DOCSLIB.ORG

Redalyc.Por Qué La Sociedad Civil No Es Lo Suficientemente Buena

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Redalyc.Por Qué La Sociedad Civil No Es Lo Suficientemente Buena Revista del CLAD Reforma y Democracia ISSN: 1315-2378 [email protected] Centro Latinoamericano de Administración para el Desarrollo Venezuela Etzioni, Amitai Por qué la sociedad civil no es lo suficientemente buena Revista del CLAD Reforma y Democracia, núm. 33, octubre, 2005, pp. 1-15 Centro Latinoamericano de Administración para el Desarrollo Caracas, Venezuela Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=357533665001 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative X Congreso Internacional del CLAD sobre la Reforma del Estado y de la Administración Pública, Santiago, Chile, 18 - 21 Oct. 2005 Why the civil society is not good enough 1 Amitai Etzioni A very tempered debate between William A. Galston and Robert P. George brought into relief the importance of a concept neither employed, that of the good society.2 Galston argued, drawing on Aristotle, that we ought to differentiate between the good citizen and the good person. The pre-liberal state, he added, was concerned with the good person; the liberal state is one that limits itself to the cultivation of the good citizen. George, true to his social conservative position, countered that he does not see a great need or compelling merit in drawing a sharp distinction between the good citizen and the good person. Before I suggest a third position, a few more words of background. Galston is representative of a communitarian variation of classical liberal thinking. Liberals limit themselves to ensuring that individuals develop those personal virtues that they need to be good citizens of the liberal state, for instance the ability to think critically.3 In contrast, social conservatives maintain that it is the role of the state to promote not merely citizenship but also the good person, not only skills needed to participate in the polity, but also social virtues--those that make the society a good one. George Will champions this position, arguing that people are self-indulgent by nature: left to their own devices, they will abuse their liberties, becoming profligate and indolent as a result. People need a “strong national government” that will be a “shaper” of citizens, and help them cope with the weaker angles of their nature.4William Kristol and David Brooks argue that anti-government themes provide too narrow a base for constructing a winning ideological political agenda. Conservatives, they conclude, need to build on the virtue of America, on the ideal of national greatness.5 Religious social conservatives have long been willing to rely on the powers of the state to foster behavior they consider virtuous. The measures they favor include banning abortion most kinds of porn, making divorce more difficult, curbing homosexual activities, and institutionalizing prayers in public schools. Additionally, both religious and secular social conservatives have strongly advocated longer, more arduous prison terms for more individuals, for more kinds of crime, favoring especially life- sentences without the possibility of parole and death sentences. These penalties often are applied to people of whose business and consumption the state disapproves (a large proportion of those in jail are there for non-violent, drug-related crimes) rather than for failing to discharge their citizen duties or actually endangering public safety. These are, on the face of it, not citizen issues but good-person issues. The term “good state” appropriately summarizes this position because far from being viewed as an institution that if extended inevitably would diminish or corrupt people, the state is treated as an institution that can be entrusted with the task of making people good. That is, while it is not at all suggested that the state is good in itself, it is indicated that the state can be good--provided it acts to foster virtue. Before moving on, it should be noted that among social conservatives, as among all such large and encompassing schools of thought and belief, there are important differences of opinion. It is relevant for the discussion at hand to note that there are many social conservatives who are less state- and more society-minded, such as Michael Oakeshott and a group associated with the Heritage Foundation called the National Foundation for Civic Renewal. That there are strong and less-strong social conservatives does not, however, invalidate their defining characteristic. To put it differently, thinkers who would rely mainly on the society and on persuasion to promote virtue by my definition are not social conservatives, but rather have one of the defining attributes of communitarians. 