof negative reply is very emphatic, it takes the form of a whisking motion, as though brushing dust from the stool on which it is tapped.
According to Kasongo Bwanga, Mbuki may at times be used as an instrument of divination, Kabaya, and his clients hold it turning it around and 31 answering to Mbuki's word. He then takes Lwenye , a plant with a strong scent, and smearsUniversity the Kabaya. Now, Mbuki says: "Lwenye mujila kutenga,
JI Lwenye is the most common used plant among Luba, which grows freely around their home. It is known to have healing properties, and is used in wide variety of ritual and medicinal contexts. 141
umutenge wa mwikolomwena. Nkambo wetu, Nkamba wetu, Muntu kabulwanga Nkambo wandi", "It is forbidden to touch Lwenye, if you touch it you will provoke it. Our ancestor, our ancestor each person does not miss his ancestor". At this time, Mbuki sets the Kabaya on the ground and asks to the clients to hold it arguing: " I Lubuko lwa Kabaya abe ukweteko nami kweteko", "It is Kabaya's divination, you hold it and I hold it too".
The Mbuki questions the accuser: "Can you know Umba?" the answer is "Yes". He has a headache, and the answer is "Yes" while the accuser is moving around Kabaya. After that, the Mbuki gives the result to the client telling him what he should do to effect healing. If the disease comes from Bankambo, because the ancestors are angry, the diseased is required to poke the fire in the Kabakishi, genius hut, to kill and to pour or to sprinkle chicken blood, and with lamentations asks forgiveness from Bankambo. Ifhis request is accepted he will be healed. Town 4.3.2.2 Lubuko lwa Vidye (Vidye's divination)
As was said above, Lubuko lwaCape Vidye is used by man, Kilumbu and by woman, Idbinda. This kind of divinationof is said to have come among Luba with the introduction of Bulohwe, sacred kingship (see Nooter 1996: 185). When Kongolo quarrelled with Kalala Ilunga, his nephew, about Bulohwe, he was driven away from Lake Baya. Kongolo returned and ruled by following the advice of the Mbuki or kilumbu, Mijibu wa Kalenga, who was the mouthpiece of the dead to theUniversity living (see Burton 1961: 3, 9). 142
In Lubaland, Kilumbu is the principal actor in Lubuko lwa Vidye. Before becoming possessed by Vidye, he was an ordinary person like the rest of humankind. He is believed to succumb to trance and become the unconscious mouthpiece of spirit.
When Kilumbu enters into the hut, Kitobo, priest, his assistant sits outside on an animal hide skin, singing, rattling and beating the tam-tam, Kyondo, uttering prophesies and calling for his familiar spirit: Banze Muta na ba Mbwa, Lenge wa ku Lutwayi, Kasoya or whoever it might be, to show people that Kilumbu is completely possessed by the spirit (Kutentama). Kilumbu then replies, I hear you and at the same time he is wearing his diviner's clothes: Biseba, animal skin, Bisandi bya Madiba, raffia cloth and Sengo, horns. His wife named Kahamba sits beside him holding a small skin satchel, from which he takes chalk, with which he rubs his face and body. Kilumbu is now ready for the consultation. He asks Kitobo to open the door and to enter. Thereafter Kitobo, the clients, enter without shirts and shoes.Town Inside (see Nooter 1999: 195), Bwana Vidye is seated on the bed with Mboko, gourd, filled with the following items: Cape Tiny iron replicas of tools; composite magical boodles contained in antelope horns, cowries shells, and the carapacesof of dried beetles; one or more human teeth; caddis fly cases; fruits, seeds, and twigs; bird beaks, claws, chalk, and a dozen or more miniature, carved, wooden, human figures.
This material helps the Kilumbu to diagnose the problem. He shakes the Kileo the contents are scattered. What scatter shows him the way of divination and the appropriateUniversity time to name the clients: Kasongo welcome, you are coming from Kasakayi, Umba wako, welcome Umba, you corne from Kakolwe. If it is a woman, Bwana Vidye calls her Kahamba and says Kahamba wako utamba ku 143
Kakola, welcome Kahamba you come from Kakola. Inquirers enter the door and remain standing until the Kitobo indicates that they may be seated. Kilumbu commences the act of divination, kubuka (Bwanga, 1987).
Now, Bwana Vidye or Bwana Kilumbu according to Burton (1961: 55) begins to question his clients: "What has he come for? Is it sickness? Is it misfortune? Is it enquiry? Is it poison? Is it a scandal? Is it a spell? Is it a journey? Is it some old litigation? Is it a wild animal?" The inquirer, continues Burton, "sits quietly until the necromancer reaches the correct subject of enquiry, when he shouts terms of respect, "Mfumwami! Vidyeee Kalombo smearing himself with chalk". Again, observes Burton:
The necromancer, Bwana Vidye starts his questions: "Is it the leg? Is it the arm? Is it the chest?" Or else "Is it the father? Is it the mother? Is it the wife?" Or again" Is it meat? Is it salt? Is it the garden?" until the enquirer shouts "Kalombo Vidyeee!" and smears himself with chalk. In this way the necromancer worms his way to the whole story of the difficulty, after which he sums up and pronounces sentence, "It is your grandmother who has sprained her ankle, by stumbling over a root while carrying firewood from the garden (or whatever the history of the case may be), and you must show special deference to your grandmother'sTown spirit, for it is he who is offended. You must not go to the gardens tomorrow, but must place food at the cross roads, and bowl of beer before his spirit-hut". All this is greeted by vociferous exclamations of respect, as though the necromancer had found it all out himself. Cape If there is some doubt after the divination, Lubuko, argues Bwanga (1987), enquirers go back to their ownof village and talk to the elders, Bakulumpe, who after giving them audience will pronounce the last sentence. The face of the winner is rubbed with chalk and the face of the loser is rubbed with cinders.
In case of sickness, other kinds of Bambuki use the Kitumpo kya Kihulu and KitumpoUniversity kya mutyi, special gourds. Kitumpo kya Kihulu is a different sort of product, like chalk, Mpemba, the head of an owl, Mutwe wa Kitungu, for 144
giving a revelation through dreams, a hyena's nose, and Mulu wa kimungu to smell out the spirits that are in the air. The objective of this form of Kitumpo is to justify or to condemn the client. If the client is justified, the Mbuki reaches out his hand to pinch out a little chalk. In Lubaland chalk is always considered a sign of purity, satisfaction, joy and justification. If the Kitumpo is heavy because, Mbuki considers that the familiar spirit stiffens and holds back his hand and he may say that he cannot justify his client. The client must pay compensation in beads, Malungo, money or some other commodity. Whatever happens the client will be smeared with ash, Buto (Masaluka 2000).
Kitumpo kya Mutyi has inside beads, Malungo, money and other forms of wealth in his possession. Umbevu, the sufferer who comes for healing, sits cross-legged with the Kitumpo, and Mboko, gourd in his hands. If it were broken, Mbuki would say, ''you have damaged the spirit. You are now a slave for life". The taking of the spirit (who is in the Kitumpo) in his hands, is sufficient to ensure healing, but sometimes the UmbevuTown is told "You are to be the spirit's slave, if it is a woman it says "You are spirit's wife" and if you try to escape, "the spirit will kill you" (see Burton 1961: 59). The sufferer is then sent to smear chalk, Mpemba and toCape wait for his healing doing whatever Kilumbu asks him to do. And thereof are those who were once compelled to live in this kind of slavery for many years and they dare not break free. If they wish to be free, they may have to pay a gun, Buta, or a row of rare Malungo, beads. On receipt of these, after ceremonies Kilumbu sends the sufferer to wash his body in a brew of chips of Mpampi, Nyandwe and Mubanga (hard wood trees that impart strength), after the spirit is encouraged to fmish healing and the patient is toldUniversity to put on white grass-cloth as evidence that he has been healed (Bwanga 1987). 145
4.3.2.3 Lubuko lwa Nanga (Nanga's divination)
According Bwanga (1987), Lubuko lwa Nanga is an ordinary divination among Luba people. This kind of Lubuko does not require the presence of Kitobo and special clothes. Nanga, diviner, is an ordinary man or woman who is using, for divination, only a Kileo, gourd; it is why they call him Nanga Kiteo. The Kileo is full of the same material reported above for Mboko in Lubuko lwa Vidye. In addition, also the procedure, technique and method are those used in Vidye's divination.
4. 3. 2. 4 Lubuko Iwa Mwanvi (Mwanvi's divination)
This Lubuko lwa Mwanvi said Bwanga (1987), is used by a man, and named Kabeja mwine Bwanga. If people have some discussion about misfortune, thief, witchcraft, they will consult Kabeja mwine Bwanga, at night, paying an initial fee. Town
In the early morning Kabeja sounds his signal Kyondo, drum, calling on the Vidye, spirit to take possession of him,Cape and to show who is guilty and who is innocent. People gather around a oftree Nyandwe, while Kabeja is climbing with his Senso, adze or state axe, on his shoulder, wearing Nduba's (bird's) feather on his head and mumbling incantation. The accuser and accused take their place seated on opposite each other on mats, Kyata below the tree. Kabeja chips off pieces of bark, Kibale, from the tree and balancing it on his adze, he shouts: " Shi ibukila butoka, ubabinga; shi ibufita nakyo wimuhone", " If the white side shows,University you are justified, but if the dark is uppermost, you are condemned" (see Burton 1961: 70). 146
On the tree Kabeja continues with the incantation naming his clients saying: "Kabamba has stolen", and the white bark falls down. If after the fourth time, only the white bark, Kibale, falls, Kabamba is justified. Now he will also call Mutombo saying: "Mutombo has stolen" and chips the bark. If it is dark, after the fourth time, Mutombo is condemned, said Bwanga (1987).
4. 3. 3 Means of healing
There are several means of healing among the Bilumbu (singular, Kilumbu) in Lubaland. In the first place the Bilumbu have the task of finding the hidden cause of different kinds of misfortune, sickness or disease and death. People ask themselves what or who has caused these things to happen and Kilumbu is one who is allowed by the Bankambo to help people in this way. Secondly, when the cause is found, people must apply Kilumbu's recommendation and become healed. If it is about sickness or disease from the spirit of Bankambo, the sufferer must go and ask Townfor the forgiveness of the Bankambo, sacrificing a white chicken, Zolo utoka to Kabakishi, in a tiny hut shrine, or at the crossroads for reparation. If the sickness, disease, death or misfortune comes from a witch, they Capeask him to put out the harm he has inflicted on the sufferer. In the ofcase where illness or sickness continues the witch is hit or killed. Thirdly, when sickness or disease or death is not caused by Bankambo, ancestors, or Banfivityi, witches, but is a normal illness, taking root may heal the sufferer, leaf or bark from particular trees as medicine. The following example writes Masamba (1994: 26) about Igbo of Nigeria, demonstratesUniversity how the deceased becomes the cause of illness when the children, especially the firstborn male did not accomplish the second buriaL This is very important for the dead to take place among the spirit of the Bankambo. 147
On intensive exploration our patient reported that his age mates had once scorned him by saying that he earned very well and drove a Mercedes Benz car but was so stingy that he could not even do his father the favour of a second burial. He was always aware of this, but said it was a long time since his father died and moreover he had become a Catholic and no more believed in such stupid and superstitious things.
His wife had only two children, both females, 12 and nine years old respectively. All his effort at his wife getting more children had proved abortive. She took seed regularly and lost the child each time at the third or forth month of gestation. Finally she no longer could become pregnant. The relatives of the wife had consulted a traditional healer who, by divination, found the patient's father was responsible for the daughter-in-law not getting a child and that he, the father, was angered because his son did not want him to rest in the ancestral world by according him a befitting second burial. Furthermore, the traditional healer warned that the patient's father would increase the punishment if his son did not hasten to perform his duty.
Having secured this information after a series of intensive interviews both with the patient and with members of his extend family, he was discharged from treatment with the instruction to organize as quickly as possible his father's second burial.
He went home and celebrated for his father one of the most memorable second burial feasts in his village. He came back from the village totally symptom-free and reported proudly that his age mates were full of praisesTown and admiration for him. One month thereafter his wife become pregnant and had successfully maintained the pregnancy over the third and fourth month. The diviner said that the woman would deliver a baby boy because the patient's father was reincarnating for him as an expression of gratitude. At birth, she gaveCape a baby boy as predicted by the diviner. But Luba people believe thatof all sickness or disease has a hidden cause and can be healed, it is known who has caused it and how the sufferer may be rid of the misfortune. Writing about the Tumbuka theory of illness, Friedson (1996: 41) says that:
Treating someone for malarial symptoms is of little value when the real cause may not beUniversity a mosquito bite but the machinations of a witch or the capriciousness of a spirit. It is these last two aetiologies that are responsible for what the Tumbuka call "Africa disease" and in these cases Western medicine can offer at best marginal 148
help. Only traditional healers can provide effective therapy when spirit or witches are involved in an episode of illness.
Burton (1961: 58) observes that sometimes when aspirants to the Mbuki's position are not possessed by the ancestors' spirit, Vidye, they are not prepared for the task. They say that the wrong things reveal their fraud. It is said that a Kibanda, evil spirit, has miscarried and has taken hold of them. The villager will say that it is not Vidye but a Kibanda and they dare not trust it. "A diviner well knows that too many failures, too many dissatisfied customers, can ruin hislher reputation and undermine hislher professional competence", writes Kiernan (1995: 11)
Masamba (1994: 20-21) writes: "healing is therefore, seeking liberation from life-negating forces through repentance, confession and reconciliation with all offended parties". Hence the traditional African axiom: sickness invariably results from sinful acts. "You have violated a taboo of your clan and this offended your ancestor. This is why you are sick". TownDivination is one way that is used to ascertain the relationship and generally to name the nature of the condition afflicting the sick person. Cape
4. 3. 4 Psycho-religious effect of theof Bambuki
Among Luba as among some African people, the diviner, Kilumbu, helps to stabilize society with knowledge, skills and religious activities such as prayers, rituals and sacrifices, writes Mbiti (1975: 171). Kilumbu is believed to have knowledgeUniversity of hidden and mystical forces but it is used for the good of society. 149
From a religious point of view, Kilumbu has an important role to play in Luba society. It is the one in touch with the Bankanbo and people have trust in him, because Kilumbu is possessed by the ancestor's spirit, Vidye. In dreams the Bankambo, through their spirit, reveal to him the cause of misfortunes such as sickness, disease and death. If the cause of misfortune is not obvious and kinsfolk believe that there are other hidden causes, especially in instances of illness or death, they must consult Bwana Kilumbu. He, in turn, will advise and show them the ways (see Reynolds 1963: 49). Bwana Kilumbu acts as mediator between the living, Bomi and the dead, Bafu (Ilunga 1987). Baluba call the diviner, Bwana Kilumbu when the spirit, Vidye, possesses it. At this time it is not Kilumbu who speaks, but the Vidye, who speaks through him.
Psychologically the Bwana Kilumbu in Lubaland plays a significant role in the behaviour of people in different ways. He knows, with his Mboko or Kileo, gourd, or with his Kakishi, wooden statuette, how to manipulate his clients. The attire, after the spirit has possessedTown the Kilumbu, becomes a reminder of the diviner's body. He dresses in a costume that reflects the spirit's attributes and he adorns his face with Mpemba, chalk, called the diviner's oil (Nooter 1999: 192). All this plays anCape important role in the client's life and affects all his psychology. As said ofby Masamba (1994: 31),
The traditional doctor understood that the sickness of the patient was an indication that something was rotten in the life of the corporate body. The patient could not get better until the injustices, tensions and aggressions in the group's interrelations had been brought to light and exposed to ritual reconciliation. This is a challenge to the healing professionals. University 150
4. 4 The Balombi and healing in the name of Jesus Christ.
Today, Africa has a lot of people, who declare themselves "Prophets of God". Certain among them have the capacity of healing, to predict the future, to foretell misfortune and to speak in other tongues (see O'Donovan 1993: 283). That is the case in the Kabongo territory, through the Pentecostal Church. In this church they distinguish between ordinary and extraordinary gifts. For that, Mensbrugghe (1981: 28) observes:
Le Pentecotisme fait la distinction entre les dons charismatiques qui branchent les croyants directement sur I 'Esprit et les dons ordinaires. Les dons remis en valeur sont la guerison, la prophitie et Ie parler en langue. (The Pentecostal movement makes the distinction between charismatic gifts, which connect the believers directly to the Holy Spirit and the ordinary gifts. Healing, prophecy and speaking in other tongues are developed gifts). [Own translation]
One who possesses these gifts is called "prophet-healer", Mulombi.
4. 4. 1 Origin and significance of the Balombi Town
The word Balombi (singular Mulombi) comes from verb Kulomba, to ask, to pray. In practical terms, the wordCape Balombi means "prayer petitioners". Christians who have received the ofgift of healing use it in the church through prayers in the name of Jesus Christ.
The Balombi movement derives its origin from the Congo Evangelistic Mission (C.E.M). Congo Evangelistic Mission is the work of the English Pentecostal ChurchUniversity founded by William F. Burton, in collaboration with Salter. In 1925, Burton and Salter explored the village of Mwanza in Malemba territory, with the purpose of evangelising the Baluba and Basonge. From 151
Mwanza, they opened many other local churches called "stations": Ngoi Mani, Kinkodja., Katompe, Kashukulu, Kamina, Lwena and Kabongo. Kabongo initially was established Methodist work, but transferred to the Congo Evangelistic Mission through Springer, in ] 933 (Hartzler 1960: 34). Through evangelisation, Christians received spiritual gifts and chose the name, Pentecostal. The Pentecostal movement grew more and more, and in 1960, during the Conseil Protestant du Congo, a meeting of the Protestant Council of Congo, the Congo Evangelistic Mission became Eglise Pentecotiste du congo (E.P.CO.), Pentecostal Church of Congo.
As stated above, the objective of the mISSIOn was to evangelise the Baluba and Basonge. During the years ] 953-1954, Missionary Knauff and others began organising prayer meetings and seminars for church members. At such meetings, certain members received the gift of healing. Among them was Pastor Abel Mbweni Kisonga, someone who had earned a good reputation. He lived in a village called Lusaka in Kabongo territory (Bwanga,Town 1987)
Today, I am able to confirm that each local church or "station" has a pastor who is also a Mulombi. The mostCape respected among them is Mwenze Meshaq from Kaboto village. It is ofimportant to note that the Balombi movement is the most widespread in Lubaland and beyond.
4. 4. 2 Person and status of the M ulomb;
The MulombiUniversity occupies a place of considerable importance in the church as well as in the village. His spiritual gifts make Mulombi a guide and a respectable leader in society. People follow him eagerly and readily do 152
whatever Mulombi asks them to do. There is the tendency in Lubaland in particular, and in Africa in general, to worship the chief and individuals who, according to general opinion, have more power than others. The same belief is now also found in the Christian community, the Church.
In Kabongo territory, the prayer meetings organised by the reputed Mulombi are attended by crowds of people, because there, they will find a solution for their sickness, their misfortunes, or for theirs various problems. Christians and non-Christians alike are drawn by the presence of the servant of God, Mulombi. For this reason in Lubaland, certain villages are established around Balombi where many people live. This is the case of Lupandilo village, around Mulombi Kyamandingi.
Mulombi is a charismatic leader and the head of social change in the village. As in the Old Testament, the prophet was often king's counsel and dignitary of the country in which he exercised his Townmission. It is the case of Nathan (2 Samuel 12:7), Elijah (1 Kings 21 :20) and Daniel (Daniel 5:22). My contention is that through these examples, the prophet was, both a socio political leader and a spiritual leader (seeCape the example of Moses in the book of Exodus). During a war or at a criticalof time, the prophets were spokespersons of God, telling people the important events that would happen. And people trusted them. That does not exclude the Balombi in general or the Balombi in Kabongo territory in particular. Balombi play the socio-political and spiritual role in society. They work both in the interests of the church and in the interests of the country. University 153
4. 4. 3 Prayer, Milombelo: its place and its conception
Prayer is the means that God has provided for humankind to be in touch with Him, to ask whatever they need. Prayer is a solemn request made to God or to the gods. According to Heidelberg (1986: 117), prayer is the principal part of thankfulness that God requires. Indeed, observes Farmer (1942: 128), "it is generally recognised by students of religion that prayer is not merely a common characteristic of religion, but rather its central phenomenon, the very hearthstone of all piety". Prayer is not an exclusive Christian monopoly. It constitutes a particular phenomenon of the religious experience of all people.
