From the Modern to the Postmodern: the Future of Global Communications Theory and Research in a Pandemonic

From the Modern to the Postmodern The Future of Global Communications Theory and Research in a Pandemonic Age

SANDRA BRAMAN University ofAlabama

nternational communication theory and re agency, and "pan" because this agency is I search historically have done well with those everywhere. This chapter reviews inter subjects that characterize modernity, such as national communication theory and re the nation-state and "the fact." Today, how search as they have dealt with key features ever, it is the postmodern condition within of modernity-the nation-state, the fact, the which communication takes place-a con universal, and power. Each of these elements dition also known as the information society, must now be reconsidered. for many of the critical features of post modernity are the effects of the use of new information technologies. Under either desig nation, international communication theory THE NATION-STATE and research must respond to circumstances qualitatively and quantitatively different from The geopolitical form of modernity was the those of the past. The current environment combination of bureaucratic and cultural de may be described as "pandemonic," following ments that came to be known ~s the nation Hookway (1999), because it is ubiquitously state (Greenfeld, 1992; Held, 1989). Inter filled with information that makes things national communication historically has happen in ways that are often invisible, incom been oriented almost exclusively around prehensible, and/or beyond human control nation-states, looking at differences between "demonic" in the classic sense of nonhuman what happens within them (comparative INTERNATIONAL COMMUNICATION studies) and at flows of communications be sis, such as long-term projects carried out by tween them (international communication). multiply interdependent entities, as most valid International communication, like the field and useful in today's environment. Ethnic and of communication itself, has largely been a family ties have been identified as structural product of the U.S. higher education system forces in their own right as manifested in in in the 20th century. From World War II on, ternational trade and other types of inter however, the vast expansion of the reach and national information flows (Iyer & Shapiro, impact of that system exposed the ideas it 1999). Non-state actors, such as regions produced to profound questioning and criti (Blanco & van den Bukk, 1995), transna cism from other societies around the world tional corporations (Dezalay & Garth, 1996), (Wallerstein, 1996). Important work by and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) largely Western European sociologists en (Waterman, 1990), replace or complement riches and in some cases underlies interna the nation-state as site, subject, and agent in tional communication theory, but it is one of global communication studies. Increasingly, the important markers of the turn of the 21st statelike communities are defined virtually ra century that theory has itself become interna ther than geographically (Arquila & Ronfeldt, tionalized. Increasingly, major works in the 1996; Gopnik, 1996). field are being written by scholars outside the Such "cascading" interdependence (Rose United States, such as recent works on public nau, 1984) demands that those studying opinion by Shamir and Shamir (2000) from global communication move beyond depen Israel and by Splichal (1999) from Slovenia. dency theory. Constructivism (Adler, 1997) Although in the past work that drew together provides one means of doing so, focusing on theories from the United States and Europe the impact of today's global information in with those from elsewhere often cast one per frastructure on all aspects of international re spective within the context of a second, as lations (Singh & Rosenau, 2001). Other work when Mowlana and Wilson (1990) examined that starts from the position that borders be development communication within the con tween nation-states today are often not bright text of Islamic philosophy and practice, in the lines but rather zones that may be populated future the most important work will be based by millions of people with well-developed and on genuine theoretical syntheses of ideas from unique cultures of their own is beginning to around the world of the type modeled by Lult' appear (Lull, 1997). Within such zones, indi (2000) and Mattelart (1994). vidual identity is no longer a question of citi Theories from outside international com zenship but rather of ethnicity and/or hybrid munication should also be useful. Melucci ity (Mouffe, 1992). (1996), for example, provides an alternative The nation-state as the unit of analysis also approach to understanding political commu provided a logic and justification for compara nication across cultures with his emphasis on tive studies. Media systems have been com identity issues as the crux of contemporary so pared along several dimensions, including cial movements. Theories of turbulence and ownership patterns, organizational structures, chaos in international relations (Rosenau, regulatory systems, content trends, and recep 1990) should provide some relief for those tion. The example of comparisons of norma seeking to find generalizations in what may tive press-state relations-the ways in which a well be ephemeral, and perhaps random, con media system and a government interact with ditions. Network economists (Antonelli, mutual effect-demonstrates the limits of 1992) argue for the use of new units of analy- such comparative work. The Cold War-era From the Modern to the Postmodern 111

