Territorial Sea and EEZ
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Dual and Multiple Naming in the South China Sea: the Cases of the Pratas Islands and Scarborough Shoal
Dual and multiple naming in the South China Sea: The cases of the Pratas Islands and Scarborough Shoal Peter KANG* This paper mainly discusses the naming of islets, rocks and shoals in the South China Sea by looking at the cases of the Pratas Islands and Scarborough Shoal. The naming of places in the South China Sea has been a symbolic extension of territorial claims of the neighboring countries that have displayed great interest in the said areas. The Pratas Islands are currently under the jurisdiction of Taiwan but are claimed both by China and Taiwan. China and Taiwan name the Pratas Island as Dongsha Qundao and Tungsha Islands respectively. Both nomenclatures share the same literal meaning, “eastern sandy archipelago”, but in different Romanized spellings. Scarborough Shoal is presently under Chinese military occupation, but is claimed by China, the Philippines, and Taiwan, which named it Huangyan Dao (meaning “Yellow Rock Island”), Kulumpol ng Panatag (meaning “Panatag Shoal”), and Minzhu Reef (meaning “Democracy Reef”) respectively. The paper explores both the history of naming and the usage of nomenclatures of the aforementioned cases in the international arena. INTRODUCTION Both the Pratas Islands and Scarborough Shoal are two named geographical features in the South China Sea. The Pratas Islands are located about 310 km southeast of Hong Kong with coordinates of 20°43’ N 116°42’ E. The Islands consist of three atolls, namely, Pratas Atoll, North Vereker Atoll and South Vereker Atoll. Pratas Atoll is circular in shape, and Pratas Island is in the west of the atoll. The North Vereker Bank and South Vereker Bank are adjacent to each other and are about 74 km to the northwest of the Pratas Atoll. -
China's Unpredictable Maritime Security Actors
China’s unpredictable maritime Linda Jakobson security actors December 2014 CHINA’S UNPREDICTABLE MARITIME SECURITY ACTORS The Lowy Institute for International Policy is an independent policy think tank. Its mandate ranges across all the dimensions of international policy debate in Australia – economic, political and strategic – and it is not limited to a particular geographic region. Its two core tasks are to: • produce distinctive research and fresh policy options for Australia’s international policy and to contribute to the wider international debate. • promote discussion of Australia’s role in the world by providing an accessible and high-quality forum for discussion of Australian international relations through debates, seminars, lectures, dialogues and conferences. The views expressed in this paper are entirely the author’s own and not those of the Lowy Institute for International Policy. CHINA’S UNPREDICTABLE MARITIME SECURITY ACTORS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY In recent years China’s good-neighbourly pledges of increased trade and investment have stood in stark contrast with its provocative actions in its near seas. In part this reflects contradictions in China’s core interests. On the one hand, economic growth — vital for China’s political stability — requires cooperative relations with neighbours. On the other hand, defending sovereignty causes friction with neighbours who are rival claimants to contested islands and seas on China’s periphery. China’s claims in the East and South China Seas have not changed in decades. What has changed is China’s capacity and desire to defend its maritime claims. Moreover, since becoming leader, Xi Jinping has placed greater emphasis on defending China’s sovereignty. -
The Views Expressed in This Presentation Are the Personal Opinion of the Author and Do Not Necessarily Represent the Position of the Philippine Government
Justice Antonio T. Carpio The views expressed in this presentation are the personal opinion of the author and do not necessarily represent the position of the Philippine Government. China’s 9-dashed Lines China’s new “national boundaries” under the 9-dashed lines Macclesfield Bank Nine-dashed Lines Map Submitted by China to UN in 2009 China did not explain the legal basis for the dashes. The dashes had no fixed coordinates. In 2013, China released a new map of China, adding a 10th dash on the eastern side of Taiwan. In its 2013 map, China claims the 10 dashed lines are its “national boundaries” without explaining the legal basis or giving the fixed coordinates for the dashes. The 2013 China map was published by SinoMaps Press, under the