1 X Congreso Internacional del CLAD sobre la Reforma del Estado y de la Administración Pública, Santiago, Chile, 18 - 21 Oct. 2005 Both the liberal and social conservative positions have rich, well-known histories, and profound roots in social philosophy and political theory. While I will not retrace their often-reviewed intellectual foundations here,6 I refer to one item of the sociology of knowledge: Each of these two positions can be viewed as addressing a particular historical constellation. The liberal position speaks to both the authoritarian and dogmatic environments in which it was first formulated by Locke, Smith, and Mill, as well as the totalitarian experiences of the twentieth century. At its core is a profound concern with the overpowering state and established church, especially if these institutions muster not merely superior and encompassing force but also actually succeed in acquiring an ideological mantle of virtue. The liberal position, which arose as a rejection of the good state, tended to reject all social formulations of the good. Contemporary social conservative positions, by contrast, address the loss of virtue that modernization and populism have engendered, and reflect a profound concern with rising moral anarchy. While such concerns have been raised since the beginning of industrialization (if not before), they have particularly re-intensified since the 1970s. It is this condition that religious fundamentalism seeks to correct, whether the fundamentalists in question are Muslims, Orthodox Jews, or some members of the religious right in the United States. The third position, the communitarian one, which focuses on the good society, addresses the same socio-historical conditions that motivate contemporary social conservatives, but provides a fundamentally different response. Much like its liberal cousin, the communitarian position rejects state regulation of moral behavior. Liberals, however, typically take this position because they favor moral pluralism; that is, they hold a broad conception of tolerance that includes the “right to do wrong.” In the words of Michael Sandel, they “take pride in defending what they oppose.”7 Communitarians, by contrast, advocate state restraint because they believe that the society should be the agent responsible for promoting moral behavior. Thus, while the communitarian alternative I outline here may seem similar in certain limited respects to both social conservative and liberal positions, it nonetheless should be clear that its focus on the good society is conceptually distinct from both of these. The core, not the whole A good society formulates and promotes shared moral understanding rather then merely pluralism; hence it is far from value-neutral. This does not mean, however, that a good society sets an all-encompassing or even “thick” moral agenda. I discuss first the special nature of the formulation of the good by a communitarian society and then its limited scope. Much has been written about whether or not there are sociological needs and moral justifications for social formulations of the good. The discussion, it has been stressed, concerns the public realm, namely the formulations that guide the state, which in turn may impose them on those who do not see the goodness of these formulations.8I refer here to shared formulations that arise out of moral dialogues among the members of the society, initiated by secular and religious intellectuals and moral authorities, community leaders, other opinion makers, and nourished by the media.9 Developing and sustaining a good society does require reaching into what is considered the private realm, the realm of the person. (Indeed, it might be said, that this “is” where the society is in the first place). A good society, for instance, fosters trust among its members not solely or even primarily to enhance their trust in the government or to reduce burdens on the general public (for example, the problem of litigiousness), but rather to foster what is considered a better society. (What is “better” can be accounted for in utilitarian terms--for instance, by observing that in a society with a higher level of trust among its members there will be less white-collar crime--as well as in deontological ones, a notion I do not pursue further