typology known as the "four theories of the and computers-distinguishing between com press" (Siebert, Peterson, & Schramm, 1956) munication with databases, programs, distinguishes among types of media systems intelligent agents, and avatars-as well as according to where they lie on a spectrum those communications between computers from complete government control (totali that never involve humans at all. Not only do tarian or communist) to democratic, with these other types of flows comprise an ever the notion of a press that operates in terms larger proportion of global information flows of "social responsibility" lying in between. (Tele-Geography, 2000), but they are also in This model reeks of its geopolitical origins creasingly sig11ificant as structural forces for (Simpson, 1994); for decades now-even in human society (Lessig, 1999). Indeed, the ar North America, and even before the dissolu gument has been made that the nation-state it tion of the Soviet Union-although the theory self might be best understood as an informa has been taught, in many cases this was done tion processor (Richards, 1993). with the caveat that the theory doesn't actu ally apply to the contemporary situation. A wide-ranging critique of this approach ap THE FACT peared in Last Rights (Nerone, 1995). The task today, however, is to come up with anal The narrative forms of modernity were de ternative typology of media systems that is fined by their relationship to the fact, what is comprehensive and complex enough to be known as "facticity." Fiction, for example, able to cope with the great variety of media defines itself as not being fact, whereas jour systems currently in existence and emerging. nalists, on the other hand, claim the news they Chan (1997) offers one such alternative present is. Issues raised by facticity are impor typology based on his analyses of media sys tant to ·the study of global communication tems in Asian countries. today in a number of ways. A further concomitant of the focus on the The unbundling of different types of infor nation-state is that each is a place between mation resources, the ways in which value is which communications flow. International added to them, and the means by which prop communication theory historically has done a erty rights can be asserted over them have good job of looking at the nature and impact been among the most notable features of the of communications flows on lar~e popula information economy that had appeared by tions, examining both mass media content as it the close· of the 20th century. This was just affects society and political communications the point of the debate over the New World as it affects nation-states. Conceptualization Information and Communication Order of these flows has become more complex (NWICO), which concerned the right and and has come to encompass not only flows of ability of developing nations to control flows content but also those of infrastructure, au of information about themselves, whether via diences, genres, and knowledge structures journalism or satellite surveillance. The ques (Appadurai, 1990; Braman, Shah, & Fair, tion of ownership and control over facts is 2000). also at the heart of ··-data privacy issues, first Those studying international communi addressed by the Organization for Economic _cation have focused exclusively on flows Cooperation and Development (OECD) in between humans. In the future, however, the 1970s. Already at that point Europe there will be an increasing need to take into and the United States were diverging in the account communications between humans degrees to which they protected the privacy 112 INTERNATIONAL COMMUNic:;ATION

-~ of individuals about whom data had been Cohen & Roeh, 1992). Whereas the first two gathered for commercial, administrative, issues mentioned here deal with differences in and other purposes with significant im how facticity is produced, the sets of questions pacts on international trade. And as the two pursued by this last group of researchers con types of informational meta-technologies cern the reception of facticity. biotechnology and digital information Although modernity was characterized by technology-themselves converge, political optimism regarding the possibility of coming and legal struggles over each have implica to know the "facts" of social life, another char tions that apply to the other. W~>rk has begun acteristic of postmodernity is that this confi on the ways in which this will shape the con dence is waning or lost. One factor contribut text and content of global communication ing to this loss of confidence is yet another (Braman, 2001). consequence of the state-centrism