Luke, the evangelist writes: "Ask and it will be given to you, seek and you will find, knock and the door will be opened to you" (11 :9). Many 32 Christians in Lubaland, above all those of Kimabwe , in Kabongo territory, are zealous Christians, who, in prayer, seek with passion the divine blessing, to put Jesus Christ at the foremost place in their lives. HaIlesTown (1983: 125) confirms that when he writes: "Par la priere, nous donnons a Jesus acces a notre arne, a notre corps, a notre foyer, a la multitude des croyant et des incroyants du monde enteir "By prayer we give to JesusCape access to our soul, to our family, to the multitude ofbeHevers and unbelieversof of the world". To pray is to put Jesus in touch with our needs and to allow him to exercise his power to relieve our suffering. By prayer humankind commits itself to the Eternal love, opens its soul to the Spirit of God. According to Long (2000: 65),
Prayer represents a common language bringing strength, comfort, and new direction in the midst of shock, lament and change. The act of praying together with others, particularlyUniversity when hugging or touching each other, becomes a sacrament of healing; the intimacy of shared prayer is itselfa channel of God's grace.
32 Kimabwe is the village in Kabongo territory, where we did most of the investigation about Balombi. 154
The quest for divine blessing in different churches, like at Kimabwe, may be explained by the frequency of prayer meetings; at such meetings believers seek the gifts from Holy Spirit for the edification of the church. To this point, Robinson (undated: 28) argues: "byabuntu biyampe binG bya Mushipiditu bileta bukwashi, ne bukomo, ne Neni, kadi kyokya kipwilo kingi/a nabyo kitamija akyokine" (2 Corinthians 14: 3, 5, 12). "The Holy Spirit's gifts are a treasure for the church and the church without gifts is poor. Because gifts help and console, gifts constitute power, wisdom and knowledge. A church, which has gifts inside has edified itself'.
The frequency of prayer groups in Lubaland pushed Christian people to God's fear, because God's presence is manifested there by different miracles. At Kabongo, several Christians have received spiritual gifts, which allowed them, by petitioner prayer, to heal sick people. All this is to say that prayer is very important for all Christians who want to serve God by doing his will, who worship God in spirit and in truth. The Bible affirmsTown "You may ask me for anything in my name, and I will do it" (John 14: 14).
4.4.4 Mulombi and healing Cape of The Balombi in Lubaland are the people who are said to have received from God, the special gift to heal sick people by the power of the Holy Spirit (Garrard 983: 454-554). And healing, Kundaha is Mulombi's principal activity.
BalombiUniversity draw their practices from the Scriptures. It is important to indicate that Africans, in general, and the Baluba, in particular, find they are nearer Biblical tradition than people from western civilisation. Significantly, 155
the western mentality seeks, by expenence, to distinguish the natural phenomenon from that which is not a natural phenomenon (Collectif 1957: 60). However, in his Bible reading, Muluba, Muntu or African, discovers that the western understanding of the world is not essentially Biblical. Seeking to find the core of sickness like microbes is not a Biblical preoccupation. For Jews fortune and curse, health and sickness, success and defeat, and plagues are the consequence of spiritual intervention (Deuteronomy chapter 20 and 30).
Confronted 'with the Bible, the Baluba find that the Biblical text mirrors their spiritual, moral, economic and physical life. In the case of physical or mental health, the scriptural passages reinforce the spiritual perceptions already flourishing in the Luba mind-set:
To crush underfoot all prisoners in the land, to deny a man his right, before the Most High, to deprive a man of justice- would not the Lord see such things? Who can speak and have it happen if the Lord has not decreed it? Is it not from the mouth of the Most High that both calamities and good things come? Why should any living man complain when punished for his sin? Let us examineTown our ways and test them, and let us return to the Lord (Lamentations 3: 34-40). If according to this passage the Capediagnosis appears spiritual, it is logical that healing will also be spiritual. In addition, the following passage of the second book of Chronicles (16: of12-13) reports the history of Asa who was afflicted with a disease in his feet. Instead of seeking healing from Israel's God, Asa committed the error of seeking the help of the physicians. Because of that, God lets him die. This shows that all means of healing outside God, is disobedience, the one unique way of healing is to ask for healing from God in prayer. As Universitya consequence in DRC, above all in Lubaland, they will add to the 156
proliferation of sects, which have traditionalist and spiritualist tendencies. In respect of this point, Hebga (1982: 202) writes:
Ie Congo (DRC) pays potentiellement tres riche, et la C6te-d'Ivoire, pays en plein expansion economique, deviennent des sectes d'origine etrangere. Chaque secte s 'efforce de placer sa marchandise et la concurrence est iipre. (The ORC potentially very rich country, and Cote-d'Ivoir country in full economic growth become the theatre of different strange sects. Each sect strives to show its merchandises and the concurrence is bitter). [Own translation]
And he ends his idea by this question:
Comment les Africains ne seraient-ils pas attires par ceux qui revendiquent ou promettent miracles, prodiges, visions, gwirisons? (How African will they be not attracted by those who claim to promising miracles, wonder, dream, healing?) [Own translation]
4. 4. 5 Technique and procedures
The gift of healing goes together with that of prophecy. The Mulombi is, at times, the one who also exercises the gift of prophecy.Town The Holy Spirit is free to give certain gifts to certain people. However, that cannot persuade people to confuse the gift of healing with the gift of prophecy. Cape 4. 4. 5. 1 Technique of
The Mulombi is a human being who spends a great part of time in prayer. For the Balombi prayer is a vital technique. Prayer and invocations to Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit contribute to the process of healing. By prayer, Mulombi asks God to do his will through Jesus Christ. The following text written by ShorterUniversity (1985: 224) clarifies the meaning of prayer action: 157
Father, we pray that your will be done. May your will be done in us and in our sick brothers. It is your will, Father, that we praise you in health and happiness, in sickness and in sorrow. Father, behold our sick brother. We place him in your hands. Together we place ourselves in your hands. Be praised by us all and by him with us.
This indicates that Mulombi is only the instrument used by God to accomplish God's wilL Mulombi does not have any special power; all is made by God's grace through him or her. And all may be done by faith. Mulombi is a man or woman of faith through whom, in the name of Jesus, people find a solution to their preoccupations. Because the Bible declares: "Apart from me you can do nothing" (see John 15: 5b).
4.4. 5. 2 Procedures
For the most part Mulombi, after listening to the client, prays for him, asking God to do his will. If the sufferer is present, Mulombi places his hand on the sick person and prays. In the case where theTown sick person is absent, the prayer is done with the family members who have come to see the Mulombi. After praying for the sufferer, the Mulombi will say: "Enda Leza bakundaha", Go, God has healed you. If the answerCape is negative, if the sick person is not healed, the Mulombi will ask him or her to stay until the will of God is done for the sufferer. Mulombi drives out theof evil spirit. Sometimes he uses oil to anoint the sufferer. James brings out this idea in his general epistle, when he writes:
Is anyone of you sick? He should call the elders of the church to pray over him and anoint him with oil in the name of the Lord. And the prayer offered in faith will make the sick person well; the Lord will raise him up. If he has sinned, he will be forgivenUniversity (James 5: 14-15). 158
And Mulombi engages in talk, by way of counselling, in order to encourage a sick person to confess Jesus as Lord and Saviour, and to trust in him alone. Because healing is possible only to one who believes in Jesus Christ. As a consequence a scattering of villages is created around Balombi. These villages are not only occupied by people waiting imminent healing, but also by those who have been healed and live in fear of evil people, Bafwintyi, Biswenene (witches), in their own village, because they think that their sickness comes from these evil people (Bwanga 1987). And in Mulombi's village, prayer is a priority: prayer seances, with fasting, are organised mornings and evenings for all inhabitants, and God is praised for healings and other miracles experienced by people.
Mwenze Ngoy Meshaq is a pastor, one of the most celebrated Balombi in Kabongo territory, has a secretary and some young men do domestic duties for him. Meshaq does healing work in the church. In his village, Kaboto people feel blessed by his presence because through him, GodTown is doing great things for his people and many sick people recover their health. When sufferers come to him, he prays for them and asks God to do his will, without ostentatious ceremonies. By God's grace people areCape healed. Those who are not healed are asked to remain in his village tillof the time when God, through his servant, Meshaq allows them to go back. Meshaq does not ask sufferers to pay money or any reward whatever after healing. He says: I have gratuitously received the gift from God and I work by his grace.
ThoseUniversity who came were people possessed with evil, some were sterile, and others were epileptics and mentally troubled. Of that number some were healed and others remained waiting without having been healed like those who waited 159
for healing at the pool of Bethesda (John 5:1-9). By his word, Meshaq drives out evil spirits and the possessed go back home delivered. He does not ask questions about a sickness in order to give answers to the sick person, or to his family. He only asks questions in order to help sick people with God's word, that is, for an evangelical purpose. Because, concludes Meshaq, the Holy Spirit reveals to him, all things' about sick people before he engages in consultation. But certain sicknesses, it is said, are for the glory of God (John 9: 1-3). In such cases the sufferer must, by faith, accept his lot.
Kisonga Bweni Abel was first Mulombi in the Pentecostal Church in Kabongo territory. He lived in Lusaka village. Through him God healed several sicknesses and diseases. By the Holy Spirit's power, Abel drove out evil spirits. Once he had arrived in Lusaka people, possessed by an evil spirit were delivered. In his life, according to the Lusaka inhabitants, through Abel's prayers, some people were resurrected from the dead (Kibombo 1992). Town Abel was a Pastor who did all his healing work in the church. After singing, worshipping, praising and preaching, came the healing time. At this time, Abel, by the Holy Spirit's power,Cape said: Kalonda, you came because you have been suffering from jaundice offor a long time. God has healed you. And at that moment Kalonda was healed. To another, Abel said: Mfumwabana, you came to see how God works. You will spend one week here to observe the greatness of God. Before leaving the place, affirmed Mfumwabana, they came with a girl suffering from a swollen stomach. Abel prayed for her and she was healed. AndUniversity for people possessed by an evil spirit, Abel used his word to drive out the evil spirit and the possessed then went home delivered. And in all things Abel followed what God asked him to do. He never asked for money or 160
anything else from the sufferer. He never asked any questions about sickness or told his clients about their sickness. But, the Holy Spirit revealed all to him for his own knowledge. He then told the healed person: Go and testify what God has done for you, in the name of Jesus Christ.
There is also another category of Balombi, who do not seek God's will, but who, by their knowledge, manipulate people using the name of Jesus Christ, to enhance their own credibility. In this way there are some Balombi for whom the words Leza banena mba, God said, become the refrain in their mouths. They ask many questions about the sufferer and his family members, looking for the origin of the sufferer's sickness. The reason these Balombi say that, Misongo yobe iya kibanda keitambanga bukidi, you have a demonic sickness, it will take time or Ibakulowe mu kyenu kisaka, someone else bewitched you and your family, is ultimately to terrorize the sufferer. Other methods of diagnosis are used, such as filling a bottle with water. When the Mulombi looks through the water, he gets the message (Oosthuizen 1992: 49).Town The sick person remains subjected to Mulombi's authority. It is then that the sick person is manipulated and has fear of quitting Mulombi's roof. Such a person becomes Mulombi's worker. Cape of The gift of healing takes on a prophetic form. The prophecy predicts the future. The prophet often predicts what will happen, frequently with a considerable degree of precision. He predicts because he is inspired by the thoughts of God and not by intuition. He knows what God wishes to do. The Spirit guidesUniversity him to know God's will. People consult the Mbuki, the diviner, before they go hunting. In today's world they consult Mulombi primarily to know God's will for the journey for the day. Certain people consult Balombi, 161
because they need direction to plan their studies, business or marriage. And there are those who go to Balombi in order to determine the source of their sickness. They consider Mulombi as Mbuki.
In this category of Balombi, once possessed by the spirit, Mulombi enters a trance and commences to prophesy about sickness or disease. He asks for money and uses blessed water, oil, incense, perfume and candles. If the clients do not have money, they may bring a white chicken or a pigeon, which is sacrificed and blood is poured or sprinkled. That is the case of Mulombi, named Luka, who was counted among the best Balombi in Kamina city around 1980. Luka had a worshipping community, which organised praise songs. Good News was never preached in different healing seances. The sufferer's head is shaven, Luka lays hands and the sick person falls down and rolls on the ground. During this time, Luka, in a trance, prophesies, using incense to drive out evil spirits. He never utters comprehensible prayer, but speaks in different tongues and gives the sufferer an amulet to wear for protection. TownLuka is able to tell a sick person and his family, after many questions and answers, the nature of the sickness or the disease. He thinks that he knows the Bafwintyi and Biswenene, the witches, and also how to stop themCape from doing evil things. He heals, in order to gain publicity and popularityof among the people. But it does not last a long time (Mande 2000).
The following example of a diagnosis on Finias' wife made by a Zion prophet in Zimbabwe, reported by Masamba (1994: 24), describes this kind of Balombi work,University using the word of God as cover: 162
Your in-laws are at loggerheads with you because of the bride price. For this reason your wife is possessed by a malevolent spirit. You have thought that the spirit was sent by your enemies, but now you know that it comes from your in-laws. Take your wife to her house at a later stage. and leave her there for a while. If you take her home directly from here the spirit will have even greater power in your wife than is the case today. Her parents must also do something so that the spirit can leave her. Therefore she must stay at home until she is back to normal.
The prophet ended with the following words of assurance:
"I (meaning God) shall accompany you to the home of your in-laws. My servant will guide you and your wife".
Often, after revealing the causes of sickness, Mulombi does not know how to heal the sufferer and only creates problems for the family. In his ministry Jesus Christ never does anything like that. The important element was the faith in God's Son. Jesus Christ's attitude to sick people was one of compaSSIOn. His Gospel reads: "Come to me, all you who are weary and burdened, and I will give you rest", (Mat 11: 28). According to Kelsey (1973: 51-53), ''there is nowhere in the gospel where Jesus Christ asked a sick person what he had done or whether he had sinned as a preconditionTown for healing him". Jesus Christ performed acts of healing, not to gain publicity or popUlarity. Jesus avoided pUblicity (Mk 1: 34; 3: 12; Mat 12: 6; 9: 44). But, the gospel shows that Jesus was very sensitive to every formCape of human suffering (In 11: 33-36). of In the course of my ministry I was frequently confronted by sufferers, who, desperate for relief, mistakenly believed that healing lay in my hands. As stated by Martin (1952: 38), the symptoms are not important, but what is very important is that, we must orient the sufferer's confidence to the one for whom we are ambassadors,University Jesus Christ. 163
However, authentic Balombi do not coerce sick people into putting their confidence in them and to wait for healing from Jesus, but such Balombi prompt sufferers to direct their confidence on them (Balombi). At Kapolowe, Mulombi, coming from Kabongo, says to his client, after having diagnosed her condition that she was suffering from "bean" in her chest. He then asked the sufferer how she thought her sickness would be healed. Mulombi then advised her to consult another healer, known in the village as Mbuki, a diviner (Mukamba 2000).
4. 4. 6 Meaning of healing
The word healing from verb to heal has its root sozo in New Testament Greek, which is the same as that of salvation and wholeness.
Spiritual healing is God's work of offering persons balance, harmony, and wholeness of body, mind, spirit, and relationship through confession, forgiveness, and reconciliation. Through such healing, God works to bring about reconciliation between God and humanity, among individuals and communities, within each person, and between humanity and the rest of creation.Town The New Testament record that Jesus himself healed the estranged and sick and sent out his disciples on the ministries of healing. James (5: 14-16a) calls us also to pray for and anoint the sick that may be healed (The United Methodist Book of Worship 1992: 613).
According to the United MethodistCape Book of Worship, healing is of God. This is to say, healing in Christianof experience, is a sign of God's power and love. That a power and love operate through the ministry of Balombi and the receptivity of their clients, the sufferers, Babenvu. Healing takes place as an answer to prayer. Healing, observes Masamba (1994: 20), is, therefore, seeking liberation from life-negating forces through repentance, confession and reconciliationUniversity with all the offended parties. 164
Masamba33 provides the following example of experiments in "Spirit Healing", at the Sister Buck Memorial Hospital, in Chikore, Zimbabwe:
A simple illustration of a case of possession by evil spirit was that of a patient who became sick at a beer drink. This took place at her home and many people thought she had been beaten by a spook, a type of evil spirit. They took her to the witch doctor that thought he knew the type of medicine to cure her but was unable to do so. She was brought to the hospital. When I saw her on the wards, Rev. Mundeta explained, I could tell from her face she was troubled and I called her to come to the pastor's praying room called gome. There I discovered that she was full of fear, from which most people beaten by spooks die. She was complaining of pains over the entire body. 1 talked to her of God's power, which is above that of the witch doctor who was unable to remove the evil spirit, and I held a prayer with her and sent her back to the ward. The following day she was better and I prayed with her again. The next day she was well and went home. The spirit had gone and she no longer had any fears.
This example above illustrates how the demon, evil, is recognized by traditional healers in Africa. The church in its teaching, in its pastoral care and counselling, should resist the temptation of identifying the reality of the evil with evil person, or to look at it only as a psychopathologicalTown phenomenon, but to help the sufferer to understand that God's power is above that of witch 34 doctors. According to Masamba , "the Church should create groups in which people are encouraged to share their fears,Cape hopes, personal stories and family history. They should analyse their fears and dreams with biblical, political, social and psychological tools". ofThat is to say, "developing psychological interpretations and therapeutic methods to deal with such phenomena as demon possession and ancestral presence".
Healing is not magic, but underlying it, is the great mystery of God's love. Those,University whose ministry is spiritual healing, are channels of God's love.
J:l Ibid, 23-24 34 Ibid,29 165
Although no one can predict what will happen in a gIven instance, many marvellous instances of healing have taken place (United Methodist Book of Worship 1992: 613). For Balombi, all healing is of God. The following example of healing made by Jesus Christ (John 5) may help us, above all the answer given by the healed man to the Jewish bystanders (John 5: 11-12) to know that human beings cannot understand what happens in divine healing: "The man (Jesus) who made me well said to me, 'Pick up your mat and walk.' The man who was healed had no idea who it was".
4. 4. 7 Psycho-religious effect of the Balombi
The Mulombi is among the Luba and among other African people, a respected person, because he/she is a channel of God's love to his people. He is believed to have knowledge of hidden and mystical forces. Confirming this idea, Shallis (1982: 128) writes that this human being, Mulombi is the church's spiritual and moral conscience. Town
Among Luba people Mulombi has an important role to play in church. He is one who is supposed to be understoodCape by God, and Christian people have trust in him because, through him, Godof heals his people. Mulombi has received the spiritual gift of healing, which makes him an important person in church and in society. That is why the prayer meetings organized by Mulombi are attended by crowds of people, because they believe that, there, God will provide a great many miracles. And the word pronounced by Mulombi is powerfuL Christians and non-ChristiansUniversity alike follow Mulombf s pronouncements and are ready to do whatever he asks them to do. 166
As a charismatic leader, Mulombi plays a significant psychological role in the behaviour of the Luba Christian people. Knowing people's needs, their fears and their worries, Mulombi uses his position to manipulate them by the word such as: "'Leza banena mba, God says, Ubela mwanda walongele bubi, you are sick because you have sinned, shi kwisashile kuhandeho, if you do not confess your sin you will not be healed", People believe that through Mulombi God speaks. In this way, people think that, not doing whatever Mulombi says, is going against God's will. And if you go against God's will, you will not be blessed nor will you be healed. The Baluba believe that Mulombi is one through whom God's Spirit has given the revelation of things hidden in their lives. All this plays a significant role on the sufferer's psychology (Wakadilo, 1989).
Preliminary conclusion
To conclude this chapter, it is necessary to stateTown briefly that in Lubaland, Mbuki and Mulombi occupy a place of considerable importance in the lives of the villagers. Cape In short, Bambuki are healersof and also shed the light of warning. They work with a perceived influence of ancestral power. They ask for money or for some other remuneration before consultation. Once possessed by the ancestors' spirit, Mbuki or Kilumbu goes into a trance and speaks in a strange tongue, which can be translated only by Kitobo. There are different kinds of Bambuki, and each worksUniversity for the well being of society, But, among them there are those who are untruthful and who are rejected by the people. 167
After a study made on Balombi, we understand that there are two kinds of Balombi: goods and untruthful. The goods Balombi are human beings who by God's grace, have received the gift of healing. There are in church, Christian prayer petitioners and prophets. They work for the well being of church and society. Following Christ's way, Balombi do not ask for money or any reward after healing. Balombi do not cause trouble in the family of the sufferer. They do it, not for publicity or popularity, but only for the glory of God. Besides, there is another category of Balombi: untruthful, for which everything they do is focussed on their own interest and the name of Jesus is used as a cover. They ask for money and something else as compensation, before or after consultation. Their diagnosis usually runs parallel with that ofthe Bambuki.