here.10) Other examples: a good society may extol substantive values such as stewardship toward the environment, charity for those who are vulnerable, marriage over singlehood, having children, and showing special consideration to the young and elderly. These are all 2 X Congreso Internacional del CLAD sobre la Reforma del Estado y de la Administración Pública, Santiago, Chile, 18 - 21 Oct. 2005 specific goods with regard to which the society, through its various social mechanisms, prefers one basic form of conduct over all others. For instance, contemporary American society considers commitment to the well-being of the environment a significant good. While differences regarding what exactly this commitment entails are considered legitimate, this is not the case for normative positions that are neglectful of, not to mention hostile to, the needs of the environment. To suggest that conduct in the private realm needs to be guided by shared values, however, does not mean that all or even most private matters need to be subject to societal scrutiny or control.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Dædalus Coming up in Dædalus: Dædalus on Life Anthony Kenny, Thomas Laqueur, Shai Lavi, Lorraine Daston, Paul Rabinow, Robert P
    Dædalus coming up in Dædalus: Dædalus on life Anthony Kenny, Thomas Laqueur, Shai Lavi, Lorraine Daston, Paul Rabinow, Robert P. George, Robert J. Richards, Nikolas Rose, John Journal of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences Broome, Jeff McMahan, and Adrian Woolfson Fall 2007 on nature Leo Marx, William Cronon, Cass Sunstein, Daniel Kevles, Bill McKibben, Harriet Ritvo, Gordon Orians, Camille Parmesan, Margaret Schabas, and Philip Tetlock & Michael Oppenheimer 2007: on the public interest Fall on the E. J. Dionne Jr. Why the public interest matters now 5 on cosmopolitanism Martha C. Nussbaum, Margaret C. Jacob, A. A. Long, Pheng Cheah, public interest William A. Galston An old debate renewed 10 Darrin McMahon, Helena Rosenblatt, Samuel Scheffler, Arjun Adam Wolfson From James Madison to Abraham Lincoln 20 Appadurai, Rogers Smith, Peter Brooks, and Craig Calhoun Nathan Glazer Reflections on an elusive goal 30 plus poetry by Ted Richer, C. D. Wright &c.; ½ction by Chris Abani, Jagdish Bhagwati Some implications for economic policy 37 Wesley Brown, Alix Ohlin &c.; and notes by Phyllis Coley, Don Gary Hart The commonwealth ideal 45 Harrán, Richard Kraut, Ian Ayres &c. Christine Todd Whitman Governing in the public interest: then & now 51 Robert N. Bellah Ethical politics: reality or illusion? 59 Amy Gutmann The dangers of extremist rhetoric 70 Lance Taylor Economists & the wealth of nations 79 poetry Molly McQuade Spring’s So Sad, We Want to Know Why 88 ½ction Mary Gordon Dilly 89 dialogue Cornel West & D. Graham Burnett On Melville’s The Con½dence-Man 101 notes Omer Bartov on Eastern Galicia’s past & present 115 Harriet Ritvo on the animal turn 118 U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Book Review: Justice and Equality: Here and Now
    University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 1987 Book Review: Justice and Equality: Here and Now. Edited by Frank S. Lucash. David P. Bryden Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Bryden, David P., "Book Review: Justice and Equality: Here and Now. Edited by Frank S. Lucash." (1987). Constitutional Commentary. 234. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/234 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1987] BOOK REVIEW 493 IV In 1974, Charles H. Sheldon summed up a debate within the political science fraternity between "traditionalists" and "behavi­ oralists." The debate appears to have peaked during the 1960s. He wrote: This debate has been leveled at the question of the use of values in research and at the methodologies common to the behavioralists. The dialogue takes a scientific versus non- or antiscientific perspective, with the behavioralist claiming that the traditionalist fails to be scientific enough, and the traditionalist arguing that the behavioralist confuses science with methodology. Robert McCloskey has ob­ served " ... that the fraternity in general is now receptive to the methods and in­ sights ofbehavioralism in so far as it finds them helpful; ... and that the discipline is about ready for a new movement ...." The new movement is upon us. The post-behavioral revolution in political science demands that we be concerned for the contemporary world and its problems even if we must sacrifice some of our scientific rigor.
