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February 28Th, 2021 the Honourable Brian Pallister Premier of Manitoba
February 28th, 2021 The Honourable Brian Pallister Premier of Manitoba Room 204 Legislative Building 450 Broadway, Winnipeg, MB R3C 0V8 Dear Premier Pallister, In January, 2021, I wrote to you encouraging the Province of Manitoba to ensure the full participation of the Manitoba Metis Federation in Manitoba’s vaccine planning and distribution. I was hopeful, after conversations with Ministers Stefanson and Clarke, that progress was being made. While I understand that some meetings have taken place, it is unfortunate that significant issues appear to remain with regards to the vaccine distribution process in Manitoba – notably the issue of equal access for all Indigenous populations. I read with great concern the CBC Manitoba article of February 24th, 2021 that outlined that Métis and Inuit citizens will not be prioritized to receive COVID-19 vaccines. The National Advisory Committee on Immunization (NACI) states that “adults living in Indigenous communities, which include First Nations, Métis, and Inuit communities, where infection can have disproportionate consequences such as those living in remote or isolated areas where access to health care may be limited, should be prioritized to receive initial doses of COVID-19 vaccines.” It is well established that Indigenous peoples disproportionately face poorer health outcomes, which includes Métis and Inuit, making them more vulnerable to COVID-19, which is why NACI made this recommendation. The rapid rise in cases in First Nations communities has already shown the need to prioritize vaccinations and we can see that working as the number of new cases continue to decline. This underscores the importance of tracking and sharing data for all Indigenous populations. -
August 10, 2016 the Honorable Li Keqiang Premier Beijing People's
August 10, 2016 The Honorable Li Keqiang Premier Beijing People’s Republic of China Respected Premier Li: Our organizations, representing a broad array of industries and companies of all sizes, are writing to express our hope that China fully embraces the goals of the upcoming G20 Leaders Meeting to promote an “innovative, invigorated, interconnected, and inclusive world economy,” by taking steps to address concerns regarding the direction of China’s information communications technology (ICT) policies. These include the draft Cybersecurity Law (“The Law”) and pending China Insurance Regulatory Commission (CIRC) Provisions on Insurance System Informatization (“The Provisions”). We appreciate that China has published drafts of The Law and The Provisions for public comment. This level of transparency is very important in drafting technical regulations of this significance. However, the current drafts, if implemented, would weaken security and separate China from the global digital economy. Specific concerns with The Law and The Provisions include: Broad data residency requirements, which have no additional security benefits, but would impede economic growth, and create barriers to entry for both foreign and Chinese companies; Trade-inhibiting security reviews and requirements for ICT products and services, which may weaken security and constitute technical barriers to trade as defined by the World Trade Organization; and Data retention and sharing, and law enforcement assistance requirements, which would weaken technical security measures -
Toolkit: Citizen Participation in the Legislative Process
This publication was made possible with financial support from the Government of Canada. About ParlAmericas ParlAmericas is the institution that promotes PARLIAMENTARY DIPLOMACY in the INTER-AMERICAN system ParlAmericas is composed of the 35 NATIONAL LEGISLATURES from North, Central and South America and the Caribbean ParlAmericas facilitates the exchange of parliamentary BEST PRACTICES and promotes COOPERATIVE POLITICAL DIALOGUE ParlAmericas mainstreams GENDER EQUALITY by advocating for women’s political empowerment and the application of a gender lens in legislative work ParlAmericas fosters OPEN PARLIAMENTS by advancing the principles of transparency, accountability, citizen participation, ethics and probity ParlAmericas promotes policies and legislative measures to mitigate and adapt to the effects ofCLIMATE CHANGE ParlAmericas works towards strengthening democracy and governance by accompanying ELECTORAL PROCESSES ParlAmericas is headquartered in OTTAWA, CANADA Table of Contents Toolkit Co-creation Plan 6 Contributors 8 Introduction 9 Objective 9 Using this Toolkit 9 Defining Citizen Participation 10 Importance of Citizen Participation 10 Participation Ladder 11 Overview of Citizen Participation in the Legislative Process 12 Developing a Citizen Participation Strategy 15 Principles of Citizen Participation 16 Resources to Support Citizen Participation 17 Educating Citizens and Promoting Participation 18 Awareness Raising Programs and Campaigns 18 Citizen Participation Offices and Communications Departments 19 Parliamentary Websites -
The Honourable Jason Kenney Premier of Alberta 307 Legislature Building Edmonton, AB, T5K 2B6