of social There are three ways in which debates over theory: Beck (1992) has powerfully argued how a fact is determined in the first place ap that societies are failing to track much envi peared as issues with which international com ronmental damage and the causal chains lead munication theorists had to deal. First, de ing to it because it is beyond the geographic bates over the relative accuracy of the and time horizons of the state's statistical per procedures used by "objective" and "new" ceptual mechanisms. Although international journalism parallel those over the procedures agreements that push toward ever greater of social science: "Objective" New York "transparency" (Fiorini, 2000) across geo Times-style journalists attempt to mimic the political boundaries yield the perception that natural sciences in the collection and presenta there is greater knowledge, international com tion of narrowly defined, or "thin," facts de munication theory and research in the future rived exclusively from official institutional will also need to acknowledge and deal with sources presented in data form without con situations in which it is difficult to determine textualization, and what became known as the facts at all. "new" journalists in the 1960s seek to provide richer, or "thick," facts derived from a wider variety of types of sources presented in narra THE UNIVERSAL tive form contextualized as fully as possible. Journalists working from the two different The epistemological ground of modernity perspectives on the same story can produce was found in the universal, the notion that radically different versions of reality, with there are eternal laws discoverable by science. deep significance for the quality and effects As applied to the social sciences, this univer of reportage on political and cultural affairs salism led to an assumption that the social in the international environment (Braman, structures being studied were stable or, if 1985). Second, claims of the kind of depen changing, developed only in linear, predict dency asserted by those calling for a New able, and inevitable ways. Today, however, World Information and Communication Or social conditions are undergoing rapid and der (NWICO) have been challenged on factual seemingly constant change. Thus, theory and grounds also having to do with the nature of research must deal with the ways in which the procedures by which facts are produced social structures come about and are trans (Cioffi-Revilla & Merritt, 1982). And third, it formed. Downing (1996) has drawn our at appears that fact and fiction are translated and tention to the difference between the two received in different ways (Biltereyst, 1992; approaches as played out in international From the Modern to the Postmodern 113 communication; he found that the assump learned by the most "developed" societies tion of stability in communications systems in from those historically perceived as under the theories he had used for decades in re developed (Braman, 2001). The past couple of search around the world severely limited the decades have also seen increasing attention to utility of those ideas for understanding the study of the role of communications in so the societies of the former Soviet Union in cieties undergoing unplanned change driven the 1990s. The emergence of the postmodern by geopolitical shifts, such as in the former condition has implications for the study of in Soviet Union, eastern and central Europe ternational communication because it draws Oakubowicz, 1990) and Hong Kong (Chan & attention to the role of communications in the Lee, 1991). transformation of societies, affects how the Although these different ways of under relationships between communications and standing the role of communications in society are understood from a systems per planned and unplanned social change have spective, and raises into visibility "the local" rarely been cast in terms of systems theory, in the context of "the global." they are ripe for doing so. Systems theory, or The oldest strand of work in international cybernetics, was one of the intellectual prod communication that dealt with social change ucts of World War II, and in its first decades of is in the area ofdevelopment communication, development-coincident with the first de or planned social change. Beginning in the cades of development communication work 1950s, early approaches assumed a singular focused on stable systems structures for which and one-way progression from an agricul change was problematic and examined single tural to an industrial society, from the pre systems in isolation. Only two thinkers took a modern to the modern, and from the non systems approach to development during this democratic to the democrati~. Most of this period (Mewes, 1971; Myrdal, 1956), and work also assumed that development would neither had much impact on thinking or prac be exogenously driven-that is, that a society tice in international communication. More re farther along the development path would cently, systems theory, now referred to as sec facilitate change in those societies "running ond-order cybernetics or complex adaptive behind." More recent work, however, has