jurisdiction of China’s State Bureau of Surveying and Mapping. This means the 2013 Map is an official Chinese government map. In its Note Verbale of June 7, 2013 to China, the Philippines stated it "strongly objects to the indication that the nine- dash lines are China's national boundaries in the West Philippine Sea/South China Sea.” China’s New Map with 10 dashes (2013) Printed in a 1947 map, China’s 9-dashed lines have no fixed coordinates. Originally 11 dashes, two dashes in the Gulf of Tonkin were removed in 1950 without explanation. In 2013, one dash was added east of Taiwan. The new 2013 China map, with 10 dashed lines, is printed by SinoMaps Press. What is the Effect of China’s “National Boundaries” under the 9-dashed Lines? The Philippines loses about 80% of its EEZ facing the West Philippine Sea, including the entire Reed Bank and part of the Malampaya gas field. -
China Versus Vietnam: an Analysis of the Competing Claims in the South China Sea Raul (Pete) Pedrozo
A CNA Occasional Paper China versus Vietnam: An Analysis of the Competing Claims in the South China Sea Raul (Pete) Pedrozo With a Foreword by CNA Senior Fellow Michael McDevitt August 2014 Unlimited distribution Distribution unlimited. for public release This document contains the best opinion of the authors at the time of issue. It does not necessarily represent the opinion of the sponsor. Cover Photo: South China Sea Claims and Agreements. Source: U.S. Department of Defense’s Annual Report on China to Congress, 2012. Distribution Distribution unlimited. Specific authority contracting number: E13PC00009. Copyright © 2014 CNA This work was created in the performance of Contract Number 2013-9114. Any copyright in this work is subject to the Government's Unlimited Rights license as defined in FAR 52-227.14. The reproduction of this work for commercial purposes is strictly prohibited. Nongovernmental users may copy and distribute this document in any medium, either commercially or noncommercially, provided that this copyright notice is reproduced in all copies. Nongovernmental users may not use technical measures to obstruct or control the reading or further copying of the copies they make or distribute. Nongovernmental users may not accept compensation of any manner in exchange for copies. All other rights reserved. This project was made possible by a generous grant from the Smith Richardson Foundation Approved by: August 2014 Ken E. Gause, Director International Affairs Group Center for Strategic Studies Copyright © 2014 CNA FOREWORD This legal analysis was commissioned as part of a project entitled, “U.S. policy options in the South China Sea.” The objective in asking experienced U.S international lawyers, such as Captain Raul “Pete” Pedrozo, USN, Judge Advocate Corps (ret.),1 the author of this analysis, is to provide U.S. -
Malaysia's Claims and Positions Over Maritime Features in the South
Malaysia’s Claims and Positions over Maritime Features In the South China Sea Jalila Abdul Jalil, Senior Researcher, MIMA 10th South China Sea Conference Cooperation for Regional Security and Development Da Nang City, Viet Nam Thursday, 8 November1 2018 Disclaimer The information contained in this presentation reflects the personal views of the presenter 2 Outline of Presentation • Introduction • Malaysia’s claims in the South China Sea • Malaysia’s position in the South China Sea • Extended continental shelf claim in the Defined Area in the South China Sea • Lessons from Philippines Arbitration relating to Malaysia’s Claim in the South China: Possible Consideration 3 Malaysia’s Claims in the South China Sea 4 Map showing the aerial view of the South China Sea Source: Malaysia Airport Berhad 6 Source: Forbes and Basiron, (2008) Malaysia’s Maritime Realm Atlas • This map shows in general the overlapping claims in the South China Sea Map of the Competing Claims of the South China Sea by Arsana and Schofield, 2012 from Agora: South China Sea (2013), Vol. 107:95, American Journal of International Law (AJIL) . 8 Malaysia’s claims in the South China Sea • Malaysia’s claim are encapsulated in Malaysia’s Peta Baru 1979. • The Map was drawn based on the 1958 Geneva Convention, bilateral treaties and customary international law • Malaysia’s claim is based on the fact that the features are part of its continental shelf and thus entitles Malaysia to an extended continental shelf based on the natural prolongation of the continental shelf. • Malaysia can claims the respective maritime zones namely territorial sea, EEZ and continental shelf. -
What Does Vietnam Want from the US in the South China Sea?