The following chapter analyses different African Christian trends which give on insight into different aspects of the Luba culture of healing. The encounter of the gospel and Luba culture and the place of Bankambo in Christian life are also developed. Town
Cape of
University 168
CHAPTERS
AFRICAN CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY INSIGHTS AND LUBA CULTURE OF HEALING
S. 1 Introduction
In a comparative and evaluative study of Bambuki and Balombi, interrogating the Christian theology, should uncover features of traditional healing that resonate in the Christian philosophy. Similarly, features of traditional healing that controvert the teachings of the Bible, also crystallise. Positive features are accentuated in order to persuade Luba people that this is an acceptable way of healing to remain Muluba Christian.
S. 2 African Christian theology
African theology is an immense topic and it Townis not my intention to do the inventory of African theology, yet I am constrained to describe some currents that seem to provide a sense of direction in my thesis. In order to reach my goal, it is very important, as stated byCape Ngindu (Gibellini 1994: 13), to present broad currents of theology prevailing in Africa: "mission theology; African theology and black theology or blackof South African theology".
By definition the term theology in its broadest or etymological sense comes from the Greek word (Theos= god and logos= science), which means science or study on God. This word "theology" remains uncertain and vague. Until now itUniversity has been possible to use it in a different sense. Sometimes the term theology means "the doctrine of God". Others see this word "theology" as 169
referring to a dogmatic or systematic theology. According to Feenstra in La bonne Nouvelle, Precis de Dogmatique (1984: 9) «La theologie est la science dans faquelle if s'agit de fa connaissance de Dieu en Jesus-Christ, telle qU'elle est transmise par les Saintes Ecriture de /'Ancien et du nouveau Testament». (Theology is the science which is concerned with the knowledge of God through Jesus Christ, as it is communicated to us by the Old and New Testament scripture). [Own translation]
According to the current use of the word theology, writers distinguish four disciplines: exegetic theology, historic theology, practical theology and systematic theology, which is our domain of study. Systematic theology is a methodical reflection on the revelation of God through Jesus Christ as witnessed in the Old and the New Testament scripture. Scripture, by means of which we 35 seek to know the doctrine of Church, is the content of its message in the world •
This allows for a definition of African theology or Christo logy as "discourse on Christ in concordance with the mentalityTown and needs of the people in the black continent" (see Nyamiti 1994: 63). African theology or Christology, as defined, is of various types: African traditional (non-Christian) theology and African theology in its narrowCape or Christian sense. of According to Nyamiti, this appellation, African traditional (non-Christian) theology,
Seems contradictory, but it refers to important reality; for it designates one might call "the discourse on hidden Christ in Africa traditional religions and culture". It is an undeniable fact that even before the advent of Christian missionaries in black Africa;University Christ was already at work among the Africans. The well-known theology of
J5 Ibid 170
the Logos spermatikos supports this view. It is similar sense that we speak: today of Christian theology of non-Christian (including Africa) religions. All this confinns the affirmation that there is a latent "non-Christian" African Christology in the traditional religions and cultures of the African peoples. This Christology must have existed since the Africans were on the black continent.
In its narrow sense, African theology may be defmed as the simple understanding and expression of the gospel message in keeping with African needs and mentality. This defmition, writes Nyamiti, "is large enough to cover both, systematic (or scientific) and non-systematic African Christian theology". In this way African theology is ''the systematic and scientific elaboration of the Christian message in accordance with the requirements and mentality of the Africans". It is this type of theology which will help me to validate my comparative study between the Bambuki and Balombi among Luba people. Two points of view, more or less contradictory, lead my study. On one hand the insistence on the unity of Church which seems to require a universal theology in which each local speciality only fmds a temporary place. On the other hand, the conviction is that such universal theology does notTown exist and tha4 everywhere in the world, the local circumstances exercise a decisive influence.
African reality reclaims a theologicalCape activity which makes sense in its proper context. This brings manyof questions to mind. What place must be accorded the traditional heritage, in respect of the thought and the ancestor customs? To what extent does the Bible maintain its authoritative eminence? Is some authority discernible in other voices beside the gospel? As a Christian I affirm that, in respect of Christian theology, there is no source other than the Bible. TheUniversity true understanding of the Bible in Africa must reveal what the biblical message means for the problems which are typical of the African 171
reality, of the Africa that has its roots in ancestor heritage, but which is, at this time, on the path towards a new future (see Feenstra: 1984: 14-15).
Following the above ideas, Ngindu observes that African theology must intend to take account of African location in respect of its culture, its religion and its problem of civilization (1994: 16). African Christians are required "to think Christianity" and in doing so to reflect on the truth of "Christianity", adds Ngindu. In the work "Des pretres noirs s'interrogent" (Black Priest Wonder) one of powerful historic impact (1956: 16), the authors wrote, in foreword:
The African priest, for the advancement of the Reign of God, must say what he thinks of his Church in his country. Not that the black priest has simply never been heard. But in tumult of voices discoursing upon the missions, his word has been rather discreet, and easily missed, whereas it would seem that he actually ought to have the frrst vote in chapter.
According to Ngindu (1994: 16), insofar as this is problematic in African theology, two steps must be distinguished: Theology of adaptation or of stepping-stone, and the critical African theology. Town
5. 2. 1. Theology of adaptation Cape In evangelization as observedof by Ngindu (1984: 16), what is at stake is an encounter between the Church, such as it has historically evolved in Western context, and the African peoples in which case we shall try to adapt the practices of this Church as well as possible to the sociocultural life of the African peoples; or else we deem that what is occurring is the members of an African community have heard and accepting Christ and now sincerely strive to proclaim this message, live it, and have it lived by others, in their own sociocultural life. Any purification and transcendence prepare and effectuate a new, perhaps unprecedented,University incarnation of the gospel. 172
This is the method, the one that conforms to the doctrine of Vatican II, and the one that has brought about the incarnation of the gospel in the western culture of Europe. "This method has been and still is that of numerous bishops and priests in Africa". They dream of "a Church of African colour, Christianity with an African face,,36. It is what in fact Mulago expresses in his book: Un visage Africain du Christianisme (An African Face of Christianity), (1965: 23-24) writing:
The herald of the gospel should be but an agent of transmission between the Roman Catholic Church and the people to be won to Christ. A people can be Christianized only when we have first understood them unless we are willing to be satisfied with a merely superficial Christianity. Of course, we must not stop at a simple understanding. We shall need to raise our sights. Having penetrated the mentality, culture, and philosophy of the people to be conquered, we shall have to graft the Christian message onto the proselyte's soul. Only this method will yield a lasting result.
To conclude his idea, Mulago said, "The word 'adapt' may shock the ears of some. Suffice it to recall that it is merely a matter of presenting dogma in such a way that it will be accessible to the people" Town
Many theologians have written about this theology of adaptation. By way of example we may cite: Mulago, Temples,Cape Lufulwabo, Nothomb and Kagame (Ngindu 1994: 17). Their principalof merit is that they have reminded us in season and out, of the urgency of the problem of incarnation of the gospel message in cultures other than the European one. In reality, observes Ngindu37, the theology of adaptation approach seems to have made only a modest contribution to a properly scientific theology. In a word ''the major shortcoming of this theologyUniversity is its concordism, which consists in confusing Christian
36 Ibid. 17 37 Ibid: 18 173
revelation with the systems of thought that have historically served to express it".
5. 2. 2 Critical Arrican Theology
In pursuit of the goal to escape the danger of concordism, many African theologians or theologians working in Africa, according to Ngindu (1994: 18), have been tempted for nearly twenty years, to build a dynamic, critical African theology in which the two major concerns are: - "A desire for closer contact with primary sources of revelation (the Bible and tradition); - A determination to be completely open to the African world and its problems"
From contact with the word of God, as proclaimed and explained in the Church, many works have been produced in differentTown areas of theology. The desire for a "return to the sources" has culminated in excited debate over "African Theology,,38. African theologians have found that all theology is culturally and socially situated. AsCape Wackenheim (1974: 71-72) observes, "Universal theology is as mysticalof as universal philosophy. It has no foundation in revelation, faith or history":
Nothing could be more normal than a multiplicity of theological approach. There is no such thing as one theology. There are only Christian theologies. The factors of diversification flow from the difference in cultures, in conceptualities, indeed in individual temperaments. Whoever may have been the author of such and such a writing or fragment, we are struck by the great diversity prevaiHng in the New Testament.University This diversity of Christian thought becomes even more accentuated from
38 Ibid 174
the second century on-ward, in function of the differentiation of the cultural atmospheres reached by the proclamation of the Gospel.
In this way, African theology deserves to be authentically itself; it will not be the theology based on the western pattern. According to Tshibangu (1974: 26), it will be "one that validly operates on the basis of the cultural and religious experience of the African people, a theology responding to the questions posed by African society in its contemporary evolution".
As African theologians, we must strive to offer an African response to the new questions raised by the African situation, a response in confonnity, nonetheless, with the essentials of Christian revelation. It is what we see in the prophetic healing movement, that of Bambuld and Balombi in Lubaland. According to Bimwenyi (1981), we need to do a theology in which African culture, Luba culture and so on, is not only described, but "genuinely assumed and integrated into a vaster conceptual whole, so that it will be possible for Africans to undertake a critical resumption of the Townfundamental data of Jewish and Christian revelation".
With Tshibangu (1972: 97): Cape of We must remember that human beings, created in the image and likeness of God, are fulfilled and realized in history through their world-transforming labour according to the spirit of Christ. "World," here, is intended in its positive, good sense. It signifies the created realities here below, where human beings have been placed by God as a center of those things and as God's lieutenant. It is concrete African human beings, then, rooted in their history and their culture, who have been redeemed by Christ.
In thisUniversity perspective argues Ngindu (1994: 22), "a certain Christian theology of the supernatural must be considered which, in its true sense is not 175
something that is added to the nature from outside. It is instead a relationship in depth with God and with our fellow human being."
This theology of the supernatural or of the general revelation, adds Ngindu, must take its point of departure and arrival in the dogma of the incarnation; otherwise it will have no foundation. In this way, African theologians must direct their attention to several themes: bringing together all things to Christ, the perfect human (Eph 1: 10), Christ Alpha and Omega of the universe and history (Rev 22: 12-13) ... and Christ, the image of the invisible God (Coli: 1-5). This all, according to Ngindu (1994: 22), "locates the Church in the midst of the world and not in opposition to the world."
s. 2. 3. Inculturation
For Nyamiti (1994: 64), inculturation "involves an effort to incarnate Christian teaching in African culture on the level Townof theology or Christo logy." On the basis of this procedure, different schools are founded.
The philosophical or speculativeCape school is characterized by the philosophical approach to Africanof religion or social realities as well as to biblical and traditional Christian teaching. And the sociocultural and biblical school emphasizes direct dialogue between the biblical message and African teachings. More importance is given to the Bible than to the teaching of Church tradition. University 176
Some divergence of method also enters incarnation Christo logy. Some 9 theologians, argues Nyamite , take the biblical teaching on Christ as their point of departure and relate that teaching to African sociocultural context. "But most writers start from the African reality in order to see how this reality can be utilized to present Christian teaching on Christ in the African way."
40 To reach this goal, writes Nyamiti , African theologians must take in account the aspects or areas of African theology and Christo logy that have been neglected by them and other writers because of their narrow conception of African theology. This theology is often limited to the systematic types understood in their Christian sense, such as African Traditional (non-Christian) Christo logy and African non-systematic Christology. It is also agreed that even before the coming of Christianity in black Africa "Christ was already at work, revealing himself to them and drawing them to the Father through his Spirit in ways known only to him41." It is what some theologians call general or natural revelation. Town
Defining African theology and Christo logy , it is noted that African theology can be understood as "the Capesimple understanding and expression of Christ's teaching in accordance withof African needs and mentality." It was also said that this definition is compendious enough to include both scientific and non-scientific African theology and Christo logy. This kind of theology may present Christian teachings on Christ and adapt them to the problems, needs and ways of thinking of the African people. In this sense, Nyamiti says that African University
39 Ibid,65 40 Ibid,66-67 41 Ibid 177
Christo logy has existed in some hidden form: mainly m spoken and unsystematic forms of language.
Indeed, in spite of colonial attitudes of the past, missionaries and others were not infrequently led in one way or another to present the Christian doctrine to answer to the problems and even to fit it, at times, with the ways of thinking and approach proper to the Africans. And these latter, being human beings and not inanimate objects, received the Christian message and assimilated it within themselves not only in the Western form, according to which it was mainly delivered, but also in keeping with their African way of experience.
In this way, adds Nyamiti (1994: 68), "TIle so-calk.:! Africa~_ :nder~nctpnt Churches may be cited as ail example of communities where, such- Christo logy can be more easily observed."
5. 3 Hermeneutic issues
The term hermeneutics comes from the Greek word (hermeneuein) which means the art of interpreting; in theology, the artTown of interpreting the Bible. Hermeneutics is used to denote the study and statement of the principles on which a biblical text must be understood. It is also the interpretation of a text in order to express its meaning to someoneCape else. lne Bible is not given to us as a book to read, but as God's word,of to be understood and to be acted upon. In general, the meaning of the text is clear but if we grasp its full significance it is vital that we take it seriously within its context. This means asking several preliminary questions. We must ask, if the passage we are reading is history, poetry, prediction, teaching or anything else. Is the passage a command or a promise given to specific people, to a group within Israel, to the whole nation, to Christians, Universityor to all human beings? For example, it will be a mistake to treat Jesus' instruction to disciples that they throw the net on the right side of the boat 178
(In 21: 6) as a command, applying for all time and to all fishermen, or, to assume that Is. 40: 31 means that all believers will sprout wings of the size and shape of an eagle. The Biblical interpretation involves more than placing the text into its appropriate literary, historical, geographical and human setting.
In the study, the Use of the Bible in Black Theology, Mosala presupposes the contribution of "Black Theology to human knowledge in general and to the black struggle for liberation in particular" (1986: 176). One of its key , .' contributions is its insistence on the necessity of "rootedness of all theology". However, this takes issue with Black Theology for not taking criticism of white theology seriously enough. Initially Mosala's analysis extrapolates features of Black Theology which, it is argued, represent an "ideological captivity to the hermeneutical principles of a theology of oppression". And, it is maintained that "it is precisely this slavery to the hermeneutics of white theology which is responsible for the inability of Black Theology to become a theoretical weapon of struggle in the hands of exploited masses themselves".Town In this way it is also important to add what Karl Marx (1960: 50) wrote:
The weapon of criticism cannot of course replace criticism of the weapon, material force must be overthrown by materialCape force; but theory also becomes a material force as soon as it gripped the masses. Theory is capable of gripping masses as soon as it demonstrates ad hominem, andof it demonstrates ad hominem as soon as it becomes radical. To be radical is to grasp the root of the matter. But for man the root is man himself.
Even so, observes Mosala (1986: 176), Black Theology has not yet, as a weapon of theory, become the property of the struggling black masses. That is to say the theoryUniversity has not become a material force yet, because it has not gripped the masses. 179
In the second part of his writing, Mosala attempts to set a programme for a Biblical hermeneutic of liberation. But, following the trajectory of the biblical hermeneutics of Black Theology, Mosala argues that its exegetical starting point expresses itself in the notion that the Bible is the revealed 'Word of God'. "The task of a black theologian is to recognize 'God's Word' to those who are oppressed and humiliated in this world,,42. This shows that one cannot select one part of the "Word of God" and neglect the other. Mosala describes the instance of belief in the Bible as the "Word of God", as an ideological manoeuvre, whereby ruling class interests in the Bible, as in our society today, is converted into a faith that transcends social, political, racial, sexual and economic divisions. The belief in the Bible as the Word of God has the effect of being "pro-humanity but anti-black working class and black women. It has, to all intents and purposes, been bourgeois exegesis applied to the working class situation" (1986: 180). But the attempt to claim the whole of the Bible as supporting the Black Theology is also misdirected and ignores the results of biblical scholarship over the last century which Townhas its roots in ruling class ideology43. James Cone's (1975: 31) description of biblical hermeneutics of Black Theology has two structuring poles: the "Word of God and the black experience of oppression and exploitation.Cape The following summarizes Cone's Black Theology hermeneutical position:of
The Bible is the witness to God's self-disclosure in Jesus Christ. Thus the black experience requires that Scripture be a source of Black Theology. For it was Scripture that enabled slaves to affmn a view of God that differed radically from that of the slave masters. The slave masters' intention was to present a 'Jesus' who would make the slave obedient and docile. Jesus was supposed to make black people better slaves, that is, faithful servants of white masters. But many blacks University
42 Ibid, 177 4) Ibid, 178-179 180
rejected that view of Jesus, not only because it contradicted their African heritage, but because it contradicted the witness of Scripture.
James Cone & Cornel West condemn the view of white people who say that God and Jesus Christ are "a-political" and "above ideologies" on the one hand, but maintain a view of scripture as an absolute, non-ideological "Word of God" which can be made ideological by being applied to the situation of oppression. In the light of the Bible, however one of the truths is that God sides with the oppressed people always and acts on their behalf. Unrolling the scroll of the prophet Isaiah (Lk 4: 18), Jesus proclaimed himself as the One who would bring the good news to pass, but would do so in a way that people should still have to grasp, whereas, Isaiah pictures the deliverance of Israel from exile in Babylon as the year of jubilee.
The Bible as the "Word of God" argues Mosala's (1986: 178), presents a challenge ("neo-orthodox theological problematic"): the "Word of God" cannot be the object of criticism and it cannot be critiquedTown in the light of the black experience, the only appropriate response is obedience. Mosala44 critiques Black theologians, Simon Gqubule & Khoza Mgojo, who articulated Black Theology in terms of a "cultureless andCape culture bound, class-based, race less and race-oriented Jesus" and as "contextual"of ("white theology in black clothes"). Mosala analyses the book of Micah, using a materialist method in biblical hermeneutics of liberation whose material conditions of the text are: mode of production, forces of production and relations of production, which lead to the ideological conditions of the text. His conclusion is that the book of Micah "is eloquent inUniversity its silence about the ideological struggle waged by the oppressed
44 Ibid, 182 181
4s and exploited class of monarchic Israe1 ". The dominant ideological themes in the book of Micah are: the Lord's universal reign of peace (4: Iff); the promise of return from exile (4: 6ft); God's promise of a ruler from Bethlehem (5: 2ft) and the Lord's salvation (7: 8ft). The book of Micah (and by implication the Bible as a whole) is a ruling class document and represents the ideological and political interest of the working class.
The biblical henneneutics of liberation is thoroughly tied up with the political commitments of the reader. This means that not only is the Bible a product and record of class struggles, but it is also a site of similar struggles acted out by the oppressor and oppressed. exploiters and exploited of our society even as they read 46 the Bible •
The application of such a materialist biblical hermeneutic of liberation requires application of similar method to another situation: material conditions of the reader (mode of production, classes, dominant ideology) and the ideological conditions of the biblical reader (class origins of the reader and class commitment of the reader). Town
In doing the comparative study between the Bambuki and the Balombi in Lubaland, I incline toward Mosala'sCape theological position on liberation reconciliation. Liberation-reconciliation,of the key theological approach in my study, has been defmed by Mosala47 in the light of reversing black alienation, "which is not primarily from white people but foremost from black people's land, other instruments and the means of production, black history, culture, religious traditions and institutions". In this study, I attempt to avoid pitting Bambuld against Balombi or vice-versa. Using the theology of liberation- University
45 Ibid, 196 46 Ibid 41 Ibid, J 33 182
reconciliation, I need first the liberation of Luba Christian from western alienation, which considers all Bambuld as evil and, secondly, to reconcile Luba Christian with the Bambuld as healers using God's healing power through the spirit of Bankambo, the spirit of Jesus the Nkambo, the Supreme Ancestor in the realm of spirit (see Nyamiti 1984: 70). I consider this position as the way to liberate Luba Christian people from all kinds of alienation, which is not only wrong but also imposes a heavy burden of sin and culpability that serves as an instrument of confusion in the mind. This helps Luba Christians to accept the worth, dignity and mobility of their traditional cultural elements and practices of healing and, in this way assist them to recognise and acknowledge their own dignity. This integration of the Church approach of healing and the traditional understanding of healing, observes Owaohene (1998: 167), ''will not only make medical practice meaningfully beneficial to Africans, but will also enrich the practices of medicine or healing for the well-being of humanity".
Since every religion has positive and negativeTown aspects, therefore, we must take hold of the good things of Bambuld and lay emphasis on them. Through discussion and seminars we should reach a theological understanding of healing in the Church and the pastors, BambuldCape or Balombi, or prophets, are afforded the opportunity of understanding ofall about healing in the name of Jesus Christ. For example, in this way, the Balombi will be helped to recognize and appreciate the worth of Bambuld and consequently be open to integrate into their own practice some of the Bambuld's practices and vice versa. And the palaver is the way to do it.