    [Show full text]
  • Work and Family
    Work and Family VOLUME 21 NUMBER 2 FALL 2011 3 Work and Family: Introducing the Issue 15 Changing Families, Changing Workplaces 37 Policies to Assist Parents with Young Children 69 Families with School-Age Children 91 Children with Health Issues 117 Families and Elder Care in the Twenty-First Century 141 Workplace Flexibility: From Research to Action 163 The Role of the Government in Work-Family Conflict 191 International Perspectives on Work-Family Policies: Lessons from the World’s Most Competitive Economies A COLLABORATION OF THE WOODROW WILSON SCHOOL OF PUBLIC AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AT PRINCETON UNIVERSITY AND THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION The Future of Children seeks to translate high-level research into information that is useful to policy makers, practitioners, and the media. The Future of Children is a collaboration of the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University and the Brookings Institution. Senior Editorial Staff Journal Staff Sara McLanahan Kris McDonald Editor-in-Chief Associate Editor Princeton University Princeton University Director, Center for Research on Child Wellbeing, and William S. Tod Lauren Moore Professor of Sociology and Public Affairs Project Manager Princeton University Ron Haskins Senior Editor Brenda Szittya Brookings Institution Managing Editor Senior Fellow and Co-Director, Center on Princeton University Children and Families Martha Gottron Christina Paxson Managing Editor Senior Editor Princeton University Princeton University Lisa Markman-Pithers Dean, Woodrow Wilson
    [Show full text]
  • Liberalism, Community, and the Context of Choice
    Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 2-8-1995 Liberalism, Community, and the Context of Choice Marta R. Colburn Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Political Science Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Colburn, Marta R., "Liberalism, Community, and the Context of Choice" (1995). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 4888. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.6764 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. THESIS APPROVAL The abstract and thesis of Marta R. Colburn for the Master of Science in Political Science were presented February 8th, 1995, and accepted by the thesis committee and the department. COMMITTEE APPROVALS : Craig cc;irr, Chair John Damis Sorca O'Connor Representative of the Office of Graduate Studies DEPARTMENT APPROVAL: Department of Political Science ************************************************************ ACCEPTED FOR PORTLAND STATE UNIVERSITY BY THE LIBRARY by on& /?f'&xa1{ /99~ ABSTRACT An abstract of the thesis of Marta R. Colburn for the Master of Science in Political Science presented February 8, 1995, and accepted by the thesis committee and the department. Title: Liberalism, Community, and the Context of Choice Issues of community have become an important focus in the field of political theory in North America. Critics of liberalism, the dominant American theoretical tradition, have charged that liberal theorists have misconceived the nature of community at the ontological and societal level.
    [Show full text]
  • Hasidic Public Schools in Kiryas Joel
    The Draw and Drawbacks of Religious Enclaves in a Constitutional Democracy: Hasidic Public Schools in Kiryas Joel JUDITH LYNN FAILER' INTRODUCTION Recent work in political and constitutional studies has celebrated the salutary effects of robust civil societies for democracies.' Robert Putnam, for example, has described how Italian communities with stronger civic traditions have political leaders who are less "elitist" and are "more enthusiastic supporters of political equality" while their citizens' political involvement is characterized by "greater social trust and greater confidence in the law-abidingness of their fellow citizens than... citizens in the least civic regions."' William Galston makes a case for how civic organizations in civil society can foster the development of liberal virtues Jean L. Cohen and Andrew Arato have argued that civil society is "the primary locus for the potential expansion of democracy under 'really existing' liberal-democratic regimes." 4 * Assistant Professor of Political Science and American Studies, Indiana University-Bloomington. Prepared for presentation at a symposium on Civil Society, Indiana University School of Law, March 29, 1996. Thank you to Fred Aman and Steve Conrad for their generous invitation. I am grateful to Jane Mansbridge for helping me think through the ways by which Kiryas Joel poses particular challenges in democratic theory as an enclave group. Thank you also to Mark Brandon, Dana Chabot, David Orentlicher, and Jean Robinson for helpful conversations in preparation of this article, and to Jeffrey Isaac and Sanford Levinson for their suggestions for revisions. 1. For the purposes of this paper, Iam following John Gray's definition of "civil society" as "that sphere of autonomous institutions, protected by a rule of law, within which individuals and communities possessing divergent values and beliefs may coexist in peace." JOHN GRAY, POST LIBERALISM: STUDIES IN POLITICAL THOUGHT 157 (1993).
