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Hiver Du Mécontentement » De 1978-1979 Université Lumière Lyon 2 École Doctorale 484 – 3LA Faculté des langues Laboratoire Triangle UMR 5206 Département d’études du monde anglophone UNE HISTOIRE CRITIQUE DE L’« HIVER DU MÉCONTENTEMENT » DE 1978-1979 : LE MOUVEMENT SYNDICAL BRITANNIQUE FACE À LA CRISE DU TRAVAILLISME, L’EXTENSION DE LA CONFLICTUALITÉ SOCIALE ET LA MONTÉE DE LA NOUVELLE DROITE THATCHÉRIENNE Volume 2 Par Marc Lenormand Thèse de doctorat d’Études anglophones Dirigée par Keith Dixon, Professeur à l’Université Lumière Lyon 2 Présentée et soutenue publiquement le 29 septembre 2012 Devant un jury composé de : Agnès Alexandre-Collier, Professeur à l’Université de Bourgogne Emmanuelle Avril, Professeur à l’Université Sorbonne Nouvelle Paris 3 Sophie Béroud, Maître de conférences à l’Université Lumière Lyon 2 Keith Dixon, Professeur à l’Université Lumière Lyon 2 3 Une anatomie du mouvement syndical britannique Faisant le point en 1964 sur la situation du mouvement syndical britannique alors que les travaillistes arrivent au pouvoir, Victor Allen présente des syndicats parfaitement intégrés dans les institutions. Non seulement ils bénéficient de « droits » au regard de la loi, mais leurs relations avec les employeurs, les ministères et les médias sont stables et formalisées 1098 . Allen veut pour preuve de ce nouveau statut des syndicats la continuité de la politique gouvernementale à leur égard sous les conservateurs 1099 , les relations cordiales entre permanents syndicaux et directions d’entreprises, enfin la promotion sociale des syndicalistes 1100 . En 1968, le congrès du centenaire du TUC est marqué, en dépit des relations parfois tendues entre les syndicats et le gouvernement travailliste, par la tonalité optimiste des débats et la confiance affirmée dans la solidité du syndicalisme. Dans son allocution inaugurale, le président, Lord Wright, peut présenter le syndicalisme comme un pilier inébranlable de la civilisation britannique, dont les bienfaits ont été étendus à l’ensemble du monde 1101 . Dix ans plus tard, dans un contexte économique pourtant différent, David Basnett qui préside le congrès du TUC de 1978 ne voit pas faiblir le pouvoir du mouvement ouvrier 1102 . Ce n’est pas là une impression partagée par les seuls syndicalistes. Écrivant au 1098 « Trade unions are a generally accepted phenomenon in Britain. They have rights in law which can be regarded in some respects as privilege; they have established relations with the great majority of employers which are written into constitutional procedures for settling industrial disputes; they are accorded public and governmental recognition as political pressure groups so that they have access to government ministers and are asked for their views on a range of economic and industrial matters; their opinions are heard or read on the media of mass communications and they are formally involved in the political decision-making process through their membership of government advisory committees Hardly is a Royal Commission or government advisory body established nowadays which does not include trade union representation. » Victor Allen, « Trade Unions in Contemporary Capitalism », Socialist Register , 1964, p. 1-18. 1099 « The public and political stature of unions no longer depends upon the politics of the government. There was no substantial change in the status of unions when the Conservative Party displaced the Labour Party from office in 1951. » Victor Allen, « Trade Unions in Contemporary Capitalism », Socialist Register , 1964, p. 1 1100 « The integration of trade unions into the structure of society has been given meaning in occupation and social terms. A trade union official can now be drawn into all levels of public and private industrial management because of his knowledge and understanding of unions, and he is not necessarily excluded if he sympathizes with them. A close association with unions is not a disqualification for entry into hitherto exclusive social circles. A formal entry is made possible by the offers of government honours to union leaders. A trade union peer or knight or recipient of a lesser award is not a figure of curiosity. Indeed a government honours list which does not include the names of some union officiels is itself a curiosity. » Ibid. 1101 « Britain, for centuries a centre of invention and exports, has brought forth and sent to the world no creation more indestructible and indispensable than trade unionism. Our land was the seed-bed of trade unionism – and the planting of the idea elsewhere was not under military, commercial or political duress. It spread by voluntary emigration and free acceptance. In the varying soils in which it has taken root it has grown to different shapes. But, wherever it has flourished freely, its flowers are human dignity and self-respect. And its fruits are higher standards for working people not only in material goods but in leisure and education, health and social security. » Trades Union Congress, op. cit., 1968, p. 94. 