In traditionalUniversity palaver, palabre in French, observes Kasonga wa Kasonga (1994: 56), different aspects of the crisis are brought out in order to be dealt 183
with and appropriated in a new way. "Usually these aspects appear in the shared speech following a pattern which has valuable imaginative, lacerative and cathartic functions". According to Freire (1982: 77-81), in dialogue the participants move out with one another toward the goal, and conflicting views and values are brought toward reaching a liberating and healing consensus. For Freire "the dialogue is founded on love, humility, and hope". And the goal of African Christian palaver, states Kasonga wa Kasonga, is the transformation of the participants' life and societies.
In an attempt to avoid all confusion caused by certain Luba Christians influenced by missionary teachings, that consider the Bambuki as evil and to reconcile Luba people with its traditions, the name Mbuki will be used to name Mulombi or prophet in the Christian Church and also traditional healers, like the names Leza, Vidye Mukulu, Bundangulu ne minonga, Shakampanga are used to call God, Jesus Christ's father. Here Mbuki is not a sorcerer or witchdoctor, but a healer through whom God is healing people. ThisTown liberates Luba Christians from mental alienation and it is a key to understanding what Christ did on the cross, to set up people, who believe in him, to be free from sin. As stated by Mofokeng (1989: 134) about black SouthCape Africa "the concrete issue is the creation and growth of the black humanof person who can be the acting subject of his own history of liberation that is in progress". Once liberated from the negative conception of themselves Luba Christians will know how to respond to the situation about their faith.
As NyamitiUniversity states (1994: 70), there are many possible ways of approaching African Christo logy of inculturation. The comparative analogical method is, however, the one considered the most fruitful and useful. Many 184
African writers use it. This method called intrinsic employment of African cultural themes in theology, involves the identification of African culture items 48 or categories with the Christian mysteries. According to Nyamiti , the identification is realized when "the African themes fuse together with the Christian mystery to form one theological entity, such as in the statement 'Christ is our Nkambo' in African the way". This identification may be analogical and also dialectical, as in the statement "Christ is not Mfwintyi, sorcerer" in the African meaning. Christ Nkambo, the Supreme Nkambo, becomes the normalisation of ancestorhood. Now, the entire role that was allowed to the Bankambo in Lubaland goes directly to Jesus Christ, who is a risen Nkambo and who is alive forever. Jesus Christ is in the realm of spirits the Supreme Spirit. In Sangaland in DRC Katanga province, missionaries translated the name Lord Jesus by "Nkambo Yesu". In the Eglise Unie du Saint-Esprit en Repub/ique Democratique du Congo, Jesus Christ is considered as the most important one and the oldest ancestor, Nkambo. He comes to reveal to human beings what they are requesting in their prayer and also to tell Townthem of evil hidden powers (De Haes: 411).
In Christianizing African tradition,Cape states Ntetem (1987: 106), the integration of African tradition ofand the gospel can be achieved without sacrificing the essentials of the essence of the gospel. Indeed, the Christian faith will be seen as it really is. Every reality, touching the life of African people, will be embraced in Jesus Christ, the ancestor par excellence, adds Ntetem, the one who transforms these African realities from within, in order to make them vehicles ofUniversity grace. Luba people tum to their Bankambo for healing, the Bankambo share kinship with them, and are considered as spirits living closer to
48 [bid 185
Leza and more able to influence him. Jesus is the perfect mediator and the fulfilment of Bankambo's role in healing. "We can fmd in Him all that we Africans are looking for in our ancestors," argues Milingo. (1984: 78)
In his Inculturation and the liturgy (Eucharist), Ezukwu (1994: 106-107) states that, in the prayer supposed to be pronounced by the eponymous ancestor of the Kikuyu, Leza is praised as the 'Great Elder". And in the Christian community,
The memory of Christ provokes the memory of ancestors (for the Christ is the Proto Ancestor) and the memory of the ancestors reaches out for the memory of Christ, for it is the dynamic power of the ancestors that leads the Christian community to draw 49 life in full in Christ •
Once liberated from western mentalities, from the western way of thinking, the Muluba will, through Jesus Christ, be reconciled with himself and with the world around him and with Leza. His understanding of Jesus Christ as his elder brother, Tutu or his ancestor, Nkambo,Town is a way of liberation reconciliation.
Along these lines, I concur with CapeMosala, in taking as a point of departure the method of liberation-reconciliationof that takes seriously Jesus Christ's primary goal and mission on earth, the salvation of humanity, the reconciliation of human beings to God and the glorification of God. I believe that, with the help of traditional Luba culture and modem wisdom, this approach is bound to produce an integral and more balanced understanding of Christian healing in Lubaland. UniversityIn all events, said Ela (1994: 142), "Salvation in Jesus Christ is
49 Ibid 186
liberation from every form of slavery... the Church ought to signify this salvation concretely, by creating conditions that liberate human beings and enable them to grow". The message of good news must be translated by acts of liberating people from all kinds of legalism and alienation, and Christianity must be lived in terms of the historical and social dynamic of Luba in this time. God is busy creating a new heaven and a new earth and perhaps a new Church and a new people for himself. "I am creating a new heaven and new earth; everything of the past will be forgotten" said the Lord (Isaiah 65: 17).
5. 4 Tbeological issue of bealing 5. 4. 1 Cultural issue
Haralambos, in his book SOciology: Themes and Perspectives (1985: 3), states that the "culture of a society is the way of life of its members; the collection of ideas and habits which they learn, share and transmit from generation to generation." For Clyde (1952: 3), "cultureTown is a design for living held by members of a particular society." Defmed it in this way, culture has two essential qualities: first, the culture is learned and secondly, the culture is shared. Without it, writes HaralambosCape ''there would be no human society" (1985: 3). of
So, culture becomes the accepted ways of behaving for members of a particular society, and these ways must be respected. Luba society, like any other society, has certain common problems with which to contend, and culture is the response to these problems. Though the solution often appears strange and heartlessUniversity in the eyes of members of other societies, in the context of Luba society, it is sensible, rational and an accepted part of life. In every society 187
many guidelines are identifiable which "direct conduct in particular 5o situations ." These guidelines are referred to as norms. The norm is "a specific guide to action which defines acceptable and appropriate behavior in particular situations", writes Haralambos (1985: 5). For example, in all societies, as in Luba, there are norms that govern dress, and which provide guidelines for what to wear on particular occasions: dance, funeral, hunt and so on. Luba people have guidelines that determine what to wear and what to do in particular circumstances. In the main this was neglected by Westerners and missionaries who tried to evangelize the people of Lubaland. s. 4. 2. Encounter of gospel and Luba culture
The gospel was brought to Lubaland during the colonial period. To accomplish their goal, missionaries did not take into account the pervasive influence of Luba culture. With a theology of the salvation of souls, missionaries were logically led to an across-the-boardTown rejection of the cultural and religious traditions of African peoples, argues Ngindu (1994: 13). In response to this, Mauriee (1977: 9-23), speaking about the Roman Catholic Church, writes: Cape of The language that mobilized vocations and Christian charity was based first and foremost on the pity that ought to be inspired by the sad supernatural, moral, and human state of the "savages". There was no question of acknowledging the intrinsic values of other religions, which, for that matter, were little known. The very "values", if indeed they had been perceived, were obstacles to the unifonnistic, salvationistic Romanization that prevailed. University
so Ibid, 5 188
In Lubaland some missionaries, inspired by European theologians, have developed and have exported their theology of mission, known as the theology of the implanting of the Church (see Ngindu 1994: 14). The theology of unbelievers had seen the souls of Luba or black people as the souls of those "who sit in darkness and in the shadow of death" (Luke 1:79). But, the theology of the implanting of the Church, according to Ngindu, reveals a different concern: "on tabula rasa-the blank (indeed erased) state-of people without culture and without civilization, the Church is to be implanted, constructed as it has materialized historically in the West with its personnel, its works and its methods".
Even that did not succeed in establishing as tabula rasa Luba tradition and belief. Because, as Mbiti states (1969: 1), "The African people are recognized as religious". That is to say that, for the Muluba even becoming Christian must embrace something of its culture, its religion. His encounter with the gospel does not abolish the Luba culture completely. Town
5. 4. 3. Spiritual issue Cape A clear perception of the spiritualof life in Lubaland must be considered in terms of the understanding of the term '"animism". Muluba believes in the existence of different kinds of spirits in the universe that may be perceived in all things.
The word animism, as it is understood today, is documented by the English anthropologist,University E.B. Tylor, and means, "the belief in spirits" (Haralambos 1985: 454). Tylor believes that animism is the earliest form of 189
religion. Animism derives from the human being~s attempts to fmd the answer to the question:
What is it that makes difference between a Jiving body and a dead one? And, what are those human shapes which appear in dreams and visions? To make sense of the events, early philosophers invented the idea of the soul. The soul is a spirit-being which leaves the body temporarily during dreams and visions and permanently at 51 death •
In this way, religion originated for the purpose of satisfying the intellectual need, to make sense of death, dreams and visions, adds Tylor. By definition, may be suggested that the Christian religion and Muslim religion should both be classified as animist, because they believe in spiritual beings.
It is recognized in Lubaland that spirits of various kinds are present in the world around us: evil spirits, good spirit, spirit of Bankambo and, above all, the Almighty and Supernatural, the Spirit of Leza. It is called Vidye Mukulu, Supreme Being, Bunda ngulu ne minonga, Creator of all things (see Chapter 2). God is giver of birth to all humanity, remains the Townsource of life. The Baluba, believe in God, the centre of their religion. God is considered distant and occupies a place apart, foremost of all spirits. Cape There are also the spirits thatof are called Mikishi, that constitute, in Luba belief, the second category, after Leza. They are personal beings who make habitat in environments like the sea, forests, rocks, mountains, valleys, caves, rivers and springs. They have human status on earth (see chapter 2). Sometimes the Mikishi are responsible for the disappearance of fish in rivers and animalsUniversity in bushes. In this case only the Kitobo, Luba priest, plays the role of intermediary between the inhabitants and the Mikishi, in order to placate
51 Ibid 190
them. In many cases the Kitobo offers to Mikishi drink and food, pleading with them to provide the way in which to end the misfortunes that trouble the social environment. These practices are found in the Kabongo territory at Kakolwe, Kasakai and throughout Lubaland.
The third category is the spirit called Vidye, who are considered powerful and to have considerable value in Lubaland. The Vidye were human beings who, when on earth, were considered as the founders of tribes, warriors or important diviners such as Kongolo, Mbidi kiluwe ... They are called Bankambo. Ibey are revered for total moral and ethical uplift, and political, economic and social success (Bwanga 1991). In Lubaland the Bankambo are considered custodians of law and morality, and expected to bring peace and harmony to the society. The Bankambo are consulted whenever any disaster, such as disease, epidemic or any natural disaster strikes the community. The Bankambo are of great importance in Luba religion, and act as the mediators between God and the living. As Mbiti says (1997: 25), in the African contextTown the Bankambo "have both feet in both worlds, this world and the spiritual world."
Speaking about Shona traditionalCape religion, Mucherera (2001: 29) writes: "The Shona believe that the ancestorsof are dependent on God's will, taking on the role of mediators. It is believed that the ancestors are able to speak to God on behalf of their loved ones, but they cannot change the will of God."
Ngada and Mofokeng (2001: 25) write:
TraditionallyUniversity the main source of strength and solidarity for Africans has been depending upon the Spirit of God through the spirit of our ancestors. The colonizers tried to break this down. The missionaries came with their own interpretation of the gospel, an interpretation which demonized the spiritual culture of Africa. When an 191
African shuns his or her culture the good spirits and ancestor spirit tum away from him or her and then they are left with no power to fight the evil spirit. Our tradition, customs, values and norms are our source of life and strength. Without them we are powerless and dead.
5. 5 Place of Bankambo in Christian life
It is seemingly impossible to separate Luba people, or any African peoples from their culture. This means that even after becoming Christian, the Muluba recognizes the presence of his or her Bankambo in his or her life. His or her name shows to which Nkambo the Muluba belongs. Sometimes the name is given to the pregnant woman, to her husband or to relatives in a dream, by the Nkambo who wishes to be incarnated in the new-born. The Muluba, even if a Christian, is proud of his name. By his or her name, he or she knows that he or she belongs to his Bankambo and must have respect for them and must revere them. But, as stated by Archbishop Ngada in African Witness, African Indigenous Churches (2001: 29-30) "some, African Christians have the mistaken idea that in African Christians we continueTown the 'pagan' practice of 'worshipping' the spirit of our ancestors, we respect them in the same way we respect our living parents". Cape Because traditional rituals ofare prohibited by the North Katanga United Methodist Church, Luba Christians, who are members of this Church, struggle to address some situations, such as illness, misfortune and death. Moyo (1996: 20) notes the following about the struggles of the Shona Christians in addressing such situations:
It is Universitycommon among Zimbabwean Christians of all denominations, including pastors, to participate, in time of prolonged illness or other misfortunes in the family, in the traditional rituals relating to the departed elders. Some Christians stop going to 192
church or away from the Lord's Supper or active participation in church life for a while in order to give themselves time to perform the traditional rites and make the required sacrifice to bring about healing in the family. When they have completed what traditional diviners have prescribed in relation to the departed elders and spirits, they return to the church authorities to request absolution. African pastors who are close to their people know that these things are happening in both the rural and urban setting.
5. 6 African Independent Church issue
The African Independent or Indigenous Churches (AICs) write Ngada and Mofokeng (2001: 16-17), have been the story of a history of struggle for independence, recognition and unity. The reason is that until now there have been some who believe that the members of the AICs are not Christians, but pagans who mixed some elements of Christianity with African traditional religion. God created African people with all that they need to survive. The culture of African people is the means which connects Africans with God. This means that we are Africans before being Christians in the missionary view. Because, argues Nyamiti (194: 64) "Christ was Townalready at work in Africa revealing himself to them ... through his Spirit in ways known only to him." As Christianity was brought to Africa in the culture of the missionaries who came from a different society, Africans oftenCape resisted this kind of religion being imposed upon them. In those circumstancesof Africans left these missionary Churches and were persuaded to establish their own African Church. The truth, S2 argues Ngada and Mofokeng , is that, "just as there is nothing wrong with being English Christian or a Christian with any other identity, so also there is nothing strange about being an African Christian". University
52 Ibid 193
The AICs, observes Lartey, (1994: 44) ~'were formed and grew largely because of the failure of western mission-founded churches to accept or integrate charismatic Christians especially in the area of healing, into their faith and practice". Because of their emphasis on spiritual gifts, Byabuntu (lCorinthians 12-14), these Churches are broadly called 'Spiritual Churches' in Lubaland. Foremost in their practice and faith is spiritual or divine healing. In many respects, adds Lartey, '1hey are phenomenologically similar to the 53 traditional healing communities ". And the healing potential of AICs lies in their taking seriously the worldview, cultural beliefs and values of the people they serve.
In Ales, the common belief is that the Almighty Spirit, the Spirit of God, operated in healing people long before the coming of Western Christianity. The main source of strength for Africans has been dependence upon the Spirit of 54 God through the spirit of Bankambo, adds Ngada and Mofokeng • The AICs believe that traditional spiritual culture does not contradictTown what is revealed in the Bible about the Holy Spirit. It is the same Holy Spirit who was at work with the Bankambo and who has continued working. The prophets and healers in the AICs are considered to be possessed byCape the same spirit. It is through the Holy Sprit, in the name of Jesus Christ, that the cause of illness is diagnosed, a condition of illness is healed, andof that demons are rebuked and exorcised. God is the great healer (Jehovah Rapha), who heals the whole person and does not heal only one part of a believer's life. It is important to believe in Leza's 55 healing power. As Africans, observes Ngada and Mofokeng , University 53 Ibid 54 Ibid, 25 ss Ibid,37 194
We have always had a spiritual understanding of life and healing whether we are thinking about spirit of our ancestors or the Holy Spirit of God. We do not believe that the spirits of our ancestors are pagan spirits or evil spirits of some kind. Healing does sometimes come through the spirits of our ancestors and the work of traditional doctors just as it sometimes comes through western medical doctors. In fact traditional doctors sometimes succeed where medical doctors fail. Traditional healing cannot be rejected as heathen and pagan just because it is spiritual rather than scientific. When the missionaries brought the Bible and the revelation of the Holy Spirit we welcomed this as a great blessing because it spoke so eloquently to our own spiritual understanding of life.
There is no conflict between the Bankambo's spirit and the Holy Spirit, there is only hannony and complementarity according to Nyamiti (1994: 70) Christ is Supreme Nkambo in the realm of spirit, and what is important for AICs is to restore the health of the ill person, physically and spiritually. Jesus Christ died on the cross so that those who believe in him might be healed in body and in soul. By his Holy Spirit poured out, believers might have power and authority over all evil even the evils of a sick society. What is important is the restoration of the health of the sufferer by whatever means available. Some prophets may also be traditional healers or doctors,Town Bambuki as some ministers are doctors and this is no different from the Western type medical doctors who may also be ministers. Cape Preliminary conclusion of
Interrogating the Bible and Christian theology, I submit that all theology is culturally and socially situated. A universal theology does not exist. Africa needs a theology, which is a discourse on Christ in concordance with the mentality andUniversity reality of the African people. The true understanding of the Bible in Africa must reveal what the biblical message means for the problems that are typical of the African reality, of the Africa that has its roots in Bankambo 195
heritage, but which is, at this time, on the path towards a new future (Feenstra 1984: 14-15).
The Bankambo, according to Parrinder (1969: 115-127) are not only referred to as past heroes but also are felt to be present, watching the household, directly concerned in all family affairs and property, giving abundant harvests and fertility. They are also guardians of Luba culture and history. Thus, there is great need for the faithful Luba Christian to remember their departed good Bankambo.
The next chapter presents a comparative and evaluative study: the theology and healing practices of Bambuki and that of Balombi will be compared with those of Jesus Christ and his disciples, in order to decipher the contrast, similarity and particularity.
Town
Cape of
University 196
CHAPTER 6
COMPARISON AND EVALUATION OF HEALING OF THE BAMBUKl AND THE BALOMBI
6. 1 Introduction
The present purpose is to compare and to evaluate the various theology and healing practices of Bambuki and the Balombi. This insight provides a Luba Christian with a tool, by means of which he identifies the more suitable practitioner, should he or she suffer one of the maladies to which his or her life is prone. This knowledge sets free Luba people on one hand and African people on the other hand to make a choice between the two categories of healers. In the present age the African Independent Churches (AlCs) approach integrates elements of the African tradition with elements of the Christian tradition. This proves very attractive to many people (Owoahene 1998: 158) but can also be very confusing. Luba people must be alert to the Townelements that constitute the integration of Luba traditional healing.
In this way, Gehman (1999: 60)Cape wrote, it is important to know that ''the African Traditional Religion (ATR) is placed in solidarity with human beings as a whole outside of Christ. The truthof and error in A TR is representative of all non-Christian religion throughout the world". Furthermore Gehman opines:
In Biblical perspective we affirm that the fundamental elements of ATR are not unique to Africa: belief in God, divinities, spirits, ancestors, magic, witchcraft and sorcery are universal. These elements have been believed and practised by peoples around the world from antiquity so that these beliefs are universal; we shall avoid any temptationUniversity to single out ATR as uniquely in error or unusually rich in religious understanding. The African peoples are one with mankind all made in the image of God and have all rebelled against their Creator. 197
According to the late Bishop Ngoy Kimba wa Kadilo of North Katanga Area, the United Methodist Church in DRC (1992), missionaries coerced the Baluba into repudiating their traditional religious beliefs and practices without providing convincing explanation and concomitant conviction. In their preaching, missionaries condemned Baluba medicine and Baluba modes of healing. In consequence, the Baluba were confused. The result was that, once converted to Christianity, this misconception embedded an ambiguity in their Christian practices. It becomes perplexing to distinguish traditional practices from Christian practices insidiously introduced into the Balombi methods.
6. 2 Similarity between the Bambuki and the Balombi 6. 2. 1 From the point of view of calling
In general, the Bambuki and the Balombi are called by supernatural forces, through dreams and visions. This force may, for the Bambuki, be the ancestor's spirits and, for the Balombi, the Holy TownSpirit. In each case, the intrinsic agent of their call is the spirit. And, it is the spirit that takes control of Mbuki or Mulombi. Cape A woman prophet, associatedof with the Bantu Independent Ethiopian Apostolic Church of South Africa, states Oosthuizen (1992: 166), was emphatic that she works only with the Holy Spirit. And, when she consults the ancestors, she always does so through the Holy Spirit. In this way the prophet of the 56 Apostolic Church of Christ in South Africa, adds Oosthuizen , recognizes that a prophet's workUniversity is not different from that of Mbuki, diviner, because:
56 Ibid,166-167 198
I would always start as the prophet and if nothing happens then I would apply everything, which a diviner would use because I am using both. Actually, I have a double engine at my disposal, namely, one engine from the Holy Spirit and one from the ancestors.