    [Show full text]
  • Taking Aristotle Seriously: Republican-Oriented Legal Theory and The
    Taking Aristotle Seriously: Republican- Oriented Legal Theory and the Moral Foundation of Deliberative Democracy Miriam Galston TABLE OF CONTENTS I. The Political Nature of Human Beings: Sacrifice or Self-Interest? ............. 339 A. Reliance on Aristotle's Statement About the Political Nature of Human Beings .............................. 340 B. The Meaning of "Nature" in Aristotle's Statement that Human Beings Are by Nature Political ................. 345 C. The Theoretical Basis for Aristotle's Statement that Human Beings Are by Nature Political ................. 349 D. Consequences of Aristotle's Interpretation of the Political Nature of Human Beings ...................... 353 II. Realizing Our Political Nature: The Approach of Contemporary Republican-Oriented Legal Theory ........... 354 A. Dialogue and the Scrutiny of Unexamined Opinion ..... 355 B. The Willingness to Talk, Listen, and Abide ............. 361 I. Realizing Our Political Nature: The Aristotelian Approach... 371 A. The Domain of Practical Reason for Aristotle and Contemporary Legal Theorists ......................... 371 B. The Dependency of Practical Reason on Character ...... 372 C. The Development of Good Character ................... 376 IV. The Consequences of Aristotle's Ideas for the Contemporary Deliberative Project ......................... 378 V. Aristotle's Reply to Contemporary Fears ................... 386 A. The Rational Capacity of Citizens ...................... 387 B. The Multiplicity of Human Types ...................... 391 Conclusion .....................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Poverty and Communitarianism: Toward a Community-Based Welfare System
    POVERTY AND COMMUNITARIANISM: TOWARD A COMMUNITY-BASED WELFARE SYSTEM Michele Estrin Gilman* Table of Contents Introduction .............................................. 723 I. The Communitarian Response to Liberalism ................. 729 A. The Liberalism of John Rawls ........................ 729 B. The Communitarian Position .......................... 733 C. The Communitarian Influence in Social Welfare .......... 736 1. Reciprocity .................................... 737 2. Incentives to Change Behavior .................... 738 3. Mediating Institutions ........................... 739 4. Community Values and Communitarian Politics ....... 740 D. An Assessment of TANF ............................. 741 E. The Causes of Poverty ............................... 745 II. The Limits of Communitarianism ......................... 750 A. Michael Sandel .................................... 751 1. Sandel’s Attack on the Procedural Republic .......... 752 a. The Supreme Court and the Procedural Republic .. 753 b. The Welfare State and the Rise of the Procedural Republic .................................. 755 c. Repairing the Procedural Republic .............. 756 2. A Critical Assessment of Sandel ................... 757 a. Sandel’s Communities and Poor Communities .... 757 b. Barriers to Public Participation in Poor Communities ............................... 759 c. The Dangers of Majoritarianism ................ 760 d. The Welfare State and Rights Discourse ......... 763 e. The Procedural Republic and the Poor ........... 764 * Associate Professor
    [Show full text]
  • A Peculiar Faith: Navigating
    ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: A PECULIAR FAITH : NAVIGATING ROUSSEAU’S ROAD TO DEMOCRATIC VIRTUE Joshua Karant, Ph.D., 2004 Dissertation Directed By: Professor Benjamin R. Barber, Department of Government and Politics The relationship b etween religion and politics poses a pressing—and oftentimes combustible —problem for contemporary democracies. The terror of September 11th , global suicide bombings, and attacks on America’s abortion clinics illustrate the imminent dangers of political protest driven by fanatical faith. But authors such as Machiavelli, Tocqueville and, more recently, William Galston and Manning Marable suggest something different. Religion, they argue, cultivates virtue amongst citizens and must be incorporated into the pluralist fold. These dissonant conclusions underscore the difficulty of navigating the tension between spiritual and secular values. Does religion subvert liberal democratic principles of neutrality and equality under law, or does it offer an essential f oundation for secular virtue? If religion provides a moral compass compatible with democracy, do religious systems inevitably undermine open, participatory politics? If so, how might we cultivate political virtue without compromising strong citizenship? For Jean -Jacques Rousseau, the answer lies in Civil Religion, a model wherein spiritual virtue and religious piety uphold political liberty and strong citizenship. Does Rousseau ask too much? Does he attempt to marry irreconcilable partners, or is his vision practicable and persuasive? Adopting the divisive relationship between religion and politics as its central concern, A Peculiar Faith examines Rousseau’s secular theology as a means of confronting this contentious and still -relevant dilemma. A PECULIAR FAITH : NAVIGATING ROUSSEAU’S ROAD TO DEMOCRATIC VIRTUE By Joshua Karant Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for th e degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2004 Advisory Committee: Professor Benjamin R.