DIPLOMAT 4 January 2021 What Does Vietnam Want from the US in the South China Sea? Despite seeking a balance between the superpowers, Vietnam desires more robust security ties with Washington. By Derek Grossman As the incoming Biden administration formulates its South China Sea strategy, one regional partner that looms large is Vietnam. Over the last few years, tensions between China and Vietnam in the South China Sea have remained high, impacting fishing and natural resource exploration in disputed waters. While the Biden administration is likely to continue the positive momentum in bilateral ties, it is less clear what specifically Hanoi seeks from Washington to help it effectively deter Beijing. This is wholly understandable. As I have recently examined at length in a RAND research report, Vietnam is doubling-down on its delicate balancing act as U.S.-China competition throughout the Indo-Pacific dramatically heats up. Although Hanoi feels compelled to counter China’s bad behavior in the South China Sea, it also understands that its future is inextricably tied to peaceful relations with Beijing. Thus, Hanoi typically avoids publicly airing policy preferences, and even privately, the Vietnamese are notoriously subtle and difficult to read. That leaves Washington in the dark most of the time. But through my research and discussions with Vietnamese interlocutors over the years, a few policy preferences have become apparent. First, Vietnam was quite pleased with Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s statement on July 13 in which he announced the U.S. would not respect Beijing’s maritime claims derived from disputed features in the Spratly Islands, Scarborough Shoal, Luconia Shoals, and Natuna Besar. -
Maritime Issues in the East and South China Seas
Maritime Issues in the East and South China Seas Summary of a Conference Held January 12–13, 2016 Volume Editors: Rafiq Dossani, Scott Warren Harold Contributing Authors: Michael S. Chase, Chun-i Chen, Tetsuo Kotani, Cheng-yi Lin, Chunhao Lou, Mira Rapp-Hooper, Yann-huei Song, Joanna Yu Taylor C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/CF358 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2016 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover image: Detailed look at Eastern China and Taiwan (Anton Balazh/Fotolia). Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface Disputes over land features and maritime zones in the East China Sea and South China Sea have been growing in prominence over the past decade and could lead to serious conflict among the claimant countries. -
US-China Strategic Competition in South and East China Seas
U.S.-China Strategic Competition in South and East China Seas: Background and Issues for Congress Updated September 8, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R42784 U.S.-China Strategic Competition in South and East China Seas Summary Over the past several years, the South China Sea (SCS) has emerged as an arena of U.S.-China strategic competition. China’s actions in the SCS—including extensive island-building and base- construction activities at sites that it occupies in the Spratly Islands, as well as actions by its maritime forces to assert China’s claims against competing claims by regional neighbors such as the Philippines and Vietnam—have heightened concerns among U.S. observers that China is gaining effective control of the SCS, an area of strategic, political, and economic importance to the United States and its allies and partners. Actions by China’s maritime forces at the Japan- administered Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea (ECS) are another concern for U.S. observers. Chinese domination of China’s near-seas region—meaning the SCS and ECS, along with the Yellow Sea—could substantially affect U.S. strategic, political, and economic interests in the Indo-Pacific region and elsewhere. Potential general U.S. goals for U.S.-China strategic competition in the SCS and ECS include but are not necessarily limited to the following: fulfilling U.S. security commitments in the Western Pacific, including treaty commitments to Japan and the Philippines; maintaining and enhancing the U.S.-led security architecture in the Western Pacific, including U.S. -
Letter from Ambassador Kelly Craft to Secretary-General António Guterres
Ambassador Kelly Craft THE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED NATIONS 799 UNITED NATIONS PLAZA NEW YORK, NY 10017 June 1, 2020 His Excellency António Guterres Secretary-General United Nations New York, New York, 10017 Excellency: I have the honor to convey a letter to you regarding Note Verbale No. CML/14/2019 sent by the Permanent Mission of the People’s Republic of China to you on December 12, 2019 in response to the submission by Malaysia to the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS) dated December 12, 2019. The United States rejects these maritime claims as inconsistent with international law as reflected in the 1982 Law of the Sea Convention. I request that you circulate the enclosed letter to all UN Member States as a document of the General Assembly under Agenda Item 74(a) and of the Security Council, and that you post it on the web page of the Office of Legal Affairs, Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea. Please accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my highest consideration. Sincerely, Kelly Craft Ambassador United States Representative to the United Nations Enclosure: As stated. His Excellency António Guterres Secretary-General of the United Nations, New York June 1, 2020 His Excellency António Guterres Secretary-General United Nations New York, New York, 10017 Excellency: I have honor to refer to the Note Verbale No. CML/14/2019 sent by the Permanent Mission of the People’s Republic of China to you on December 12, 2019 in response to the submission by Malaysia to the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS) dated December 12, 2019. -