The Honourable Jason Kenney Premier of Alberta 307 Legislature Building Edmonton, AB, T5K 2B6 March 19, 2020 Dear Premier, Re: Action Needed Now in Support of Individuals with Developmental Disabilities and Their Families We very much appreciate the recent and necessary actions you and your government have taken with respect to Albertans in general and services and supports for those with specific vulnerabilities, such seniors and women and children who rely on shelters for safety. We support the Alberta Nonprofit Network (ABNN) in its reQuest to have the government offer a broader array of assistance to non-profit supports and services. In this light we want to ensure the voices of families of children and adult sons and daughters with developmental disabilities, persons with developmental disabilities themselves and those who support them, is not lost. The very vast majority of children and adults with developmental disabilities will only remain safe if they have personal supports in their lives. For as many as possible, this principally will come from families, but unsupported, families will still be at risk. And there are thousands who do not have family in their lives and require the support provided by agencies. Many individuals with developmental disabilities will not understand their degree of vulnerability, particularly as this population has a higher incidence of health challenges. They will not be able take the necessary precautions on their own and some cannot communicate readily or independently when they are not feeling well and potentially symptomatic. Yet others have parents who fall within vulnerable categories themselves and are thus limited in providing for their sons and daughters safety without risKing their own lives. -
Federalism and Political Problems in Nigeria Thes Is
/V4/0 FEDERALISM AND POLITICAL PROBLEMS IN NIGERIA THES IS Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS By Olayiwola Abegunrin, B. S, Denton, Texas August, 1975 Abegunrin, Olayiwola, Federalism and PoliticalProblems in Nigeria. Master of Arts (Political Science), August, 1975, 147 pp., 4 tables, 5 figures, bibliography, 75 titles. The purpose of this thesis is to examine and re-evaluate the questions involved in federalism and political problems in Nigeria. The strategy adopted in this study is historical, The study examines past, recent, and current literature on federalism and political problems in Nigeria. Basically, the first two chapters outline the historical background and basis of Nigerian federalism and political problems. Chapters three and four consider the evolution of federal- ism, political problems, prospects of federalism, self-govern- ment, and attainment of complete independence on October 1, 1960. Chapters five and six deal with the activities of many groups, crises, military coups, and civil war. The conclusions and recommendations candidly argue that a decentralized federal system remains the safest way for keeping Nigeria together stably. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES0.0.0........................iv LIST OF FIGURES . ..... 8.............v Chapter I. THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND .1....... Geography History The People Background to Modern Government II. THE BASIS OF NIGERIAN POLITICS......32 The Nature of Politics Cultural Factors The Emergence of Political Parties Organization of Political Parties III. THE RISE OF FEDERALISM AND POLITICAL PROBLEMS IN NIGERIA. ....... 50 Towards a Federation Constitutional Developments The North Against the South IV. -
The Sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories in the Brexit Era
Island Studies Journal, 15(1), 2020, 151-168 The sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories in the Brexit era Maria Mut Bosque School of Law, Universitat Internacional de Catalunya, Spain MINECO DER 2017-86138, Ministry of Economic Affairs & Digital Transformation, Spain Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London, UK [email protected] (corresponding author) Abstract: This paper focuses on an analysis of the sovereignty of two territorial entities that have unique relations with the United Kingdom: the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories (BOTs). Each of these entities includes very different territories, with different legal statuses and varying forms of self-administration and constitutional linkages with the UK. However, they also share similarities and challenges that enable an analysis of these territories as a complete set. The incomplete sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and BOTs has entailed that all these territories (except Gibraltar) have not been allowed to participate in the 2016 Brexit referendum or in the withdrawal negotiations with the EU. Moreover, it is reasonable to assume that Brexit is not an exceptional situation. In the future there will be more and more relevant international issues for these territories which will remain outside of their direct control, but will have a direct impact on them. Thus, if no adjustments are made to their statuses, these territories will have to keep trusting that the UK will be able to represent their interests at the same level as its own interests. Keywords: Brexit, British Overseas Territories (BOTs), constitutional status, Crown Dependencies, sovereignty https://doi.org/10.24043/isj.114 • Received June 2019, accepted March 2020 © 2020—Institute of Island Studies, University of Prince Edward Island, Canada. -