Another prophet, who also acts as Mbuki, observes Oosthuizen, stated: "1 feel that I am very powerful for I am using two callings and as a result a disease or sickness has no chance to escape".
In Lubaland, in North Katanga United Methodist Church (N.K.U.M.C.) the Mulombi, prophet, who may use two powers, namely, that of the Bankambo and that of the Holy Spirit is classified among the witchdoctors and his practices are considered as heathen and evil by missionaries and colonizers. And the fear, Moyo that was instilled in the minds of church members to seek the restoration of one's health through traditional ways of healing became a disgrace. The Bible says: "No one can serve two masters. Either he will hate one and love the other, or he will be devoted to the one and despise the other" (Matthew 6: 24). Or the Bankambo in Lubaland are considered to be Townthe Batumibwa, messengers whom Leza, God sends with his message. For the majority of Balombi, contact of Bankambo is of vital importance, because Bankambo have a special place in peoples' lives and activities. The emphasis,Cape observes Oosthuizen (1992: 68), is on the conviction: "We know the ofancestors and they know us well." "The spirit of the grandmother especially, or the grandfather, features in their reference to the messenger."
6. 2. 2 From the point of view of procedure University In the N.K.U.M.C., popular support for the Mulombi was limited largely, because many charged consultation fees, a practice for which the Bambuki are 199
known. They soon earned the appellation, Balombi ba bubela, false prophets in Lubaland. Both Bambuki and Balombi are notorious for requiring people to pay a sum of money, often without being rewarded for their payment. One woman, quoted by Anderson (2000: 279), commented that: "when prophets charged people money for consultation, it was tantamount to nullifying the gift they had received from God". She suggested that: "a prophet could be used by a demon or by God". The Balombi ba bubela are in the church, those who approve of the Bambuki may say that 'ibakulowe', 'a particular person is trying to bewitch you', or may identify someone who, they allege, is behind the cause of what the person is suffering. The Balombi and the Bambuki are the leaders who make known the will of God in particular circumstances. Through the Holy Spirit or the Bankambo's spirit, the Balombi or the Bambuki may bring relief to people and encourage them to understand the way they should live and serve God.
Sometimes the Balombi as Bambuki, are confident enough to give personal prophecy to an assembled congregation, Townand to reveal their secrets, (Anderson 2000: 281). This kind of prophecy may curb people from being 57 proud because they are exposed in this public manner. Indeed, adds Anderson , "One member of Pentecostal Church saidCape that he would never go to prophets because they have no relationship ofwith God and were similar to diviners ... there is no prophet in our church, because prophets are deceivers". And another woman argues:
I believe that there are two kinds of prophet. The one kind is the prophet who has the Holy Spirit in him. The other kind of prophet is the one that the book of Revelation talks about: the false prophet who will come in the last days. The prophets who have the Holy Spirit do not work for themselves; they work for the 58 LordUniversity•
57 Ibid. 284 58 Ibid 200
This is the View often repeated by many Christians from different churches in Lubaland.
History indicates that most of Balombi in Lubaland come from Pentecostal churches, which have their roots in a traditional system of healing. Pentecostal churches have become a major force in Lubaland and everywhere in DRC. In South Africa today, continues Anderson, more people belong to churches that originate from an African initiative:
A sympathetic approach to African life and culture, to African fear and uncertainties, and to the African world of spirits and magic has been a major reason for the attraction of these churches for people oriented to the traditional thought world.
Luba people have a spiritual hunger that needs to be satisfied only by God incarnate. Furthermore, Pentecostal churches in Lubaland are more meaningful because of the adaptation of some Luba traditional expression: ''the warming-up atmosphere of singing, clapping and dancing. The Townprophecy is seen in terms of an African orientation,,59.
The relationship between BalombiCape and Bambuki is essentially the central important theme in this study. Forof some members of the churches, like the Zionist Church and the Apostolic Church in Durban, observes Anderson (2000: 287), there are similarities between the prophets and the diviners. These similarities create much confusion in the Christian mind which frequently perceives no contradiction between the two: Bambuki and Balombi. A prophet, Mulombi is Universitya messenger like a diviner, Mbuki:
59 Ibid,286 201
A prophet is like a diviner. He tells you some secrets and things that are going to happen. His task is like a church security guard. If there is going to be some attack on the church members he will tell you beforehand and will guard against any (evil) 60 spirit that may rise in the church .
Some members o'f independent churches, interviewed in Lubaland expressed the view that a Mulombi or Mbuki is a person with a special gift received from his own ancestor, Nkambo, or from Leza, allowing him to see things hidden from others, and to prophesy. Many adherents of these churches believe in the similarity between Mbuki and Mulomhi: they go to the prophet for healing and if the prophet fails to heal them, it is because of the prophet's disobedience to the Bankambo and may tell the clients what they should do to placate the Bankambo in order to be healed. To illustrate it, Anderson61 writes the following:
One Zion Christian Church (ZCC) member said that he was in his living-room one day when he heard a voice telling him to look at the ceiling. As he did so, he saw a vision of his father, long since deceased, weeping. He went to the prophet to find what to do, and was advised to make a ritual killing for his father who was not satisfied with his son's conduct because he felt neglected.Town
The prophet, adds Anderson, in this case, did what any diviner, Mbuki would have done. And in the perceptionCape of this member, the prophet played an identical role to that of the diviner.of The majority of ZCC members reject the observance of the ancestor rituals and refer to them as demonic. In these circumstances it is difficult to distinguish between the Balombi and Bambuki and whether the source of revelation is both the Holy Spirit and the spirit of Bankamho. But the tendency is also evident in Lubaland to view the prophet, University
60 Ibid 61 Ibid, 288 202
Mulombi, as the one who points to the suffering of God through Jesus Christ alone to bring healing through prayers.
6. 2. 3 From the point of view of method
After listening to the client, the Bambuki or the Balombi question the client in order to know what to say to Leza through Bankambo or through Jesus Christ for the Balombi. Once possessed by the spirit, Bambuki and Balombi can produce miraculous healing. They can speak in different tongues and someone among the members may interpret the meaning. Sometimes, they use oil to anoint the sufferer and water to cleanse someone after the death of his wife or her husband, or after any misfortunes (Kabamba 2000). If misfortune should occur, the Muluba wants to know why it has happened, how to be rid of it, and how to regain good fortune. In this matter the Mbuki and Mulombi are united in being able to give the answer to that preoccupation in a traditional rhetoric that is accessible to both Christians and non-Christians. Town
6. 2. 4 From the point of view of role Cape In Lubaland the Bambuki, oflike the Balombi, are considered prestigious people (see chapter 1). They possess privileged knowledge and this affords them potential power. The role of both, Bambuki and Balombi, is to heal, to reveal the hidden cause of particular events in society (Bwanga 1987). When the Mbuld or the Mulombi arrives in the village, the inhabitants gaze upon them from a respectful distance and, in great awe, remark: "We are blessed". They are consideredUniversity as mediators between people and Leza or between people and 203
Bankambo. And above all, they show to people the will of Leza or that of Bankambo, in order to shun misfortune and or diseases.
At last, the Balombi and the Bambuki use a similar approach in their healing activities. Sometimes some Balombi have integrated Luba traditional elements of healing with Christianity. Many Bambuki also acquire the traditional medical knowledge and tend to practise it by way of becoming Balombi. In other words, observes Owaohene, (1994: 160) they choose to become Bambuki in the Church. This suggests that the name Bambuki or Balombi is applicable to both kinds of healer.
6. 3 Contrast between the Bambuki and tbe Balombi
62 According to Daneel, quoted by Anderson , the difference between Mbuki and Mulombi diagnosis is in: Town The medium through which, the extraordinary knowledge is obtained. While the diviners (Bambukl) rely on divinators slabs, bones or spirit, or some other means, the prophet (Mulomb1) invoked and speaks on behalf of the Holy Spirit exclusively. Cape Mulombi bears witness through a revelatory agent, the Holy Spirit, the power of the living Christ. Theof Mbuki relies on divinatory slabs, a small sculpture, a Kakishi, a gourd or some other means for contacting the Bankambo (see chapter 3).
In reality the Bambuki depend on the Bankambo, ancestors who lead and give them theUniversity message, so that they neither have to read the Bible nor abide by
62 Ibid 204
its commandments. That is why the Bambuki are widely seen as those who do not use the Bible, who do not have direct contact with Leza, God through Jesus Christ, but those who work by Bankambo's spirit. But the Balombi are understood to be prophets who depend on God through Jesus Christ to give them messages or answers regarding peoples' sufferings. The Bambuki dress in a costume that reflects the Spirit's attributes and adorn their faces with Mpemba, chalk, called the diviner's oil (Nooter 1999: 192).
But, some Balombi in Lubaland, have taken over the role of traditional healers because they are the agents of the Holy Spirit and also because of their relationship to the ancestors, Bankambo. Some, with the Bankambo spirit, are able to be either diviners, or prophets or both depending on the role that is chosen. Using two engines, one from the Holy Spirit and one from the Bankambo, the prophet declared, "I feel that 1 am very powerful for I am using two callings and as a result a disease or sickness has no chance to escape", "I work under the power of the ancestors and of the HolyTown Spirit because I am both a prophet and a diviner" (Oosthuizen 1992: 66-67). Some members from Independent Churches in Lubaland, who were interviewed, claimed that, the prophet has the power of God, Leza orCape of the Bankambo; they consider these identical or at least complementaryof powers. In this way the Balombi identify with the church and use the inspiration of divine powers in order to reach their goal. They see themselves as the channels of God, Leza or ancestors, Bankambo telling people what Leza or Bankambo want them to be. In reality, they are only the instruments of Bankambo, who use the name of Jesus as cover, or only Christ'sUniversity instrument observes Bwanga (1990). 205
For the purpose of dispensing healing, the Bambuki demand money or payment in kind. Their colleagues, Balombi ba bubela, also demand payment and profess to be able to drive out evil spirits using a lighted candle and incense, a religious rite common among the Bambuki. In all these acts of healing, they act as the Bambuld. In the light of this, according to Pasteur Mulongo (1998), the Bambuld in Kalemie, the main town of Tanganyika District in North Katanga Province, DRC, decided to bring legal action in the High Court against Balombi. The Bambuki claim that they pay a state tax, and this identifies them as agents of the devil. But the Balombi, who act as the Bambuki, do not pay state tax. The Bambuki approached the High Court for action against the Balombi in order to declare who they are and for whom they work. If they work for God, through Jesus Christ, the Balombi should cease to demand money and should also not consult the Bankambo. In this way Ngada and Mofokeng (2001: 36) from the AlCs point of view argues that:
Because all this healing comes from the Holy Spirit, our healers, prophets and prophetesses always heal free of charge. Anyone whoTown tries to buy the Holy Spirit or to make money of the healing power of the Holy Spirit will lose any power they might have had. Healing is a gift of the Holy Spirit. It cannot be bought or paid for.
Most of the prophets in Soweto,Cape on the Witwatersrand, observed Oosthuizen (1992: 72), require aof fee for their services: people are required to pay for predictions and healing. For predictions the fee is usually much less than for healing. Sometimes, they charged "Rl for predictions and RIO to R50 for healing; it depends on the sickness ... victims affected by African cultural diseases are often charged more than those who come for the usual ailments." Some of their Luba colleagues, unscrupulous Bambuki, diviners, are also involved in Universityhealing activity for quick money from unfortunate people. 206
6. 4 The Bambuki as seen or regarded by the Balombi
During the course of interviewing a wide range of respondents in Katanga province, theological college students, clergymen, clergywomen all committed members of various churches, the consensus was that Bambuki are a medium whose work was demonic and in the service of evil. According to them, the Bambuki, consult the Bafu, the deceased called Bankambo, who do not have the power of the living. In support of their view and, to confirm their argument, they refer to the book of Deuteronomy:
When you enter the land the Lord your God is giving you, do not learn to imitate the detestable ways of the nations there. Let no one be found among you who sacrifices his son or daughter in the fire, who practises divination or sorcery, interprets omens, engages in witchcraft, or casts spells, or who is a medium or spiritist or who consults the dead. Anyone who does these things is detestable to the Lord ... (Dt 18: 9-12).
But, according to the Old Testament (OT) hermeneutics, this portion of Deuteronomy concerns the Israelites, God's chosen people en route to the Promised Land. However, the writer of DeuteronomyTown does not have much to say about the salvation of other people. Indeed, the Deuteronomy text concerns what must come first: people of God must know God, and they must become faithful covenant partners. God gaveCape them his law to prevent them from engaging in strange religious practices,of which were used to try to influence the course of events as well as simply to gain information. Because the people would always be in danger of forgetting God's way, and forgetting what belongs to the heart and what belongs to the mind. Consequently, it is necessary for them and their children, to submit to God's discipline, achieved through diligent learning andUniversity informative teaching of the word of God. 207
Christians see themselves as God's chosen people, but in quite a different way from ancient Israel: "'but you are a chosen people, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, a people belonging to God ... " (lPe 2: 9). Christians are not a political nation, living among other nations. Nor do they need a fatherland of their own. They no longer look for a separate place of worship, a place where God is more distinctly present than in any other place. God's people live and act in different political systems and cultures, seeking to extend the Kingdom of God throughout the world, and seeking the welfare of their host environments (Jeremiah 29: 7).
Among the people interviewed, certain interviewees said that the Bambuki are people who profess to discover what is hidden and predict the future by means of supernatural knowledge (Kalenga 1999). The Bambuki, it is claimed, use occult sciences and may be compared to sorcerers and magicians. Invoking the Bankambo, the dead, the Bambuki are reported to perform mysterious healing. Indeed, these ideas are the fruitsTown of missionary teachings, which denied any religious truths or value of Luba culture, and failed to distinguish the Bambuki from the BamjWintyi, sorcerers or witches, who are considered human beings capable of harmingCape society by means of magic. of In doing their OT hermeneutic, early mlSSlOnanes who worked in Katanga province in DRC, created extreme confusion in the minds of Christian people, which confusion still persists. Missionaries disallowed divination and polygyny even though the latter is not condemned in the QT. Missionaries practised selective exegesis. They selected one part of the Word of God and neglected theUniversity other. And it was done in terms of the culture and ideology of the missionary. But the OT hermeneutic teaches us that, in interpreting scripture, it 208
is important to distinguish what is the Word of God to what is essentially Jewish culture. These missionaries saw life through the lens of their own cultural conditioning and they condemned all Luba ways of healing as evil and demonic.
But many Luba Christians believe that they have the freedom to call upon good spirits, Bankambo, for help, if it is done in the name of Christ (Long 2000: 229). As in the case of Deuteronomy (18: 9-13) God is dealing with his chosen people on their way to the Promised Land. God wants to prevent them from falling into worshipping other gods and following strange religious practices. Among Luba people, this could never happen, because the Bankambo are not other gods. The Bankambo are mere mediators between Bomi, living beings, and Leza. And, not all dead are considered to be the Bankambo (see chapter 2). But in the translation of the Bible from which they preached, missionaries used Luba traditional names to call the God of the Bible. Missionaries generally neglected only to use the mediator, Bankambo, which would be replaced by the Christ as the Nkambo par excellence (Ntetem 1987:Town 106). However, biblical teaching to support this position, cannot be found. God forbids communicating with the spirit of the dead as well as with the spirit of the demon. Otherwise, the Bible (Old Testament) in general, is inCape support of polygyny that is considered a sin in missionary teaching and wasof not respected. In their effort to build the Church in Congo (DRC), Mwanta Yav Ditend Naweji, Lunda emperor, a polygamist from Katanga province, was baptized by the United Methodist Bishop Springer along with his wives (Hartzler: 1960: 51). In doing this the first missionaries remained within OT hermeneutic, but did not follow this practice in their evangelization in Lubaland. To resolve all these contmdictions, the Bible Universitymust be read with the lens of cultural perspective in order to 209
understand what God says in each context and in this way obviate condemnation in a forthright manner.
According to Mande (2001), the story of a barren woman, who consulted the Mhuki in Kabongo territory, is a striking example of bad Bambuki called Bamfwintyi, sorcerers. After many years of marriage without having children, this woman and her husband went to see one Mbuki. After using incantations and prayers, the Mbuki told them the way to have a child. Following Mhuki's advice, the woman became pregnant and after nine months gave birth to her frrst-born, a boy. But the manner in which the baby was suckling at its mother's breast was unusual and astonished women of the village. One day, as was the habit in the village, the woman went to the field with her growing baby. She put him in a basket under a tree and started hoeing the ground. Suddenly she heard someone say: Let's go! Let's go! She turned to see what was going on, and found that there was no baby in the basket under the tree. There was an adult man, Mununu, standing close by but he suddenlyTown disappeared, following the voice 'Let's go! Let's go!' Angry, the woman went to see the Mbuki to tell what had happened and to demand an explanation. The Mbuki's answer was: "Lelo ulangile mba amiwa ne Leza ukokejaCape kukuha mwana? Nalongele kino ienka mwanda wa kukutukija mutyima",of "Do you mean that I am God who is capable of giving you a baby? I did this only to calm you".
Another woman, adds Mande, eager to bear a child, approached the Mbuki who, after some words of incantation, dispensed some medicine. She departed, convincedUniversity that her fertility had been confirmed. At the end of what she assumed was the gestation period, the woman approached the Mulombi, God's servant, seeking an explanation for not having delivered a child. The 210
Mulombi engaged her in a time of fasting and praying. At the conclusion of this time of prayer, the woman reported the emission of wind from the anus and that, without having given birth, her body resumed its normal shape (Mande 2001).
In the opinion of Mgr Milingo, observes Shorter (1985: 181), the bad Bambuki or witchdoctors, are the instruments of the devil:
It is hard to believe that today's Sing'angas (bad Bambuld, witchdoctors), taken up by money and deceit, can heal a patient suffering from spirits. The spirits used them as their own agents and the spirits in this case are the cause of illness. The devils that have often inflicted so many forms of misery on human beings have been clever by instituting a group of specialists called spirit-healers, who diagnose diseases when they go into trance. They tell the truth very often, but for their own ends, to win people's confidence. They even prescribe the medicines, which do nothing to the disease, except to develop in a patient dependability on them
Therefore Fr Mwanguzi, who is a renowned exorcist and healer, quoted by Shorter (1985: 191), explains that "he had no power to cure people from the illnesses that had been caused by evil magic or sorcery and that if his ministry failed in any given case it must be because sorceryTown was involved". And many times in his healing session, Mwanguzi declares Shorter63 was continually distracting people's attention. Many of the suffering people were, quite obviously, no better after their treatmentCape than before. of This evidence suggests that it is impossible for the Church to become a refuge for unscrupulous charlatans. Jesus rebuked those who desecrated the temple with the words "My house will be a house of prayer, but you have made it a den of robbers" (Lk 19: 45-46). Observers ask if the Balombi work for God through JesusUniversity Christ or whether the Bambuki, who identify with the Church, are entitled to embrace the name of Jesus.
63 Ibid, 194 211
Quite clearly, the Church considers this type of Balombi as false Balombi who have no place within the Church structure. As long as they are identified with the Church, non-believers will be discouraged from recognising the authentic message of the Christian church. To the extent that non-believers are critical of the Church because of such evidence, they will doubt the presence of the Holy Spirit within the Church philosophy and be sceptical of the gift of the Holy Spirit Corrupt Balombi and bad Bambuki blaspheme the biblical injunction " ... Let your light shine before men, that they may see your good deeds and praise your Father in heaven" (Mt 5: 16)
The church must eliminate every kind of abuse. Through prayer, that seeks the power of the Holy Spirit, evil spirits are driven out The Bible declares:
For though we live in the world, we do not wage war as the world does. The weapons we fight with are not weapons of the world. On the contrary, they have divine power to demolish strongholds. We demolish arguments and every pretension that sets itself up against the knowledgeTown of God, and we take captive every thought to make it obedient to Christ. And we will be ready to punish every act of disobedience, once your obedience is complete (2 Corinthians 10: J-6)
Through Holy Scripture the ChurchCape must examine the prophecies In conformity with the requirementsof of God. What does not conform to Holy Scripture, faithfully interpreted, must be condemned.