sug systems theory, has come to take a more com gested there may be a multiplicity of ways in plex view of systems as healthy when under which societies may choose or find themselves goin.g often necessary transformations, and as adapting to changing global conditions in always operating within a larger universe of ways satisfying and appropriate to their own multiply interacting systems at the same, in cultures and values (Servaes, 1986). Increas fra-, and supralevels. Krippendorff (1987) has ingly, it is acknowledged that this may be done begun the work of applying second-order cy most successfully when development is en bernetics to the study of the role of communi dogenously driven-that is, when members of cations in societies undergoing planned and a society determine their own directions for unplanned change, but a great deal of both change in what is called "participatory devel theory and research needs to be done in this opment" (White, Nair, & Ascroft, 1994 ). And area. a far more complex picture is being given of Views of globalization that focus on singu the ways in which interactions among societ lar causality, homogenization of effect, and ies at different stages of development and fol the need to focus on the general rather than lowing different types of development paths the particular (Featherstone, 1990) are an influence each other, including what is being other way in which modern interest in the INTERNATIONAL COMMUNICATION universal has been expressed in international -whether mechanical or computational communication. Today, however, many argue that it is best referred to as "cyborg," itself a that both causality (Abbate, 1999) and the ef challenge to the nation-state because it is fects of globalization are multiple, diverse, deterritorialized (Beller, 1996). The home is and differ from place to place (Enzensberger, now studied as a site in which the global and 1992). The most important direction in which the local meet (Silverstone & Hirsch, 1992), this thinking has led has been in the study of in part because media use in the home is a the local and particular in contrast to the uni means of leaving. Cities have gained in impor versal and the global (Borgmann, 1999; tance in the study of global communication, Entrikin, 1991). Indeed, a new sense of the culture, and information: The notion of a local as the global emerged in the 1960s (Ang, "world city" appeared as early as the begin 1998). The global and the local are under ning of the 1980s (Abu-Lughod, 1992), and stood to compete with each other in the ori approaches to study of the city now include entation of production (Thorbecke, 1992), those that look at urban centers as command appeals for markets (Cunningham & Jacka, and control sites for the intermeshing of 1996), content provision (Boyd-Barrett, 1998), global financial, production, and distribu and definition of class (Parameswaran, 1997; tion systems (Sassen, 1991); as economic en Wallerstein, 1990). Taxation (Goolsbee, 2000) gines because they are dense in information and control over intellectual property rights resources (Lash & Urry, 1993); as serving (Sell, 1995} are among the techniques by global functions because of their cultural cre which nation-states seek to pursue their indi ativity (Amin, 1997); as edges, or links be vidual objectives within an increasingly glob tween nodes, rather than nodes themselves alized environment. Struggles over memory (Garreau, 1992); and as symbolic sites alto and archival systems are particularly impor gether Gasen-Verbeke, 1998). tant arenas in which success of the global and The most influential approach to symbolic general can cause destruction of the local and constructions of the local was launched by An particular (Greaves, 1994). Meyrowitz (1994) derson's (1983) analysis of the nation-state as uses the term saturation to describe such a sit an "imagined community." The local is seen as uation, but Hannerz (1997) argues in response the site of specific knowledge or information, that in today's environment there is gradually and therefore of power (Geertz, 1983). Place unfolding maturation of multiply layered un as a site of information and as discourse ap derstandings as global culture is mediated via pears in usages such as the notion of a "Eu the different frames of the market, the nation ropean information area" that has replaced state, everyday life, and social movements. "European audiovisual space" in European Meanwhile, the global is made local through policy discourse (Schlesinger, 1997). Individ consumption (Maxwell, 1996), infrastructure ual identity is also seen as a site in which glob (Star & Ruhleder, 1996), and the design of alization forces are expressed today. As Elkins specific artifacts (Tice, 1995). (1997) notes, in today's environment each Both spatial and symbolic approaches have individual is in effect a community of the com been used to locate the site of the local. Among munities in which each voluntarily chooses to spatial approaches, a number of scholars look participate. Hybridity-uma cultura mulata to the body (Featherstone, Hepworth, & in Brazil (Canevacci, 1992)-is a new type of Turner, 1991), whereas others