Nigeria's Constitution of 1999
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:42 constituteproject.org Nigeria's Constitution of 1999 This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:42 Table of contents Preamble . 5 Chapter I: General Provisions . 5 Part I: Federal Republic of Nigeria . 5 Part II: Powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria . 6 Chapter II: Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy . 13 Chapter III: Citizenship . 17 Chapter IV: Fundamental Rights . 20 Chapter V: The Legislature . 28 Part I: National Assembly . 28 A. Composition and Staff of National Assembly . 28 B. Procedure for Summoning and Dissolution of National Assembly . 29 C. Qualifications for Membership of National Assembly and Right of Attendance . 32 D. Elections to National Assembly . 35 E. Powers and Control over Public Funds . 36 Part II: House of Assembly of a State . 40 A. Composition and Staff of House of Assembly . 40 B. Procedure for Summoning and Dissolution of House of Assembly . 41 C. Qualification for Membership of House of Assembly and Right of Attendance . 43 D. Elections to a House of Assembly . 45 E. Powers and Control over Public Funds . 47 Chapter VI: The Executive . 50 Part I: Federal Executive . 50 A. The President of the Federation . 50 B. Establishment of Certain Federal Executive Bodies . 58 C. Public Revenue . 61 D. The Public Service of the Federation . 63 Part II: State Executive . 65 A. Governor of a State . 65 B. Establishment of Certain State Executive Bodies . -
01 Extract from Constitution.Pdf
PART I EXTRACTS FROM THE CONSTITUTION * * * * * PART V THE UNION CHAPTER I.—THE EXECUTIVE The President and Vice-President 52. The President of India.—There shall be a President of India. * * * * * 54. Election of President.—The President shall be elected by the members of an electoral college consisting of— (a) the elected members of both Houses of Parliament; and (b) the elected members of the Legislative Assemblies of the States. 1[Explanation.—In this article and in article 55, "State" includes the National Capital Territory of Delhi and the Union territory of 2[Puducherry].] 55. Manner of election of President.—(1) As far as practicable, there shall be uniformity in the scale of representation of the different States at the election of the President. (2) For the purpose of securing such uniformity among the States inter se as well as parity between the States as a whole and the Union, the number of votes which each elected member of Parliament and of the Legislative Assembly of each State is entitled to cast at such election shall be determined in the following manner:— (a) every elected member of the legislative Assembly of a State shall have as many votes as there are multiples of one thousand in the quotient obtained by dividing the population of the State by the total number of the elected members of the Assembly; (b) if, after taking the said multiples of one thousand, the remainder is not less than five hundred, then the vote of each member referred to in sub-clause (a) shall be further increased by one; (c) each elected member of either House of Parliament shall have such number of votes as may be obtained by dividing the total number of votes assigned to the members of the Legislative Assemblies of the States under sub-clauses (a) and (b) by the total number of the elected members of both Houses of Parliament, fractions exceeding one-half being counted as one and other fractions being disregarded. -
Gubernatorial Foreign Policy
JULIAN G. KU Gubernatorial Foreign Policy A B S T R A C T. In a variety of circumstances, state governors exercise independent decision- making power over matters affecting the foreign policy of the United States. This Essay describes and defends this emerging system of gubernatorial foreign policy on both legal and functional grounds. Recent Supreme Court decisions retreating from federal exclusivity in foreign affairs and prohibiting the commandeering of state executive officials leave a small doctrinal space for governors to act independently on matters affecting foreign policy. This small space has been further expanded by the federal government's practice of imposing limitations on the preemptive effect of treaties and international agreements. A system of gubernatorial foreign policy also represents the most practical and feasible way to accommodate the internationalizing pressure of globalization with a continuing federal system of "dual sovereignties." Under this system, the states will continue to improve their capacity to deal with matters affecting foreign affairs, and the federal government will retain the right to preempt, but not to commandeer, state governors in the service of federal foreign policy goals. A U T H O R. Associate Professor of Law, Hofstra University School of Law, Visiting Associate Professor of Law, William & Mary School of Law. I would like to thank John Parry, Michael Ramsey, James Tierney, and Timothy Zick for helpful comments, Jacob Djaboury for research assistance, and Patricia Kasting for library assistance. An earlier version of this Essay was presented at a faculty workshop at Lewis & Clark Law School. Hofstra University School of Law provided support for this Essay. -