Malaysia and Brunei: an Analysis of Their Claims in the South China Sea J
A CNA Occasional Paper Malaysia and Brunei: An Analysis of their Claims in the South China Sea J. Ashley Roach With a Foreword by CNA Senior Fellow Michael McDevitt August 2014 Unlimited distribution Cleared for public release This document contains the best opinion of the authors at the time of issue. It does not necessarily represent the opinion of the sponsor. Cover Photo: South China Sea Claims and Agreements. Source: U.S. Department of Defense’s Annual Report on China to Congress, 2012. Distribution Distribution unlimited. Specific authority contracting number: E13PC00009. Copyright © 2014 CNA This work was created in the performance of Contract Number 2013-9114. Any copyright in this work is subject to the Government's Unlimited Rights license as defined in FAR 52-227.14. The reproduction of this work for commercial purposes is strictly prohibited. Nongovernmental users may copy and distribute this document in any medium, either commercially or noncommercially, provided that this copyright notice is reproduced in all copies. Nongovernmental users may not use technical measures to obstruct or control the reading or further copying of the copies they make or distribute. Nongovernmental users may not accept compensation of any manner in exchange for copies. All other rights reserved. This project was made possible by a generous grant from the Smith Richardson Foundation Approved by: August 2014 Ken E. Gause, Director International Affairs Group Center for Strategic Studies Copyright © 2014 CNA Foreword This is the second of three legal analyses commissioned as part of a project entitled, “U.S. Policy Options in the South China Sea.” The objective in asking experienced U.S international lawyers, such as Captain J. -
Murillo-Velarde MAP Turned Over to the DND
2 I VOLUME 1 ISSUE 4 2017 DEFENSE CHRONICLE ON THE EXTENSION OF MARTIAL LAW IN MINDANAO troops of the tactical Command Post (TCP) Joint Special Operations task ForcePresident (JSOTF) Rodrigo at Barangay Duterte Kilalaand Defense in Marawi Secretary City on Delfin August Lorenzana 4, 2017. visit the ith the overwhelming Hukbong Sandatahan ang pagtatanggol paraan ay ibinibigay ng pamahalaang Wvote of confidence from sa bayan at mga mamamayan nang ito. But if you persist in your crooked our legislature and the ardent support buong katapatan. Sa mga patuloy na ways, the armed forces and the police will of the Filipino people, your Defense nalilihis ang landas, magbalik loob come after you without let up. PHOTOS Department will strive even more na kayo. Handa kayong tanggapin ng BY PCOO to deal with the rebellion decisively inyong gobyerno anumang oras na and expeditiously. Makaaasa ang gustuhin ninyo nang walang hinihinging -Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana sambayanan na hindi namin sasayangin kondisyon. Ang oportunidad para tayong on the Congressional approval to ang tiwalang ito. Gagampanan ng ating lahat ay umunlad sa marangal na extend Martial Law in Mindanao AFP STATEMENT ON MARTIAL LAW EXTENSION vast representation of Aour people has made a resounding statement. The 17th Congress, voting jointly--261 as against 18--favored the extension of the Martial Law and the suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus until 31 December 2017. The AFP take this both as an from the Marawi teroorists during his visit to the troops in Camp Ranao, Marawi City on July 20, 2017. acclamation and as a challenge. -
Ehparton Historical Geopolitics and the Cartography of the Monarquía
Historical geopolitics and the cartography of the Monarquía Hispánica Emily Hope Parton MA by research University of York History September 2014 Abstract This study examines the conceptualisation and governance of the Monarquía Hispánica during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The study centres on three core territories: Spain, New Spain and the Philippines; reintegrating Spain’s prime Asian domain within study of the Monarchy, a region often neglected in modern scholarship on the Hispanic World, such as those by Elliott, Kamen and Lynch. The progress of these twin processes, conceptualisation and governance, is considered through the official cartography of this period; that produced by or for the core institutions of the Monarchy: the Casa de la Contratación, the Consejo de Indias and the royal court. This official cartography visualised the geopolitical concerns of the period; urbanisation, territorialisation, the proliferation of Spanish-Catholic culture and global diplomacy. Within this study, a new, historically contextualised, geopolitical framework is offered which challenges the assumed modernity and secularity of geopolitics, further developing the work of Ó Tuathail and Agnew. The official cartography of the Monarquía Hispánica is abundant and diverse. As such, this study structures cartographic analysis using a two-layered categorisation framework. Firstly, the common subjects mapped by early modern cartographers are acknowledged: urban, territorial and global maps. Secondly, the production context of specific maps and collections is considered. This new framework seeks to address the main problems presented by the influential schemas of Robertson and Mundy. Furthermore, the schema encourages comparison between works from a range of production zones; a comparative approach between European, American and Filipino material lacking in much existing literature, including works by Mundy, Quirino and Kagan.