argue that the identity formation characterized by a greater body itself is now so infected with the machine degree of openness and acceptance of internal From the Modern to the Postmodern splits. Bhabha (1993) argues that hybrid iden has changed: In Europe, countries that for tities are a form of political resistance, a no centuries had been sending out migrants are tion supported by Sakamoto (1996) when he now receiving them, and even Japan is open describes its first appearance in Japan during ing itself to migrants from poorer countries in the Meiji Restoration of the mid-19th century Asia and South America to satisfy its labor at a time when that government deliberately needs. As a result, most of the world's devel took up study of the West as a means of pro oped countries are now diverse, multiethnic tecting Japanese culture. Nardi and O'Day societies (Massey, et al., 1993). Traditional (2000) suggest that the intersection between types of migrant press continue to thrive, global and local knowledge be viewed as the sometimes serving migrant populations with information ecology unique to each person. new demographics such as those of the Hong The growth of indigenous voices and media in Kong "yacht immigrants" in Canada (So & global communication has further strength Lee, 1995). Migrant populations produce ened appreciation of the local as symbolically content of their own as well; Austrian artist defined (e.g., Ginsburg, 1994). Ingo Gunther conceives of this population as ''Authenticity" tells you whether or not the citizenry of a nation-state of its own. Ulti you're "there" (Ning, 1999), whether you go mately, the local today is an effect of "vis to it, as in tourism (Chang & Holt, 1991), or cosity" (Hookway, 1999), what Amin (1997) bring it to you in the home or the museum describes as sites of fixities of tradition and (Errington, 1994). Multiple typologies of au continuity within a globalized environment of thenticity distinguish among sources of the transformation. perception of authenticity-whether it is au Hookway (1999) describes individual uses thenticity of the self, experience, other per of the global information infrastructure today sons, or objects-as well as among degrees of as producing "predatory locales." These inter simulation versus verisimilitude (Wang, actions and transactions are local because they 1999). As Clifford (1997) notes, every appro always occur at a specific time and place, but priation of culture, including the sense of are predatory because each now triggers ac authenticity, reveals a specific historical narra tions within global human and nonhuman sys tion that can vary from those of accumulation tems. Because such predatory locales are ubiq and preservation to those of redistribution uitous globally, and because the interactions and decay. they trigger are carried out by the nonhuman Although movement in and of itself was a agents of software, Hookway describes to characteristic of modernity important to day's environment as pandemonic. One is understanding communication (Bachmair, "acquired" by becoming visible to a system, 1991), the local has now become detached whether of marketing or other surveillance from physical space as a result of the move interests. The predatory locale can emerge via ment of populations who carry with them a mass media experiences as well as individual symbolic space but leave behind the geo transactions: Canevacci (1992) details the graphic and of the ubiquitous diffusion of the ways in which the Brazilian telenovela has information infrastructure. Over the past 30 abandoned traditional audience research in years, migration has emerged as a major social favor of using what he describes as an "anthro force as the numbers of people in movement pology" of visual communication in which have vastly grown and their composition has the telenovela "emits" a participant observer shifted (Castles, 1998). Even directionality from its flexible production center in response 116 INTERNATIONAL COMMUNICATION to every changing nuance of the environ The earliest form of power to be recognized ment. This can have a powerful effect, as as such was clearly instrumental power; when telenovelas used speech from the barrios power is generally equated with physical con when those voices were silenced, thus educat trol over a territory and its population. War is ing the middle class and serving as a force for perhaps the ultimate in the actual exercise of democracy. instrumental power. The impact of new infor mation technologies on the tools and practices of war has stimulated a reconsideration of the POWER role of such technologies throughout history in weaponry (Dandeker, 1990; de Landa, Much of the study of international communi 1991; Macksey, 1989) and in the command cation is about power-either how to exercise and control systems that determine how it or complaining about its exercise by others. weapons will be used (Dandeker, 1990; Throughout the period of modernity, how Dudley, 1991; Keegan, 1987). Both have ever, conceptualizations of power grew more grown more sophisticated; weapons today are complex and power itself came to be under increasingly "smart" and the