6. 5 The Bambuki in the light of the Bible
After comprehensive reportage with regard to the Bambuki, it remains apposite forUniversity them to consider biblical reference and inference. In general terms, Christians eschew consulting the dead and any kind of witchcraft or divination. 212
"Do not tum to mediums or seek out spiritists, for you will be defiled by them. 1 am the Lord your God" (Lev 19: 31 ). "You shall have no other gods before me. You shall not make for yourself an idol in the form of anything in Heaven above or on the earth beneath or in waters below" (Ex 20: 3-4). According to Bruyn (1998: 25),
It is also self-evident that if the first commandment falls away or is changed., aU the others would lose their value. If the Christian should be allowed also to serve other gods, then the bar on the making of images of God or the keeping of Sabbath to his glory, would be meaningless.
Above all, for the believer, the frrst commandment is the sine qua non of all religion and morality. Everything else depends on it. The Lord said in Isaiah 44: 6 "1 am the first and I am the last; apart from me there is no God".
According to the Bible, sorcery (Kiswenene) or soothsaying (Kubuka) are not only trickery but are practices by which individuals arrogate to themselves special powers that are the gift of the evil one (BruynTown 1998: 32). There are several references to sorcery and sorcerers in the Bible. When Moses and Aaron went to Pharaoh and did just as the Lord commanded, Aaron threw his staff and it became a snake. Sorcerers and EgyptianCape magicians did the same thing by means of their secret arts. The scriptureof declares that Aaron's staff swallowed up Egyptian magicians staffs (Ex 7: 10-12, 22; 8:7; 18:19). Although miracles can help us to believe, it is dangerous to rely on them alone. Satan can imitate some parts of God's work and lead people astray. The Book of Acts, refers to a man named Simon who practised sorcery in the city and amazed all the people of Samaria University(Ac 8: 9-25), and also to Elymas, the sorcerer (Ac 13: 6-12). 213
The Bible recognizes soothsaying and sorcery as ancient practices pursued by pagan people but recognised in Israel as a false prophecy. The Bible clearly forbids Bumfwintyi and Kubuka (Lev 19: 31; 20: 6; Dt 13: 1-3; 18: 10- 12). In these texts, God warns about looking to the occult for advice. Medium
~nd spirits are outlawed because God is not the source of the information. At best, occult practitioners are fakes whose predictions cannot be trusted. At worst, they are in contact with evil spirit and are extremely dangerous. It is not good to look to the occult for information about the future. God has given us his Word so that we may obtain the needed information, and his Word teaching is trustworthy. But for Luba people, the Mbuki is very different to the medium or diviner concerned by the texts above. These kinds of medium who consult the occult are called in Lubaland Bamfwintyi or false Bambuki and are also condemned by Luba society. In this way the diviner in the texts above may be translated in Luba by Mfwintyi or false Mbuki. Because, Mbuki is a healer who is working under the spirit of Bankambo, he is the mediator between Leza and Bomi, living people. Town
The Bambuki in Lubaland are healers working for the well-being of the village. It is by using bourgeois hermeneuticsCape that early missionaries who worked in Lubaland did not understandof the role and the importance of Lubuko. They condemned it as an evil and demonic way of healing, because it was used by poor peasant people. And this missionary point of view still remains as a starting point of many Christians in Lubaland. Otherwise the point of departure must be the African reality in order to see how this reality can be utilized to
64 present ChristianUniversity teaching in the African way observes Nyamiti •
64 Ibid 214
According to Mosala (1986: 184-185), the culture constitutes the material hermeneutical starting point. Luba culture must provide the epistemological 65 lenses with which the Bible can be read. Only such a position argues Mosala , seems to represent a theoretical break with dominant biblical hermeneutics. Once read with Luba eyes, the 'Word of God' will have a good understanding in the midst of Luba people and Mbuki will bear the meaning of Mulombi or prophet without affecting the essence of the 'Word of God'. And it is also important to know that the Bambuki's source of information is Leza through the spirit of Bankambo, and ultimately the spirit of Jesus the founding Nkambo, the Supreme Ancestor in the realm of spirit (See Nyamiti 1984: 70).
In Deuteronomy 13: 1-3, it is reported that:
If a prophet or one who foretells by dreams, appears among you and announces to you a miraculous sign or wonder, and if the sign or wonder of which he has spoken takes place, and he says, "Let us follow other gods" (gods you have not known) "and let us worship them", you must not listen to the words of that prophet or dreamer. Town This passage acknowledges that such miracles of sorcery and soothsaying are a reality. God is not against new ideas, but he is for discernment. When you hear a new, attractive idea, examine it Capecarefully before getting too excited. The wise person will carefully test ideasof against the truth of God's Word. This is how Bambuki should be treated, with circumspection, not rejection.
6. 6 The Balombi as seen by the Bambuki
For many Luba people interviewed above all Bambuki, the Mulombi is consideredUniversity as a Christian who has received the gift of healing in the name of
65 Ibid 215
Jesus Christ. Mulombi is considered as God's instrument of healing among his people. But what is confusing said some Bambuki, is the fact that in their healing session some Balombi act like Bambuki. They ask for money, consult the Bankambo, use lighted candles and incense considered to drive out evil spirits, a common religious rite among the Bambuki. According to Mulongo (1998), the Bambuki decided to bring legal action in the High Court against Balombi. All these conflicts come from missionaries' teachings, which consider traditional healers as possessed by evil spirits. For Bambuki, the Balombi should cease to demand money and should not consult the Bankambo, and should confme themselves to the use of the name of Jesus. Other Bambuki consider the Balombi as being the same, with a changed name, which is perceived in the circle of operation. When they work in the church the name is Balombi and when out of the Church the name Bambuki is substituted to that of Balombi (Wa kumutombo 2005).
6. 7 The Balombi in the light of the Bible Town
According to the Bible, the terms Mulombi (singular) and Balombi (plural) derive from the verb Kulomba,Cape which means to pray or to ask (see Mt 18: 19; Mk 11: 24). In his teaching,of Jesus told his disciples that "if two of you on earth agree about anything you ask for, (Kulomba) it will be done for you by your Father in Heaven" (Mt 18: 19). Jesus taught his disciples how to pray or to ask saying: "whatever you ask in my name will be done, so the Son may bring glory to the Father" (In 14: 13).
In churchesUniversity in Lubaland the Balombi are prayer petitioners who work in the name of Jesus Christ, under the power of the Holy Spirit. They cannot 216
achieve anything without being undergirded by Jesus Christ. They are God's instruments through whose work He manifests his glory to his people. Thi the case of the later Mulombi, Abel Bweni Kisanga, of Lusaka, Mulombi Meshake, of Kaboto in Kabongo territory, and many others. By their own profession they work under God's power, after they had had a personal experience of fellowship with Jesus Christ. These men or women of God put the glory of God before all else in life (Wakadilo 1993). As Cobb said (1933: 76-77): ""The more they realise such fellowship, the stronger must grow the love: growing till it far exceeds the love of wealth, or success or self glorification, or anything the world can offer". When such love fills the heart, the Mulombi may first ask for healing for the glory of Almighty God. And, if it is asked for God's glory, it allows his work to be done to perfection. The living Christ must be a reality in the Balombi's life before they can stand and work for Jesus and he will strengthen them to suffer willingly for his sake, if need be.
The Mulombi, in the light of the Bible, is castTown as a disciple of Christ or as Christ's follower. He has received the spiritual gifts, which allow him to be an instrument of healing, used by God in order to heal, or to predict the future. The Mulombi has a duty "/cusahula myandaCape miyampe ya bupandiji" to proclaim the Good News and to offer to the Babevu,of sufferers, a direct experience of God's healing revealed in Jesus Christ. That is to say, that Christ's personal presence ensures that all human realities are a communication of divine healing, observes Shorter (1985: 185).
Currently,University there is a kind of Balombi called "Ba bubela". They are defined as those who falsely assume the name of followers of Christ. Thousands are attracted to them. They demonstrate their Bukomo, power, with 217
much ostentation and they make the church appear ridiculous. Indeed, the dilemma is how to distinguish between legitimate Balombi and those who are impostors.
The example of Fyotwe, the Mulombi in Manono territory, in ORC, throws light on how the Mulombi is used as an evil instrument. In 1998 Mama Ngoie told this story to Mande, my spouse, at Mulungwishi.
Fyotwe was a Mulombi of good reputation in Lubaland. Through him, many acts of healing were performed and many people came to believe in Leza. In a vision, Leza gave Mulombi some directives about his mission. Included among these instructions, God, according to Mama Ngoie, told Fyotwe not to accept money that he might be given before or after praying for someone' s healing. "Be careful and take care of what I have told you", declares the Lord. But one day, after praying for a sick person who was healed by Leza, the sick person was asked to give money as a token of his gratitudeTown for all that Leza had done. The fact of accepting this money put a distance between Fyotwe and Leza. Fyotwe immediately lost all Leza's healing power and, thereafter, no person for whom he prayed was healed.Cape In another vision, Fyotwe saw that the hand of Leza had left him and ofhe was no longer able to demonstrate power. After that day he realised that he could not do anything in the name ofLeza. To maintain his reputation, he decided not to confess his sin but to visit the Bambuki, sorcerers, and request the magical power that would help him to perform miracles. He went to consult one, Mbuki of Manono, who was afraid and astonishedUniversity by Mwingindi wa Leza mwandi mwijibo, the presence of God's servant in his home. The Mbuki becomes frightened because this Mulombi was God's servant, a powerful one known among all evil forces. But on that day it 218
was different Fyotwe said to Mbuki "do not be afraid. I am no longer Fyotwe, God's servant through Jesus Christ, you have known, ne mujimije kala kyabuntu kya Leza, I have lost the gift of God. I need your help to maintain my esteem among people". And the Mbuki, after consulting his forces, found that what Fyotwe had said was true. So he helped Fyotwe to become a Mbuki, witchdoctor, like him. In this way, Fyotwe remained in the church although bereft of Leza's power, but endowed with magical power. Now he was no longer able to accomplish any miracles in the name of God. He moved from Manono to Lubumbashi and there, for a while, he used his power as Mbuki, Mulombi wa bubela, but without success. Today he has lost all power. He is neither Mbuki nor Mulombi in the church. After the entire trauma he suffered, he confessed his sin to God and remained a member of the church but without God's healing power (Mande 2004).
Interrogating the context in which Peter, John and Paul, Christ's fIrst followers, reportedly performed feats of healing, Townputs the authenticity of the Balombi to the test. "Then Peter said, silver or golden I do not have but what I have I give you. In the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth walk" (Ac 3:6). The sole criterion is the healing ministryCape of Jesus. The test of the Balombi is to replicate the work of Jesus. Theof Balombi are those called to do the work that their Master, Jesus, did when he was on earth. In Luke 9: 1, Jesus gave the twelve disciples the power and authority to drive out demons and to cure disease. In Luke 10: 9, Jesus gave the seventy-two messengers the authority to heal the sick and to tell them: 'The Kingdom of God is near you'. When they returned toUniversity Jesus with joy they gave their report about what they had done: Lord, even the demons submit to us in your name. Jesus replied, I saw Satan fall like lightning from heaven. I have given you authority to trample on snakes and 219
scorpions and to overcome all the power of the enemy; nothing will harm you. However, do not rejoice that the spirits submit to you, but rejoice that your names are written in heaven (Lk 10: 17-20)
The scriptures tell us that even Balombi ba bubela helped people to be healed from sickness or suffering through the power of the name of Jesus without themselves being saved. But, what Jesus requires of the Balombi is that they serve as God's healing instruments and also themselves be saved and have their names written in Heaven. The Mulombi said Mande, is a man or woman who puts God's glory first and gives himself or herself over entirely into God's keeping. Imprinted in his or her heart is the image of perfection, which is God's plan for his people (Mande 2002).
In the Epistle of James, the instructions on healing are gIven in the context of teaching on prayer.
Is anyone of you in trouble? He should pray. Is anyone happy? Let him sing songs of praise. Is anyone of you sick? He should call the elders of the church to pray over him and anoint him with oil in the name of theTown Lord. And the prayer offered in faith will make the sick person well; the Lord will raise him up. If he has sinned, he will be forgiven (James 5:13-15).
According to Long (2000: 12-13),Cape this instruction of James reveals several important lessons that mayof help us to understand what the Balombi should be, in the light of the Bible.
For James the sick person should consult the Balombi, who, in the Church, becomes the agent of God's blessing and recipient of his grace. Long University 220
adds, "as agents of God's healing they anoint and pray for the person who is 66 sick ".
The Balombi, who minister to the Babenvu, sick persons, gather church members to the bedside of the patient. The prayer of healing does not demand formal words or rites. Nor is there a prescribed procedure for anointing the patient, nor any ritual of making incisions in the skin to apply the healing oils. The healing is not mediated by angels or by spirits. It is God's blessing and the power of his presence in the midst of his people. The healing is the effective intervention of God. God endows with blessing prayer that is made by faith for the ailing person and healing is the consequence.
In his first letter to the Corinthians, Paul writes that the Holy Spirit imparts gifts of healing to members of the church. But the Old Testament does not give a parallel to a Christian healing ministry. Because in the Old Testament, as stated by Avalos (1995: 26-32): "PriestTown in the Old Testament, combined the roles of health (shalom) education, public health officer, and spiritual mediator". God was Cape The only healer for Israel, their priests were not given a ministry involving physical healing. They did not conductof rites or ceremonies of healing. There were very few instances of physical healing in the Old Testament and only four that involved the mediation of healer. Elijah and Elisha accounted for three of these and Isaiah the fourth (see Long 2000: 74).
For Paul (2 Co 12) spiritually-gifted healers, like the Balombi in Lubaland, include not only those who serve God by bringing miraculous recovery fromUniversity sickness but also those who restore other wholeness, like a peace-
66 Ibid 221
maker. Their goal is viewed as being for the common good and not only for individual healing. By setting out the divine principle of power manifested through human weakness, Paul defended his own claim to apostleship and neutralized the criticisms of opponents and also made peace with the Corinthian Church (2 Co 12; 8-10; see New Bible Commentary 1994: 12040).
In his letter to the Ephesians (4: 12-14), Paul writes that the Holy Spirit provides gifts to Christians in order to:
Prepare God's people for works of service, so that the body of Christ may build up until we all reach unity in the faith and the knowledge of the Son of God and become mature, attaining to the whole measure of the fullness of Christ.
The Mulombi is a person who acknowledges his dependence on God. He or she acts on what he or she believes, humbles himself or herself before God, and, he or she fmds strength in God's mighty power to be a healing presence in the world. Town 6. 8 The Balomb; and the Bambuk; and the Civilizing Mission
Lubuko as the traditional way ofCape healing is still practised in Lubaland by many people. When Christianityof was brought to Lubaland, missionaries gave scant attention to the Bambuki as the Luba way of healing. Instead, missionaries brought Christianity to the Luba people strongly influenced by the western civilisation. In addition to the Good News, writes Kurewa (1997: 81):
Missionaries introduced their western modes of worship and these became the 'true' Christian way of adoration. They applied what they believed to be the Christian way of lifeUniversity to many areas of African life without much awareness of the African culture they addressed. 222
Christianity, once it gained a foothold among Luba people, also gave rise to Balombi, Christian prayer petitioners, who caused enormous confusion in the church. It is also important to consider that, to some missionaries, even this Christian way of healing was not known. From the western point of view, both Bambuki and Balombi are, in their teachings, regarded as Bintu bya bibanda, evil things. Many United Methodist members in Katanga D.R.C, to this day, maintain this perception.
In the minds of many this has given the impression of two categories of Christian. On one hand, the spiritual Christian accepts the Balombi in the belief that what they do is inspired by the Holy Spirit and they must continue undeterred. On the other hand the non-spiritual Christian, one who does not believe or accept the Balombi as the instrument of the Holy Spirit, has been influenced by the opinions of missionaries. From the missionary teaching, no distinction was discerned between Balombi and Bambuki. As a consequence, in the North Katanga United Methodist Church, someTown decisions forbade United Methodist members from consulting Balombi or Bambuki. In 1987, the North Katanga Annual Conference of the United Methodist Church of Congo adopted the recommendation that stated: "AllCape believers who resort to traditional medicinal practices, should be punished"of (Journal officiel 1985: 190-191).
The assumption of the Western Churches then, like the rest of the western people, observes Kurewa (1997: 89) ''was that Africa was an empty continent, with no history, civilization, or culture of its own". The following reported by John Gates (1919: 33-34) to the Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church in South Rhodesia,University in 1919, is illuminating in this regard: 223
The people of these pagan lands of Africa are primitive and hopeless. And it seems to us that their primitiveness has hindered them rather than helped them with the Church. If there is a race of people in the world who are represented by Lazarus in the story of rich man, or ''the one who has been robbed," in the story of the good Samaritan; it is the black man of Africa and his two hundred of millions of brothers and sisters. Human helplessness is God's loudest language to those to whom He has given wealth and education of life and of literature, of history, of at least something beautiful and true in their religious life of philosophy and genius. But all these are absent in Africa.
John Gates, adds Kurewa, was "an outstanding and articulate Methodist missionary in his time." He served as an administrative assistant to the Methodist Episcopal Church bishops for Southern Rhodesia. His idea reveals the prevalent ignorance about Africa of missionaries who were working in Africa. They lived in Africa without understanding the African traditional religions. This is not a judgement on John Gates as a person, said Kurewa; "after all he was only the child of his time." Above all, it is a judgement upon the Church, especially on those who continue to perpetuate such thinking in Africa to-day. It is also important to-day to understand how such attitudes of Western missionaries toward Africa, affected the lifeTown of the Church in Lubaland.
Until now, certain persons, influenced by Western teaching, continue to expect Jesus to come to Africa on WesternCape terms and for Africa to respond to those ways. They think, or believe,of that beyond Western ways, God cannot provide an answer to their preoccupations (see Ilunga Kumwimba, chapter 4). They forget what the Bible says, " ... The wind blows wherever it pleases. You hear its sounds, but you cannot tell where it comes from or where it is going. So it is with everyone born of the Spirit" Un 3: 8). It is what happened during the revival of 1918,University observes Kurewa (1997: 68). The Church had been filled with various noises from people and it has been said that, on that day, the Methodist Church of Zimbabwe was filled with the Holy Spirit. .. At this meeting, native 224
pastor-teachers were sent out in the villages to preach the Holy Spirit, and many people were converted to Christianity.
67 The revival of 1918 adds Kurewa , had a sense in which some Africans interpreted it as a providential effort, made by the Holy Spirit to liberate the Church from the hands of a Western control into the contextual forms of African life and adds: "The revival had its miracles, too. There were manifestations of the glory of Christ that people believed to be the work of God himself8."
6. 9 The Bambuki or the Balombi
The evaluation of the healing ministry of Bambuki and Balombi suggests that similarities between the two outweigh the differences. They are both called by the spirit: in the case of the Bambuki it is the Bankambo's spirit; and for the Balombi, it is the spirit that emanates from Jesus Christ, the Holy Spirit. In a sense this also constitutes the basis of contrast betweenTown them. The problem that remains is to help the Luba Christian to consult the Bambuki or the Balombi freely, and in this way to experience healing without feeling the guilt of a sinner. According to Nyamiti's comparative-analogicalCape approach, an attempt must be made to synchronise theof ancestral relationship between Jesus and Bankambo, Jesus becoming the Supreme Ancestor in the realm of spirits (1994: 70). When this is accepted Christ will not be considered a stranger but, as Nkambo, he is a mediator between the people and Leza. The missionary's demonization of Bankambo will then fall away, and the contrast between Bambuki andUniversity Balombi will also disappear.
67 Ibid, 70 68 Ibid 225
Indeed, what is required of Bambuki (and Balombi ba bubela) is to change their mode and method of operation. In addition, charging fees should be anathema, and issues of personal and professional morality, as well as honesty, should be fundamental to their healing ministry. They must allow their clients the opportunity to reward them voluntarily after having been healed. In Lubaland it is a disgrace to receive anything from anyone without showing gratitude. If someone does not display gratitude for what was done for him or her, he or she is considered simpleminded and unintelligent, and all his or her Kisaka, family or clan are affected. Thereafter, he or she is regarded as a person without value in the village. To be regarded as slow-witted in the eyes of villagers is to be considered virtually dead. But to respond with generous expressions of gratitude, enriches the relationship between the person and his or her Kisaka, family or clan. By referring to them as Bambuki they are stereotyped on the ground they charge a fee. Charging a fee may however be viewed, as a matter of affording the Wadi ubela, the healed person, an opportunity to show gratitude, not so much to the healerTown as to the Nkambo who enables him (Kwenda 2005).
After evaluation and clarificationCape of what was considered as a major contrast and a misunderstanding aboutof their call, the name Mbuki is suggested to name both, Bambuki and Balombi, in Lubaland. And Jesus, Supreme Nkambo in the realm of spirits, is the way to eliminate the difference between the Balombi and the Bambuki and also dissolve the discrimination between them.