    [Show full text]
  • Steven Rathgeb Smith
    CURRICULUM VITAE Steven Rathgeb Smith Office Address: Evans School of Public Affairs University of Washington 203 Parrington Hall Box 33055 Seattle, WA 98195 [email protected] 206-226-7015 (cell) EDUCATION: Ph.D. Political Science, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 1988. M.S.W. Washington University in St. Louis. 1978. B.A. Brown University. 1973. PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE: Visiting Professor, Department of Public Administration and Policy, School of Public Affairs, American University, 2012-present. Senior Associate Dean for Academic Affairs and Nancy Bell Evans Professor of Public Affairs, Evans School of Public Affairs, University of Washington. 2011-present. (on leave). Waldemar A. Nielsen Chair in Philanthropy, Georgetown Public Policy Institute (GPPI) Georgetown University, 2009-2011. Professor of Public Policy, GPPI, Georgetown University, 2010-2011. Visiting Professor, GPPI, Georgetown University. 2009-2010. Nancy Bell Evans Professor of Public Affairs, Evans School of Public Affairs, University of Washington. 2007-2010. Director, Nancy Bell Evans Center for Nonprofits & Philanthropy. Evans School of Public Affairs, University of Washington, 2002-2010. Professor, Evans School of Public Affairs, University of Washington. 2004-2010. Associate Professor, Evans School of Public Affairs, University of Washington. 1997- 2004. Assistant Professor, Evans School of Public Affairs, University of Washington. 1996- 1997. Curriculum Vitae of Steven Rathgeb Smith Assistant Professor, Sanford School of Public Policy. Duke University. 1988-1996. Assistant Professor, Brown School of Social Work, Washington University in St. Louis. 1987-1988. ADMINISTRATIVE LEADERSHIP EXPERIENCE: University of Washington Senior Associate Dean for Academic Affairs, Evans School of Public Affairs, 2011- present. Associate Dean, Evans School of Public Affairs. 2004-2007. Director, Nancy Bell Evans Center on Nonprofits & Philanthropy, Evan School of Public Affairs, 2002-2009.
    [Show full text]
  • Broken Engagement
    AMERICA’S CIVIC HEALTH INDEX Broken Engagement SEPTEMBER 18, 2006 A REPORT BY THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON CITIZENSHIP IN ASSOCIATION WITH CIRCLE AND SAGUARO SEMINAR Connecting | Trusting | Volunteering | Participating National Conference on Citizenship BOARD OF D IRECTORS Carol Anderson Eric Federing John Reeder Norma Barfield Robert Giese Ben Sorensen Barry Byrd Bob Giese Thomas Susman Cesar Conde Jacob Goldstein Craig Turk (Chair) Viet Dinh Martin Krall Michael Weiser Philip Duncan Geoff Loree Jocelyn White William Fenimore, Jr. Dennis McGinn NATIONAL A DVISORY B OARD Diana Aviv Chester Finn Gail Leftwich James Basker William Galston Michelle Nunn John Bridgeland (Chair) Stephen Goldsmith Michael Pack Jean Case Scott Heiferman Robert Putnam Frank Damrell Walter Isaacson Charles Quigley John J. DiIulio Amy Kass Ian Rowe Jane Eisner Daphne Kwok Tobi Walker The National Conference on Citizenship also would like to give special thanks to the following organiza- tions that made this work possible: The Case Foundation , Carnegie Corporation of New York , McCormick Tribune Foundation , Surdna Foundation, The Home Depot, and UPS Foundation . The views reflected in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of these organizations. Table of Contents INTRODUCTION 3 EXECUTIVE S UMMARY 4 AMERICA ’S C IVIC H EALTH I NDEX 7 SIGNS OF H OPE 9 SIGNS OF C IVIC D ECLINE 15 SIGNS OF C IVIC S TABILITY 21 THE S HIFTING C IVIC L ANDSCAPE 23 STATE R ANKINGS — V OTING AND V OLUNTEERING 25 CONCLUSION 27 APPENDIX I—THE I NDICATORS 28 APPENDIX II—THE L ATEST D ATA 40 APPENDIX III—METHODOLOGY 41 ENDNOTES 42 BIBLIOGRAPHY 43 Broken Engagement | PAGE 2 Introduction | OUR NATION ’S CIVIC HEALTH The National Conference on Citizenship--a non-profit organization chartered by the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Wien Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna Education for Citizenship
    Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS), Wien Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna Reihe Politikwissenschaft / Political Science Series No. 40 Education for Citizenship Will Kymlicka 2 — Will Kymlicka / Education for Citizenship — I H S Education for Citizenship Will Kymlicka Reihe Politikwissenschaft / Political Science Series No. 40 February 1997 Will Kymlicka Philosophy Department University of Ottawa 70 Laurier, 2nd Floor Ottawa K1N 6N5 Canada e-mail: [email protected] Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS), Wien Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna The Political Science Series is published by the Department of Political Science of the Institute for Advanced Studies (IHS), Vienna. The purpose of this series of papers is to encourage debate in a wider professional audience. The authors are fully responsible for the content. Contributions from guests are also noted. All rights are reserved. 4 — Will Kymlicka / Education for Citizenship — I H S Abstract Although it is widely accepted that a basic task of schooling is to prepare each new generation for their responsibilities as citizens, the appropriate form and content of citizenship education is often controversial. This paper discusses some of these controversies. I begin by arguing that citizenship is more complicated than is often realized, and that even ‘minimal’ conceptions of citizenship impose significant obligations and constraints on individual and group behaviour. I then consider three inter-related areas of debate: whether citizenship education requires common schooling; whether promoting responsible citizenship requires promoting personal autonomy; and whether promoting a shared civic identity requires teaching not only shared political values or principles but also promoting particular national or cultural identities. These three issues help illustrate the centrality of education for citizenship to both political theory and educational philosophy.
    [Show full text]
  • Research Resources in Public Administration a Companion Guide to the Public Administration Gateway
    Research Resources in Public Administration A Companion Guide to the Public Administration Gateway Edited by: Marc Holzer Janice Flug Seth J. Meyer Chengxin Xu Leanne McAuliffe Research Resources in Public Administration A Companion Guide to The PA Gateway The PA Gateway, an initiative of the Institute for Public Service at Suffolk University and the American Society for Public Administration (ASPA), has been launched as a comprehensive and accessible portal to the core resources in the field. Many of these resources can be accessed at no charge. They should enable public managers to deliver services to citizens as promised; allow students to find and build successful careers; and empower academics to utilize expanded sets of quantitative and qualitative data in their research. Citations in this volume correspond to the website for The PA Gateway that has been developed and maintained by the Institute for Public Service at Suffolk University—Boston. The PA Gateway is a free, open-access, resource portal that contains more than 2,000 sources in the field of public administration, public policy, and public affairs. http://www.aspanet.org/PAGateway Editors Marc Holzer, PhD Distinguished Professor, Institute for Public Service Suffolk University—Boston Janice Flug Emerita Librarian American University Seth J. Meyer School of Public Affairs and Administration (SPAA) Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey—Newark Chengxin Xu School of Public Affairs and Administration (SPAA) Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey—Newark Leanne McAuliffe Institute of Public Service Suffolk University—Boston ISBN: 978-0-942942-30-9 Public Administration Gateway Website http://www.aspanet.org/PAGateway Published by the American Society for Public Administration 1730 Rhode Island Avenue, NW, Suite 500, Washington, DC 20016 www.aspanet.org, [email protected] This work was supported by the National Research Foundation of Korea Grant funded by the Korean Government (NRF-2017S1A3A2067636).
    [Show full text]