U.S. military, tak stood as multiple. One of the characteristics ing advantage of developments in biotechnol of postmodernity is that a new form of power ogy, is currently pursuing co-design of weap has come to be dominant both in itself and as ons and the humans who will use them. These it has affected the exercise of other forms of developments both illustrate the intertwining power long available. Political scientists and of various forms of power and identify a re communication scholars · studying the con search agenda for those working to build in ditions of modernity explored instrumental ternational communication theory in the fu power (control over the material world), ture and to operationalize that theory in structural power (control over rules and insti practice. Historically not a topic for those in tutions), and symbolic power (control over communications, weapons and their support ideas); postmodern attention has turned in systems today are critical participants in the addition to the study of genetic power (con production and flows of information globally. trol over the informational bases of materials, The history of modernity is one of the ever rules and institutions, and ideas). Too, histori greater articulation of structural forms of cally the distinction between power in its ac power via the elaboration of legal and regu tual state (as exercised) and its potential state latory systems and of the bureaucracies that (power allegedly available for use) has been enact them-the power to decide how things important; today power in its virtual state are done. Structural power has been the sub (forms of power that do not yet exist but that ject of those in international communication can be brought into being using extant knowl largely through critiques of the effects of edge and skills) is now increasingly impor flows, as in explorations of dependency tant. Because information and information caused by media, or cultural, imperialism technologies are critical to power in its ge (Schiller, 1991). From this perspective, the netic form and in its virtual state, these shifts entire debate about NWICO should be un in the nature of power and the ways in which derstood as an examination of and struggle it is conceptualized are fundamental to the over the structural effects of the global com study of global information, communication, munication system, as are analyses of the po and culture .(Braman, 1995). litical effect of international communication From the Modern to the Postmodern 117,

flows such as those of the telephone (Cioffi this direction when he notes that intelligence Revilla, Merritt, & Zinnes, 1987). Studies of agencies have moved away from pure infor the geopolitical effects of the building of mation collection toward the use of simulacra the global information infrastructure, such as as a means of substituting for actual informa Headrick's (1990) history of the telegraph and tion. Foucault's notion of governmentality as telephone systems from the middle of the 19th extending to relations within the self, what he to the middle of the 20th centuries, highlight refers to as the microphysics of power, is also the role of communications systems in pro a precursor of this notion (Burchell, Gordon, ducing and reproducing structural power. & Miller, 1991), as is Nye's (1990) notion of Diplomacy is the communications hinge be "soft" power, Rabinow's (1992) concept of tween structural and symbolic power: Diplo "bio" power, and Strange's (1996) explora matic communication takes place within a rig tions of the ways in which power is diffused idly defined and formal system of roles and today. Several ways of thinking about the im rules established early in the 19th century as· a pact of informationally based genetic power in means by which nation-states officially com international relations are introduced by the municate with each other (Korzenny & Ting authors in the Singh and Rosenau (in press) Toomey, 1990; van Dinh, 1987). The inter collection. Deleuze and Guattad (1997) and .dependence of today's global system discussed Virilio (Der Derian, 1998) push the meta above and the increasingly important roles of phoric bounds of such arguments theoreti non-state-and therefore non-diplomatic cally. The level of analytic detail achieved by political communications, whether via terror Lessig (1999) in his analysis of the informa ism, NGOs, or other routes, provide theoreti tional bases of control within the U.S. system, cal and research challenges that are new. however, has not yet been seen for the interna Symbolic power has been an important tional arena. This is a critically important area topic in international communication re for future work in the study of global commu search that has examined propaganda (Taylor, nication, information, and culture. 