1102 « The power of organised labour is here to stay. » Trades Union Congress, op. cit., 1978, p. 441. 509 tournant des années 1980, le journaliste Robert Taylor voit un TUC exerçant une influence croissante dans la société britannique, et ancré solidement au cœur des institutions 1103 . Après deux ou trois décennies où la transformation de la structure économique de la Grande-Bretagne et l’inflexion des politiques et pratiques gouvernementales ont profondément affaibli le mouvement syndical, tant sur le plan numérique qu’économique et politique, les années 1960 et 1970 tendent à être considérées comme l’« apogée » du mouvement syndical britannique. Le volume collectif coordonné par John McIlroy, Nina Fishman et John Campbell s’intitule ainsi The High Tide of British Unionism , suggérant que le mouvement syndical britannique n’a fait que refluer depuis ce moment où il a atteint le sommet de sa puissance organisationnelle et politique. La rapidité du déclin du mouvement syndical dans les années 1980 en Grande-Bretagne mais aussi dans le reste de l’Europe et du monde occidental a pareillement conduit Michel Pigenet, Patrick Pasture et Jean-Louis Robert, dans l’introduction à un volume examinant les syndicalismes européens entre 1960 et 1985, à parler d’un « apogée paradoxal ». McIlroy et Campbell prennent soin cependant d’indiquer que la marginalisation politique et économique que les syndicats britanniques ont connue à partir de 1979 ne doit pas nous amener à lire rétrospectivement les années 1960 et 1970 exclusivement à la lumière de ces évènements ultérieurs, et d’y voir nécessairement l’annonce ou l’amorce du déclin. Entre l’insistance des contemporains sur la force inébranlable du syndicalisme et les réflexions a posteriori sur les faiblesses intrinsèques du mouvement, McIlroy et Campbell suggèrent plutôt d’interroger les contours du mouvement syndical, d’examiner la façon dont sa puissance inédite s’exerce dans la société britannique, d’analyser sa dynamique d’expansion sans pour autant ignorer les contradictions de son développement 1104 . C’est d’ailleurs aussi à partir de ces contradictions que l’on peut comprendre la notion d’« apogée paradoxal ». 1103 « The Trades Union Congress (TUC) is now a mighty influence in the land. No government of whatever persuasion can afford to ignore its demands or spurn its advice. TUC bosses are a familiar sight going in and out of Downing Street and Whitehall departments and cabinet ministers are now visitors to Congress House, TUC headquarters in London’s Great Russell Street, not far from the British Museum. No state body or Royal Commission is complete nowadays without some TUC worthy sitting on it. Its top leaders sit round the table with ministers and employers at monthly meetings of the National Economic Development Council […]. On an ever-widening range of topics – from unemployment to public expenditure cuts, from football train hooliganism to race relations, from child benefits to the issue of early retirement – the TUC has a collective voice, which cannot go entirely unheeded in Whitehall ministries. » Robert Taylor, op. cit., 1978, 1980, p. 71. 1104 « There was unity and class consciousness as well as fragmentation, solidarity as well as sectionalism. In 1979 British trade unionism was, in one sense, moving in the direction of a stronger, more inclusive collectivism, better able to provide, albeit still inadequate, protection to workers against the vicissitudes of an inequitable, exploitative class system. If restricted, variable and contingent, its reach, its legitimacy, its social presence, measured by membership, density, legislation and access to government, its potential to mobilize its members and its ability to bargain successfully with the state, were greater than at any other time in history. What was in 510 Les mouvements syndicaux européens bénéficient dans les années 1960 et 1970 d’une force numérique inédite dans l’histoire du continent. Pigenet et ses collègues mettent en effet en évidence la façon dont la force du syndicalisme se manifeste sous la forme d’une présence « aux multiples échelons et institutions du social ». Si le mouvement syndical britannique contribue relativement peu à l’administration des institutions de l’État social par rapport aux autres mouvements syndicaux européens, il est ainsi présent dans de multiples instances tripartites de gestion de l’économie. Cette participation institutionnelle rentre en tension avec une deuxième tendance lourde de la période, à savoir « la poussée de contestation de l'autorité patronale », cette dynamique
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