University 226
6. 10 The Bambuki, the Balombi and western medical practices
Healing cannot be considered beyond or outside God's purpose. In the New Testament (Col 1: 15-20), Paul tells us that all that exists, since the beginning of time, exists and subsists only because of the powerful word of God. The Creator God fashioned the human being in his own image (Gen 1; 26) in order to be his collaborator, his means of grace and his glorious presence on earth. Consequently, the various kinds of healing used by human beings are in reality, the way in which Leza proclaims his intention to heal suffering people.
The traditional healing of Bambuki, the faith healing of Christian prayer petitioner, Balombi, and the healing of western medical science are each, in its own way the means of divine grace. As the means of grace, these three ways of healing are intended to meet, to work together, and to collaborate for the purpose of healing sick people. Healing and restoration are seen as signs of God's Kingdom. The image of the Kingdom is illustratedTown by the example of people of East Africa. It is their custom to be seated on a stool having three legs that extend diagonally from the edge of the seat, cross the middle of the stool where it is tied together (see Long 2000:Cape 181) in order to inspire a vision of healing. If the cord or fibre thatof binds the legs together breaks, the stool becomes useless. If one or two legs do not work the person seated on it loses balance and falls. In this way, Long argues:
workers who approach health and healing ministry in Africa (Lubaland) with the tools and insights of only medical and public health science, only traditional wisdom, or only the teachings of the Bible will also lose balance and effectiveness. 69 TheUniversity weight of ministry requires the balanced strength of all three legs •
69 Ibid 227
The three legs of the stool are necessary to carry the weight of the health and healing ministry in Lubaland.
The power of Leza that derives from his spirit ensures that the Balombi, the Bambuki, and scientific medical practice each remains in its place and is compelled to collaborate. This collaboration will be conditional, that is to say, it is possible only to the extent that all prejudices that oppose them are driven out. By means of meetings, the Church (Balombi), medical science (doctors) and traditional medicine (Bambuki) become collaborators in one ministry of healing, which, under the direction of the Holy Spirit, seeks only the happiness of the human being and the glory of Leza (see Martin B. 1953: 67-68).
As charismatic leaders, Bambuki and Balombi play a significant role in the behaviour of Luba people, whether traditionalists or Christians. Knowing the people's needs, their fears and their anxieties, the Bambuki and the Balombi influence their clients psychologically, presumably,Town in the manner of modem psychiatrists. Practitioners who attempt to practice healing in Africa are compelled to come to terms, observes Lartey (1994: 37), Cape with the fact of the inability of modem scientific medicine, as practised largely in western countries to deal therapeuticallyof and completely with the physical and psychological, socia-economic, political and spiritual needs of the African Continent.
Today, trained medical practitioners call for closer co-operation and integration of their activities with those of Bambuki and Balombi as the way to heal sufferingUniversity people in Lubaland. Through ritual and symbolic suggestions, as well as therapeutic interventions, both herbal and psychological, the Bambuki and the Balombi exert their energies to the task of bringing harmony between 228
70 Leza, Supreme Being, the Bankambo, humanity and nature • In Lubaland Bambuki or Balombi are considered more than a modem psychiatrist. Their healing work includes social analysis, family therapy and spiritual restoration. They have comprehensive knowledge of such things as the history of lineages, the origin of the village, the relationships among Kisaka, and the role and psychology of each member. All this knowledge allows the Bambuki or Balombi to maintain and to restore the necessary equilibrium in their personal life and in community relations.
With their symbolic elements Mboko or Kileo, a gourd, or with their Kakishi, wooden statuette, the Bambuki know how to manipulate their clients in the way that elicits answers to the questions uppermost in their minds. They understand that the sickness of the patient is an indication that something is amiss in the corporeal body. "The patient could not get better until the injustices, tensions and aggressions in the group's interrelations had been brought to light and exposed to ritual reconciliation"Town (see Masamba 1994: 31).
Medical health, a social service provided for the populace in modem industrial society seeks to achieve whatCape rural Congo generally and Lubaland specifically is called upon to provide.of
According to Alais (1995: 1-16), the diseases of poverty: typhus, cholera and tuberculosis are infectious sickness addressed by the fundamental assumption that disease is commonly caused by a virus, a parasite or a bacterium. In the case of minor ailments like influenza, chest infections and stress relatedUniversity disorders, drug treatment corrects the imbalances in the body that
70 Ibid 229
cause the ailment. In an industrial society a terminal condition and inevitable death results from cardiovascular and also chronic diseases and cancers. There are also chronic diseases, like bronchitis and arthritis, but supportive medical care at prohibitively high cost for each individual treatment is available. The medico-surgical facilities treat cases of appendicitis gastric and duodenal ulcers. It is, in fact, a fundamental assumption that medical technology is essential for restorative intervention. A major concern of modern medicine is the stress related condition that afflicts a huge proportion of the population. As other condition of ill-health the patient is considered the passive agent of medical intervention and scientific medicine is concerned with the body as a machine rather than a person in a complex social environment.
Sometimes, traditional healing, that of Bambuki, may be harmful to the body and may fail, not because of the intention of Mbuki, but because of his or her incomplete understanding of the created order. Medical science may give tools for understanding the material rules that underlieTown Leza's created order (see Long 2000: 189). This understanding of Leza's creation may be completed and deepened by those who work in spiritual healing, the Balombi. All the healing that is effected by Bambuki, traditionalCape practices, miraculous healing of Balombi 71 and scientific healing of physicians,of all, according to Long , share some common character: they all relate to the created order; they all reflect the power of Leza and they complement one another. Each has a path; each has strengths and limitations inherent in its presuppositions and in its methods of inquiry. The Bambuki, the Balombi and physicians exchange sick people without wondering Universityabout their own incapacity to heal, because they are only taking care, they are only treating and it is Leza, Shakampanga, who heals and who uses
71 Ibid, 188 230
whom He wants to heal people. God is not limited to what human beings are doing. Even evil forces may sometimes heal and the power they command still comes from Leza, Shakampanga. Because, as part of the created order, observes Long, "Satan and his angels have only the power that God has delegated to them and that he has not yet chosen to take awayn."
If a Christian is taken sick, the good thing to do is to surrender his sickness through prayer into Leza's hands. The prayer may be personal and individual or public and collective, but which asks God for healing. The Almighty and Sovereign God will decide the circumstances, the instrument, the moment and the place for healing to take place.
6. 11 Jesus' ministry 6. 11. 1 Culture in the time of Jesus' ministry
When defming culture as shared history, the Townpractices, the beliefs and the values of any given historical period, the ministry of Jesus, a Jew, of the tribe of Benjamin, of the house of David, who grew up in Nazareth (Mt 2: 23) and to which place his father and mother, JosephCape and Mary, fled from the brutalities of Herod Archelaus reigning in ofJudea, Keller (1974: 345) begins with unmistakable cultural evidence. From the available evidence the culture of his day exercised an indelible impression on the ministry of Jesus.
The political regime was one of exploitation and oppression and living in Judea, a province of the Roman Empire; life was made intolerable by the brutalities ofUniversity the governor, Herod. Society was administered for the benefit of
72 Ibd, 190 231
Rome and a census was kept of births; names were registered for military recruitment and for the payment of taxes. Under the influence of Greek civilization Greek was the language that united all subject peoples of the Roman Empire, hence the use of the Greek language in which the NT and any other literature was written. Joseph's dutiful errand brought the child-bearing Mary to Bethlehem where the crowded town offered no accommodation for the burdened mother, except a stable, the legendary birth-place for Jesus. Astronomy, astrology and the prediction of the prophets were markers of the culture. The arrival of the magi, the expectation that they would advise Herod of what they found, the massacre of the innocents, impacted directly on the early life and authoritarian times of Jesus (see Keller 1974).
The social environment also impacted on the life, times and ministry of Jesus. Jesus was born into a Jewish nuclear family and was influenced by the moral values that come from that situation: parental authority, sibling companionship, submissive acceptance and the Townawareness of the extended family. The traumas of homelessness, the physical hardships borne with fortitude, emotional tension consequent upon the prospect of a virgin birth, Joseph's misgivings and ultimate acceptance,Cape combined to give evidence of respect, kindness and compassion.of These moral values influenced the personality of Jesus and provided the basis for articles of faith, the doctrines, precepts and tenets that were the background to his personal philosophy vital for 73 the parables and stories that he told .
In addition,University argues D' Ardenne & Mahtani (1998: 4), the culture of the time of Jesus includes communal worship with rituals such as prayers, singing
13 Ibid 232
of psalms, Bible reading and miracles. The son of a carpenter, apprenticed in his father's shop, living in a house with clay walls, walking the countryside within view of fields of wheat, vineyards and lilies in the field all contributed to the material needed for parables and stories essential in the ministry of Jesus.
6. 11.2 Jesus' healing ministry
Jesus of Nazareth was born in rural Palestine and, in the course of leading a normal life, conformed to the life style of his time. He was circumcised on the eighth day, a practice in accord with Jewish culture. As a healer, he conformed to the kind of healer that was common in his time.
Whatever healing was effected by traditional doctors, sm diviners, professional exorcists, the use of ritual included incantations, symbolic actions that revealed a distinct element of magic (Nolan A. 1986: 30). Town To some extent, Jesus was distinguished from the traditional healers because he did not perform any kind of ritualistic formula, nor did he make incantations, nor did he invoke any namesCape that could be perceived as authority figures. Jesus did, upon occasion,of use his own saliva but, in his time, saliva was generally accepted as being of medical value (Mk 7: 33; 8: 23). Jesus made contact with the sick by touching them, taking them by the hand and, by laying on hands (Mk 1:31,41; 6: 56). Jesus made use of prayer in which case the power of faith was the effective cure (Mk 21: 22). Distinctly different were the acts of prayerUniversity of the holy men who prayed for rain or for cures but did so on the strength of their own holiness (Nolan 1986: 30). When Jesus spoke, the words of healing were, in fact, addressed to the person who was in need of healing: 233
"Your faith has healed you". Jesus virtually disowns his own perceived power and always implies that incidents of healing are, in reality, God's acts of healing. But the sick person is clearly told that his or her faith was the actual means of healing. Jesus relies on faith not only to effect corporeal healing but also to achieve social healing; healing that will save the world. Jesus proclaims faith as the Almighty's power.
This sense of faith is akin to hope (Rom 4: 18-22). Those who were sick and came to Jesus were induced to believe that a cure was possible and this belief constituted their hope. In a very real sense Jesus gave the world a faith and a hope that liberates people from their suffering. This healing ministry constitutes the benchmark of the Church in a fallen world.
As the true God, Jesus did not indulge in Lubuko, divination, because He possessed intuitive knowledge of the condition of the people He healed. This omission does not of and in itself make Lubuko Townevil. It only shows divine omniscience. For instance, Jesus knew that the woman with haemorrhage had touched his clothes (Mk 5: 30); Jesus knew, before He reached Bethany, that Lazarus was dead On 11: 1-13), and HeCape knew that the sick man at the pool of Bethesda had been waiting for healingof for a long time (In 5 :6). Above all, Jesus, according to Shorter (1985: 11), ''viewed his healing as a means of inaugurating the Kingdom of God. Curing the sick was a sign of the more fundamental restoration of health and wholeness, of forgiveness and reconciliation which typifies God's reign". University 234
As true man, Jesus used the techniques of popular healers of his time, and to that extent, writes Shorter74 "he was like a traditional diviner-healer", Mbuki, in Lubaland.
As true incarnations of Jesus, or at least conduits of His healing power and grace, the Balombi as well as the Bambuki share in the enabling power of the Holy Spirit and the Bankambo. This means that the Bambuki and Balombi are on the same side, the side of Jesus the Christ in His war against evil powers, including the power of illness (Kwenda 2005).
According to the Bible, the healing ministry of Jesus is described as one of deliverance. His coming to this earth is said, by eyewitnesses of the New Testament, to be an advance into the enemy-held territory. The massive spiritual forces of evil were neutralised (Harper 1986: 32). Describing his mission, Jesus said: Town The spirit of the Lord is on me, because he has anointed me to preach good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim freedom for the prisoners and recovery of sight for the blind, to release the oppressed, to proclaim the year of the lord's favour (Lk 4: 18-19). Cape As the hour of his trial andof death approached, Jesus told his disciples, ''Now is the time for judgment of this world; now the prince of this world will be driven out" (In 12: 31). Jesus, at the cross, wrote Paul, "disarmed the powers and authorities ... triumphing over them by the cross!" (Col 2: 15). Harper (1986: 32) saw the holiness of Christ in his death as the one thing that was University
74 Ibid, 12 235
damnatory to the Satanic forces. "It was His death, which consummated that 75 holiness. It was His death; therefore, that was Satan's fatal doom ."
This means that only the Holy Spirit is able to conquer unholy spirits. The Church, Kihwilo, must seek to recover this understanding and experience of the spiritual dimension that heals people who are prisoners of evil powers. The Church should follow Jesus' healing method, because he never failed in his healing ministry. His healing ministry was an expression of compassion for those who were sick and afflicted. It also served as a proclamation of the Kingdom of God, a proof of his divinity, and a visible sign of his teaching (see Long 2000: 75), whereas, the healing power of Balombi is the proof of faith and attachment to the Spirit of Jesus. Jesus cast out Bibanda, evil power, with a word: "When evening came, many who were demon-possessed were brought to him, and he drove out the spirits with a word and healed all the sick" (Mt 8: 16), not by magic incantation, which is the Bambu/d's method of healing. An explanation, in medical terms, of Christ's healing doesTown not fall within the ambit of my assignment. My focus in this study, however, is to show that, to Luba Christian people, Jesus' healing ministry is the spiritual way of recovering health and is the means by which all ChristianCape healers are judged. of Preliminary conclusion
The chapter is a comparative study of the Bambuki and the Balombi whose practices offer comprehensive insights of contrast and similarity. University
75 Ibid 236
My perception is that in Lubaland the Bambuki, in many respects, run parallel with the Balombi. Both the Bambuki and the Balombi are possessed by one or other spirit: either Bankambo's spirit for the first and Holy Spirit for the last. The Mulombi bears witness through a revelatory agent, the Holy Spirit, the power of the living Christ. What is interesting is the fact that in Lubaland some Balombi appear to be the agents of the Bankambo and also of the Holy Spirit. Some of them, like the prophet from the Apostolic Church in South Africa, emphasized that their work is "not very different" from that of the Bambuld. Using two engines, one from the Holy Spirit and one from the Bankambo, the prophet declared, "I feel that 1 am very powerful for I am using two callings and as a result a disease or sickness has no chance to escape", "I work under the power of the ancestors and of the Holy Spirit because I am both a prophet and a diviner" (Oosthuizen 1992: 66-67). The Bambuki have contact with Leza, God, through Bankambo's spirit or that of Christ, once considered as ancestor par excellence. Like their colleagues Bambuki, some Balombi are involved in healing activities for quick money from suffering people.Town They demand money for making predictions and for healing. By contrast, it is by compassion that the Mulombi, filled by the power of Holy Spirit, prays for healing, without demanding payment. Cape of From the point of view of appeal the Bambuki and the Balombi are, in general, called by supernatural forces through dreams or visions, and acting by the Bankambo's spirit or by the Holy Spirit. In both cases, the spirit is intrinsic to their call. It is the spirit that takes control of them. University According to the majority of people interviewed in different Churches, particularly in Lubaland, the Bambuki are considered as a medium whose work 237
is considered as Luha traditional way of healing. They consult the spirit of Bankamho who are mediators between the living and Leza and they can heal suffering people. They are not Christian prayer-petitioners, but traditional healers, working through the ancestor's spirit.
Whereas, the Balomhi are considered prayer petitioners who work in the name of Jesus, under the power of Holy Spirit; they are God's instruments through whom, Leza manifests his glory to his people. They are disciples of Christ or Christ's followers who have received the spiritual gift, which allows them to be the instruments of healing, used by God, in order to heal or to predict the future.
I consider that when Christianity was brought into Lubaland, missionaries paid only scant attention to the Luhuko as the Luba way of healing. They brought Christianity, influenced by western civilisation, to the Luha people. Once this Christianity gained a foothold among LubaTown people, it gave rise to Balombi causing considerable confusion in the minds of many Church members who were unable to distinguish Mulombi from Mbuki. Cape A great deal of confusion hasof arisen by certain Luba Christian influenced by missionary's teachings considering the Bambuki as evil and to reconcile people with its traditions. In order to obviate the confusion I suggest the name Mbuki or Mulombi be used to name both, Mulombi or prophets in the Christian Church and also Mbuki or Luba traditional healers. Here Mbuki is not a sorcerer orUniversity witchdoctor, but a healer through whom God is healing people. This liberates Luba people from mental alienation and it is a key to 238
understanding what Christ did on the cross, to set free from sin people who believe in him.
According to Mosala's historical materialist black theology of liberation (1989: 132-133), the liberation-reconciliation is the key theological approach by which the concrete issue is the creation and growth of the Luba Christian people who can be the acting subjects of their own history of liberation that is in progress.
The missionaries' mode of worshipping supposedly became the "true" Christian way of adoration, writes Kurewa (1999: 81). However, I have found, and I believe that, beyond the thinking of these missionaries, the Holy Spirit is at work to liberate the African Church from Western control, propelling it into being contextual for African life, thereby creating a new way of Christian understanding and conduct. Town Moreover, I have found that the Lubuko and the Milombelo, as well as the western culture of healing, brought by the missionary, are appropriate ways of healing. But for the Christian practitioners,Cape the Mulombi or Mbuki acting as healer, Jesus Christ's healing ministryof is the best model, because He is himself the way, and the truth and the life (In 14:6). His healing ministry may inspire all who want to act as faith-healers in the church and the obedience to God's will must have a first place in all they do. And God will bless His work through what they do in his name. University 239
CHAPTER 7
GENERAL CONCLUSION
1. Observations and suggestions
This study, "The soothsayers (Bambuld) and the Christian prayer petitioners (Balombi): comparative and evaluative study of healing in the Luba Katanga area" focuses on two major factors: the perception that the Luba Christian inclines toward traditional healers, Bambuld (and mystical practices in order to be healed or to fmd solution to different problems that affect their life) on one hand, and the fact that Balombi, in the Church, conduct themselves and work like the Bambuld, on the other hand. The major purpose of this study was to explore aspects of Luba culture in order to grasp its potentiality to improve their social status and to distinguish right from wrong and the good from the bad so as to show the Luba Christians from the Katanga province that they are free to make choices in life in the area of health. Town In their activities, certain Balombi deceive their clients and sometimes contribute to their spiritual and physical death. According to Owoahene (1994: 159), Cape
They diagnose illnesses and diseasesof through false vision, dreams, possessions, and prophecies... Some of the prophets prescribe false 'medicines' for their desperate but innocent patient. .. Some of them continue to keep patients in their 'sanctuaries', 'hospitals', and 'healing grounds' although they know well that they will not be able to help.
Luba Christians must recognize the reality of the spirit world, that of Bankambo.University Refusing to recognize them is not biblicaL God forbids communicating with the spirits even the spirits of angels (Deut 18: 9-14). But, 240
the Bankambo, in Lubaland, are not evil spirits, they are the link between the living and Leza, God.
Furthennore, the first decade of missionaries who came to evangelize Lubaland did not form a contextualized outreach or indigenize the teaching, culture or history which they brought with them from their home-countries. Consequently, they failed totally to understand the culture, oral spirituality and emotional needs of their Baluba converts. They introduced hymns and disciplines which remained English or American and only the words were translated into the Luba language. Hymns were dropped into culture in which rhythm is much more important that melody. Clapping hands, drumming and dancing were forbidden in the Church saying that it is linked to the power of Bankambo. As if that was not enough, when the Constitution of the North Katanga United Methodist Church legislated on discipline, it was merely a' carbon copy of the discipline clauses of the United Methodist Church in USA. Despite decades of effort, very little progress has beenTown made in the inculturation of the gospel in many Churches in Lubaland, above all, those with Pentecostal trends. Cape Now, this study submits thatof remarkable changes have occurred. The missionaries and native African theologians are in the forefront in the fields of contextualization and inculturation of the gospel in Lubaland.
There are many basic sources of inculturation, including the culture, the Bible and theUniversity experiences of mature and faithful Christians which exist mainly in the oral tradition. 241
Indeed theologians, evangelists and pastors working among the Luba people have the task of helping Luba Christian people to find the way of reconciliation between Bambuki, Balombi and modem physicians in the field of healing. Healing in Luba Christian Churches needs to be integrated with some of Luba traditional religious modes of healing in order to be appropriate. Jesus is in the healing fulfilment of the Bankambo role. He is the perfect mediator. We can find in Him all that we, as Africans, are looking for in our ancestors, said Milingo (1984: 78). He is Nkambo par Excellence. The Bankambo, like Jesus, bear the image of the Shakampanga, but Jesus is the perfect and sinless representation of Leza, his Father, the One High Creator God, argues Long
(2000: 223). "He is supreme over all ~gods' ... in the realm of the spirits. So He sums up in Himself all their powers and cancels any terrorizing influence they might be assumed to have upon us" (Bediako 1990: 19).