1995) and the role of the press in geopoliti cal relations (classically explored by Cohen, Though historically power in its virtual 1963) as well as rhetoric in formal political state was trivial compared with its importance speech (Hinds & Windt, 1991). The role of in in its actual and potential states because the ternational communication in the exercise of pace of innovation was so slow, the use of new symbolic power is not always publicly evident; informati.on technologies has reversed this re Schlesinger and Kinzer (1982), for example, lationship. The U.S. defense establishment provide a detailed history of the way in which maximizes the utility of the virtual in its cur the use of public relations behind the scenes in rent approach to information gathering. Central America shaped political develop Rather than identifying specific subjects of ments there in ways that served U.S.-based surveillance interest and arraying them about interests. Anderson (1983) and Calhoun a sensor, ·today the National Security Agency (1991) elaborate on the relations between takes as its model of information-gathering structural·and symbolic power and their geo the panspectron. Multiple sensors are arrayed political effect. around all bodies so that information is gath The study of the role of international com ered about everyone, all the time, launching munication in the exercise of genetic power analysis of specific information when trig has just begun. De Landa (1991) is moving in gered by a particular question (De Landa, 118 INTERNATIONAL COMMUNICATION

1991). This, too, exacerbates the pandemonic orama of the same era, offered the sense of nature of the environment. omniscience that was critical to modern exer cises of power. In the panopticon, exemplified by modern prisons, the observer rotates in or INTERNATIONAL der to see all, whereas in the panorama, prede COMMUNICATION cessor to film, the observer remains still and IN A PANDEMONIC that which is being observed moves past the ENVIRONMENT line of vision. In both cases, power is exercised by an observer at the center of a system in In the end, developments in each of these ar which those being surveilled are arrayed eas complement, exacerbate, and extend about, specifically selected, and arranged for those in the others. The institutions by which observation. facticity has been determined have essentially Under the postmodern conditions of the been those certified by the nation-state, for panspectron, within a pandemonic environ whom the insistence on the universal and ap ment, a new definition of information has pearance of stability have been useful tools emerged. As recently as a decade ago, the for the assertion of power by individual range of definitions of information in use fell states. Theory about and research into the de into a typology in which they were distin tails of international communication have guished from each other by the breadth and historically accepted these terms and focused complexity of the social structure to which the on the modern questions they framed about definition was intended to refer and to the the nature of flows of information, communi amount of power granted information in it cation, and culture around the globe. self; the typology included information as a In the postmodern condition, however, resource, as a commodity, as perception of facticity has come to be understood as cultur pattern (or as knowledge structures), and as a ally rich in addition to being empirically constitutive force in society (Braman, 1989/ grounded, and thus determined by social in 1996). In the pandemonic environment, m teractions in organizational and communal formation is also an agent. forms beyond those of the nation-state. Such International communication theory in forms-those of the family, ethnicity, commu the past has dealt with the problems raised by nity, NGOs, and transnational and multina modernity-how communications systems in tional corporations-compete and work with teract with nation-states; effects of flows · of the nation-state not only in determination of information, communication, and culture be facticity but in the exercise of other forms of tween them; and what happens to the fact. It power. The dominant forms of power in the has begun to deal with the transformations contemporary environment are those that that have brought about the postmodern con deal with the informational bases of materials, ditions of the information society, primarily in rules and institutions, and ideas-that is, with the analysis of globalization and, now, the identity. The local, the site in which identity is local. Analyses of hybrid identities, border grounded, has itself become mobile. communities, and mobile or virtual popula With this, international communication tions are important explorations of the impact theory and research return to where they of global communication not interpretable started, in Jeremy Bentham's almost simulta within a solely state-centric frame. A number neous coinage of the words panopticon and of specific areas in which theoretical and con international. The panopticon, like the pan- ceptual development are needed to under- From the Modern to the Postmodern stand contemporary communications pro Bhabha, H. K. (1993). The location of culture. New cesses and their effects have been identified York: Routledge. throughout this chapter. Premier among them Biltereyst, D. (1992). Language and culture as ulti may be the need to understand the impact of mate barriers? 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