Finally, Churches, Kihwilo must recognize and encourage the spiritual endowment of their members, and give full recognitionTown to faith healing in their liturgy and their pastoral activities. This will allow Churches to grow and to save many suffering peoples. As Uka in Christ's healing ministry: A challenge to the Church in Afric~ says, coursesCape on worship in theological fonnations "must include, among other things,of a thorough examination of the healing ministry of Jesus and the apostles. In all, the Church is called to put the Word of God into practice in every detail", (Uka 1994: 151). This will help people to discover the truth and the truth will make them free in all they do (In 8: 32). But, the church and theological institutions must also include in their educationalUniversity program, certain courses about traditional healing. This will help students to understand the good and the bad side of Bambuki in order to know how to deal with this situation which is a real problem in Christian life. 242
To reach its goal, the church and the theological seminaries and faculties must do what is called in Kiluba; kusuka kyata kihya hangala ha kikulu, in French; tisser une nouvelle natte par-dessus une ancienne, and in English; to weave a new mat to the old one. In Lubaland people use the old mat as a pattern which helps them make a new mat. And the result will be a new mat with the same measurements as the old mat. This is to say that in every culture there are some old things that are so deeply ingrained: ideas, religious symbols, traditional wisdom, rites or social institutions, and even certain objects like musical instruments, which serve people and express their ardent desires, and which once put off, harm the identity of people. Among Luba people, I identify as "old mat" certain rites of healing used by Bambuki, rites of reconciliation and purification and also oral traditions, songs, stories, palavers ...
The cultural symbol (Nkambo) is critiqued, without being broken by the new reality of Jesus and his Gospel. The Nkambo isTown redefmed in the presence of Jesus the Nkambo wa Bankambo, the ancestor of ancestors. This means that, for Luba people who call Jesus Nkambo, the old Nkambo does not disappear; it only has a new content. It is the eventual fulfilmentCape of the old mat which is sought after in this case. And this metaphorof "Jesus Nkambo" once developed, links Luba people with their own experiences of the divine through their cultural religious practices and beliefs (see Owoahene 1994: 159).
Paul and other evangelists took the risk of putting old cultural and religious symbols and even certain institutions of society in the service of the Gospel. It wasUniversity only in the light of the teaching of Christ that the first Christian theologians dared to say what they had never dared to say initially: Son of God, 243
Lord, Great Priest, Logos, Wisdom, Mystery, and Lamb of God... What consequence will it be if we, who are theologians, took the same risk about healing in Lubaland?
In my view, it is important for the established Church in Lubaland to pray to God to raise more Balombi or Bambuki, like Bweni Kisanga Abel and Meshak of Kaboto, who will carry out the work of healing among our people. And the healing sessions must also be an integral part of churches' liturgy as it is in AICs.
If this were done, there would be a ray of hope, and light would begin to penetrate the darkness of misunderstanding, and reconciliation between certain elements of Luba traditional healing and Christian healing, between Jesus and the people would, in the fullness of God's time be achieved.
It is essential for the N.K.U.M.C. to reconsiderTown its approach of mystical and traditional practices. It would be more profitable to the church to penetrate them. To make earnest judgments to distinguish the good from the bad, the true from the false, the divine from the demonicCape and not to condemn all out of hand. In this regard, the Apostle Peter'sof example may be instructive: Then I heard a voice telling me, 'Get up, Peter kill and eat.' I replied, 'Surely not, Lord! Nothing impure or unclean has ever entered my mouth. "The voice spoke from heaven a second time, 'Do not call anything impure that God has made clean ... So if God gave them the same gift as he gave us, who believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, who was I to think that I could oppose God? (Acts 11: 7-9; 17)
And "The windUniversity blows wherever it pleases. You hear its sound, but you cannot tell where it comes from or where it is going ... " (John 3: 8). What happens in 244
Luba healing, whether Christian or indigenous, is real to the Luba. We may not understand it; foreigners to the culture may even be scandalised by some of its elements. But like the wind it keeps moving on, carrying the people with it.
2. Findings
Luba traditional healing of the non-Christian Bambuki has as reputable a claim to recognition in the Africa world as the Christian healing that is perceived and practised by Baluba Christians.
Unfortunately, the perception has gained ground that unscrupulous practitioners have, upon occasion, deceived their clients and, in this way contributed to spiritual and physical death. This is not true of all Bambuki.
The reluctance of the Luba Christian to acknowledge the significance of the spirit world in the Bankambo mind is prejudicialTown and unbiblical.
Christian missionaries of earlier years failed utterly to understand the culture, oral spirituality and emotional needs intertwined in the aspirations of Baluba converts. Cape of The contextualisation and indigenisation of teaching recent times is unquestionably a consequence of the emergence of African theologians, and it is their interpretation of the gospel, that is the new reality in Lubaland. University 245
3. Recommendations
The challenge of African Christianity should be vigorously promoted by academics in the field of social transformation, traditional leaders in political entities in Africa and in emerging formations, such as the New Economic Program for African Development (NEPAD).
The reconciliation process between Bambuki and Balombi should be actively advanced in Lubaland by academic theologians, practising evangelists and executive pastors of all denominations in Africa.
The latent and patent diversions that separate traditionalists and physicians in modem fields of healing, should be explored with the utmost urgency by opinion makers in Africa.
The values essential to the culture and identityTown of African people should be actively promoted by agencies such as the All-African Conference of Churches seeking to globalise the African ethos. Cape Universities and other researchof institutions of higher learning should establish theological study programs that emphasise traditional healing.
The churches, Bihwilo, should recognise the spiritual endowment of their adherents and accord recognition to faith healing in their liturgies. University 246
This theology of healing is exemplified in the Litany appropriate to healing service included in Appendix II.
Town
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University 247
APPENDIX I INTERVIEWER'S GUIDE
The following open-ended and closed questions, to get information efficiently by the interview method, were used. The procedure took the form of individual, face to face, verbal interchange. The responses were documented in handwritten notes or set down on tape-recorder.
Title
THE SOOTHSAYERS (BAMB UK/) AND THE CHRISTIAN PRAYER PETITIONERS (BALOMBI): A Comparative and Evaluative Study of Healing in Luba Katanga area
SECTION 1 Town Identification
1. Name of the interviewee ...... Cape . 2. Sex ...... of . 3. Age ......
4. Marital status ......
5. Educational Attainment of the interviewee ......
6. OccupationUniversity ......
7. Name of the Church or Association ...... 248
8. Position held in Church or Association ......
SECTION 2 Introductory Phase: Background - Luba Geography and History a) Information.
9. Where do the Luba people live?
10. How long have the Luba people been living in their present location?
11. What is their place of origin?
12. What is their group identity?
13. What is meant by the term Muluba?
b) Introduction Phase: Purpose of interview: LubaTown socio-religious life
14. How do Luba people experience life within and outside of their group? Cape 15. What is the hierarchy of Luba social life? of 16. How do Luba people consider marriage?
17. Tell me about the marriage contract in Luba traditional society
18. Describe the passage from youth to parenthood for males and females. 19. WhatUniversity is the belief system of Luba people called? 20. Describe the relationship between the dead and the living? 249
21. Explain Luba society and the ancestor, Nkambo.
22. What is the role of the Bankambo in Lubaland?
23. Who, in Lubaland invokes the Bankambo?
24. Tell me about the relationship of Christianity and respect for the
Bankambo.
25. Did Luba people recognise God before the coming of Christianity?
26. How did Christianity conflict with the traditional religion?
27. Describe the ways in which Christianity was in conflict with the native
traditional religious practices.
28. When Christianity was introduced, did Luba converts forsake their
traditional religious beliefs? 29. How would you describe the early Western Townmissionaries' impression on Luba traditional religious beliefs and practices?
30. Explain the Luba system of worshipping God. Cape 31. What was God named by Luba people? of 32. How would you describe the relationship between human beings and
God?
33. Explain the Luba concept oflife. 34. HowUniversity do Luba perceive the cycle of life and death? 250
The working phase of the interview SECTION 3 BAMBUKI AND BALOMBI a) Ba/ombi
35. What are the origins of Balombi in Lubaland?
36. What do the words Mulombi (singular) and Balombi (plural) mean?
37. What role does Mulombi play in the village and in the Church?
38. Describe his main activity.
39.What does Mulombi expect when people who are suffering come for
healing?
40. Describe the healing performed by Mulombi? 41. What are the positive and the negative effectsTown of Mulombi in the village? 42. How many kinds of Balombi do you know?
Cape b) Bambuki of
43. Who is Mbu1d (singular and Bambu1d plural)? How does someone
become Mbuki?
44. What is the role of Mbuki in Lubaland?
45. Do Universityyou know of more than one Bambuki and how can they be
distinguished? 251
46. Are you aware of any procedures that are followed, in order to reach the
status Mbuki?
47. What is the role of Mbuki in the village?
48. If Mbuki needs collaboration who is his fIrst collaborator?
49. Describe the technique used by Mbuki to perform healing.
50. What is the impact of Bambuki on life of Luba people?
C. Bambuk; and Balomb;
51. What, in your opinion is the difference, between Bambuki and Balombi?
52. How do they understand each other?
53. Is there any possibility of Balombi having a dialogue with the Bambuki? 54. What is the attitude of the Church towards theTown Bambuki? 55. What positive attributes have supported the Bambuki's survival?
56. Why, in many instances, do the Balombi act like the Bambuki and the Cape Bambuki like the Balombi? of
The terminal phase
SECTION 4
57 J haveUniversity learnt what your understanding of the Bambuki and the Balomb; is. Thank you very much for giving the time to consider the questions. 252
APPENDIX II
LITANY APPROPRIATE TO HEALING SERVICES76
PROLOGUE
Scripture affirms the ministry of spiritual healing, currently enjoying renewed emphasis throughout the Christian church. Through such healing, Leza, God exercises reconciliation between Leza and humanity, among individuals and communities, within each person, and between humanity and the rest of creation. The New Testament records that Jesus himself healed the estranged and the sick and sent out his disciples on ministries of healing. James (5: 14-16a) calls us also to pray and anoint the sick that they may be healed.
All healing is of Leza. The healing ministry of the Church can be detracted from the gift God bestows through bothTown traditional and modem medicine and by means of psychotherapy. It is no substitute for either medicine or health care. In fact, it supplements our total resources for wholeness. Healing is not magic but, underlying Capeit, is the mystery of God's love. Those who minister spiritual healing areof channels of Leza's love. Although we cannot predict what will happen in any given situation, many marvellous acts of healing have taken place.
Leza does not promise that we shall be spared suffering but does promise that He will be with us in our suffering. Trusting that promise, we are enabled to recognizeUniversity God's sustaining presence in pain, in sickness, in injury, and in
76 From the United Methodist Book of Worship (1992) with modification. 253
estrangement. Likewise, God does not promise that we will be cured of all illnesses; and we must accept the inevitability of death. A service of healing is not necessarily a service of curing. It provides. an atmosphere, however, in which healing can happen. The great healing of all is the reunion of the human self with God. When this happens, physical healing may occur, mental and emotional balance may be restored, spiritual health is often enhanced, and relationships are healed. For Christians the fundamental purpose of spiritual healing is renewal of the essential relationship with the living Christ.
A pattern for a service of healing grows out of Christian tradition and the urgency of the moment. Prayers for healing, accompanied by anointing and the laying on of hands, may be incorporated into the service of congregational worship as a dedicating Response to the Word. The healing service at a stated time each week or each month, provides opportunity for individual devotional preparation. In a high spiritual moment, a believer in real earnest may find prayer, the sacrament of Holy Communion, the rareTown moment of laying of hands, the anointing with oil and holy baptism, a spiritually healing experience.
It is important that the ministeringCape services of healing give due consideration to the differences thatof exist among those who come for healing ministries. The differences must be respected in the minutest detaiL Sound preaching, inspired teaching, and dedicated pastoral care are essential for a healing ministry to accomplish its purpose.
University 254
A SERVICE OF HEALING
This congregational service centeres on healing and is for use at some stage ofthe main weekly congregational worship service. It may take place in a church, home, or at meeting ofprayer group. It may be adapted to meet specific needs.
Gathering: Hymns, music with clapping of hands, Mikunda, shouting, Byondo, drums and all sounding instruments to praise God, Leza. Congregational intensive Milombelo, prayer.
Greeting and exhortation: Leader: - Leza wa undaihle bakala, Bankambo, ne dyalelo wende lela kundaha mu dijina dya Nkambo Yesu, iya abe ulangulanga baJu, abeTown wendejanga bisheta, abe ufungulanga meso aba mpofu, abe undaha ba misongo, abe undishanga ne uvwikanga balanda, abe Leza udipilanga ne wimukilanga ba mabo, iya undahe! (God who healed our forefathers, our Capeancestors and who is still doing it in the name of our Lord Jesus, come 0of Lord Jesus, you who raises the dead, who makes the lame walk, who opens eyes of the blind, who heals all diseases, who feeds and dresses the poor; who pays their debts and stands for them; Come and Heal.) Congregation: - Mikunda, UniversityAleluya, momonka, atotwe, alotwe Nkambo wa Bankambo Yesu! Iya ulonge bya nlumbo. (Shouting, Alleluia, amen, Praise Him, Praise Him! Come and do wonders Lord Jesus.) 255
Leader: One of the scripture readings about healing. - Are any among you sick? They should call for the elders of the Church and have them pray over them, anointing them with oil in the name of the Lord. The prayer of faith will save the sick, and the Lord will raise them up; and anyone who has committed sins will be forgiven. Therefore confess your sins to one another, and pray for one another, so that you may be healed (James 5: 14-16a). Leza wa bingelengele, iya ulonge bya ntumbo (God of miracles, come and work wonders) Congregation Mikunda. [ya ulonge bya ntumbo, atotwe Leza wa bundahi, Leza wa bingelengele (Shouting and applause to God. Come and do wonders, God of healing) Leader: Leza shandya Mfumwetu Yesu Kidishitu, Leza wa bakala, Bunda ngulu ne minonga, Leza wa Bankambo, iya undahe, iya dyalelo!Town (God the Father of our Lord Jesus, God of our forefathers, God of our ancestors, Maker of mountains and streams; come and heal, come today!) Congregation: Cape [ya Tata, iya Mfumwetu Yesu, ofiya Nsenga mukwashi undahe, iya ulonge bingelengele. Atotwe, atotwe (Mikunda) (Come Father, come Lord Jesus, come and bring comfort, come God of wonders. Praise Him, praise Him. Shouting). Confession and Pardon Ine congregation in prayer, confess their sins. The confession is followed by silence and these or other words of pardon. Leader to Universitypeople: Hear the good news: 256
Christ died for us while we were yet sinners; that proves God's love toward us. Mu dijina dya Nkabo Yesu, mubalekelwa mambo enu! In the name of Jesus Christ, you are forgiven! People to leader: Mu dijina dya Yesu Kidishitu, ubalekelwa mambo obe! In the name of Jesus Christ you are forgiven! Leader: Yesu wa nywele bwa butonge, wa meso bwa lubimbi, iya undahe, iya undahe, abe undahanga ne diwi dyonka, iya undahe! (Jesus, whose eyes are like flre and whose hairs are like cotton; come and heal. You, who can heal with your voice, come and heal). Glory be to God! Amen. Congregation: lya Tata, iya Nkambo, iya Nsenga undahe, atotwe! Longa bya ntumbo! (Come Father, come Lord, come to comfort and to heal your people! Praise Him! God, do wonders 0 Town And, the congregation in intensive prayer, call upon the healing power of Nkambo, Jesus through the Holy Spirit. The congregation prays and sings selectedCape hymns to defeat and cast out all power of darkness of
Thanksgiving over the oil Tulombelei, Let us pray. Leza wa bundahi, ese/a many anoa engi/e mingi/o yobe ya budapi mubukomo bwa MushipidituUniversity Sandu mu dijina dya Mfumwetu Yesu. Amina! (God of healing, bless this oil that it may do your healing through the power of the Holy Spirit in the name of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.) 257
Hymn of healing: Prayers for healing and wholeness with anointing and/or laying on of hands Tata Leza, Mufianga wa lusa ne buntu iya undape misongo idi mubobe bana kuhitshila mu ana manyi, mubukomo bwa Mushipiditu Sandu mu dijina dya Nkambo Yesu. Amina (Father God, Healer of mercy, Come and heals the diseases among your children through this oil through the power of the Holy Spirit in the name of Jesus our Lord. Amen.)
People may be invited to come forward individually or as a group to the communion rail or other designated prayer area and express any specific concern they may have. They may be ministered by the pastor, by other designated persons, or by prayers teams of two or three persons each. All prayer team members lay on hands and share in silent and spoken prayer. The congregation and choir may pray or sing hymns.Town - If there is anointing of with oil, a leader touches a thumb to the oil and makes the sign of the cross on the person's forehead, in silence or using these or similar words: Cape Name, I anoint you with oil in theof name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit - If there is laying on of hands, a leader, who may be joined by others, lays hands upon each person's head, in prayer.
Prayer afterUniversity anointing and/or laying on of hands Tata Leza Shakapanga, tukufwija mwanda tuyukile mba ubatenga bobe bana ne kwi bondaha mu dijina dya Nkambo Yesu. Amina. (Father God, the Creator 258
thank you for having touched your children and having healed them in the name of our Lord Jesus. Amen.)
Sharing of thanksgivings and prayers Yehova, tubakufwija mwanda wa bukamoni bwa mwanetu ubaundahibwa mu dijina dya Mfumwetu Yesu. Wafwako, Wafwako. Amina. (Jehovah, once again thank you for the testimony (ies) of our brother (s) / sister (s) you have healed in the name of the Lord Jesus. Amen.) Hymn: Dismissal with blessing Tata Shakapanga, tukufwija bikatampe mwanda wa mingilo yobe ya kwana ya budahi mu bukata bwetu. Wadi Ubashilula netu, ne kadi ubafule netu. Enda ne bana bobe bonso ku mobo abo mu dijina dya Nkambo Yesu. Endai mu ndoe ya Mfumwetu. Amina. (Father God The maker of all thing, thank you for your wonderful work of healing among us. You have started with us, and you have finished with us. Go now home with your childrenTown in the name of our Lord Jesus. Amen.)
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BffiLIOGRAPHY
1. Primary source
Oral Informants77
Men
Mr Bishimba Lukasu Reverend, Kabongo Kina City Mr Bwana Kudiye, Dyombo village Mr Ilunga K. David Reverend, Kabongo Lubyai City Mr Ilunga Kasongo Reverend (student), Mulungwishi City Mr Ilunga Masaluka, Lubumbashi City Mr Kabamba Munyangwe Reverend, Mulungwishi City Mr Kalenga Ngombe Reverend (student), Mulungwishi City Mr Kasongo Bwanga, Kabongo Lubyai City Mr Kasongo Kunyanga Reverend (student), Mulungwishi City Mr Kasongo Munza Reverend, Mulungwishi City Mr Kasongo wa Kumutombo, Cape Town Mr Kayij a Mutomb, Reverend, Mulungwishi City Mr Kibombo, Lubumbashi City Dr Kiluba Nkulu, Kentucky, USA Dr Kwenda Chirevo, Professor UCT, Cape Town Town Mr Luhweka Alexandre, Lubumbashi City Mr Mbuyu Kyungu, student, Mulungwishi City Mr Mulongo Ndala Reverend (student), Mulungwishi City Mr Mpanga Tetusa, Kime village Cape Mr Mukamba Jonas Reverend, Mulungwishi City Mr Mushitu Richard Reverend (student),of Mulungwishi City Mr Mutombo Kumwimba, Lubumbashi City Mr Mwepu, Cape Town Mr Ngoy Kimba wa Kadilo Bishop, Kamina City Mr Nsenga Shimbi, Lubumbashi City Dr Nyengele Fulgence, Delaware, Ohio, USA Mr Roosevelt Kasongo-Nyembo, Lusaka, Zambia Mr ShimbaUniversity Kasongo, Lubumbashi City
77 The information collected from the people listed here was given at various stages of research and has been used through different chapters. 260
Women
Mrs Ilunga Kazadi, Kabongo Lubyai city Mrs Ilunga Sela, Kabongo Lubyai City Mrs Mande Ilunga, Cape Town Mrs Muya, Lubumbashi City
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