The Governor Genera. and the Head of State Functions
The Governor Genera. and the Head of State Functions THOMAS FRANCK* Lincoln, Nebraska In most, though by no means all democratic states,' the "Head o£ State" is a convenient legal and political fiction the purpose of which is to personify the complex political functions of govern- ment. What distinguishes the operations of this fiction in Canada is the fact that the functions of head of state are not discharged by any one person. Some, by legislative enactment, are vested in the Governor General. Others are delegated to the Governor General by the Crown. Still others are exercised by the Queen in person. A survey of these functions will reveal, however, that many more of the duties of the Canadian head of state are to-day dis- charged by the Governor General than are performed by the Queen. Indeed, it will reveal that some of the functions cannot be dis- charged by anyone else. It is essential that we become aware of this development in Canadian constitutional practice and take legal cognizance of the consequently increasing stature and importance of the Queen's representative in Canada. Formal Vesting of Head of State Functions in Constitutional Governments ofthe Commonnealth Reahns In most of the realms of the Commonwealth, the basic constitut- ional documents formally vest executive power in the Queen. Section 9 of the British North America Act, 1867,2 states: "The Executive Government and authority of and over Canada is hereby declared to continue and be vested in the Queen", while section 17 establishes that "There shall be one Parliament for Canada, consist- ing of the Queen, an Upper House, styled the Senate, and the *Thomas Franck, B.A., LL.B. -
The European Parliament and Environmental Legislation: the Case of Chemicals
European Journal of Political Research 36: 119–154, 1999. 119 © 1999 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands. The European Parliament and environmental legislation: The case of chemicals GEORGE TSEBELIS & ANASTASSIOS KALANDRAKIS University of California, Los Angeles, USA Abstract. The paper studies the impact of the EP on legislation on chemical pollutants in- troduced under the Cooperation procedure. A series of formal and informal analyses have predicted from significant impact of the EP, to limited impact (only in the second round) to no impact at all. Through the analysis of Parliamentary debates as well as Commission and Parliamentary committee documents, we are able to assess the significance of different amendments, as well as the degree to which they were introduced in the final decision of the Council. Our analysis indicates first that less than 30% of EP amendments are insignificant, while 15% are important or very important; second, that the probability of acceptance of an amendment is the same regardless of its significance. Further analysis indicates two sources of bias of aggregate EP statistics: several amendments are complementary (deal with the same issue in different places of the legal document), and a series of amendments that are rejected as inadmissible (because they violate the legal basis of the document or the germainess require- ment) are included in subsequent pieces of legislation. We calculate the effect of these biases in our sample, and find that official statistics underestimate Parliamentary influence by more than 6 percentage points (49% instead of 56% in our sample). Finally, we compare a series of observed strategic behaviors of different actors (rapporteurs, committees, floor, Commission) to different expectations generated by the literature. -
Legislative Chambers: Unicameral Or Bicameral?
Legislative Chambers: Unicameral or Bicameral? Legislative Chambers: Unicameral or Bicameral? How many chambers a parliament should have is a controversial question in constitutional law. Having two legislative chambers grew out of the monarchy system in the UK and other European countries, where there was a need to represent both the aristocracy and the common man, and out of the federal system in the US. where individual states required representation. In recent years, unicameral systems, or those with one legislative chamber, were associated with authoritarian states. Although that perception does not currently hold true, there appears to be a general trend toward two chambers in emerging democracies, particularly in larger countries. Given historical, cultural and political factors, governments must decide whether one-chamber or two chambers better serve the needs of the country. Bicameral Chambers A bicameral legislature is composed of two-chambers, usually termed the lower house and upper house. The lower house is usually based proportionally on population with each member representing the same number of citizens in each district or region. The upper house varies more broadly in the way in which members are selected, including inheritance, appointment by various bodies and direct and indirect elections. Representation in the upper house can reflect political subdivisions, as is the case for the US Senate, German Bundesrat and Indian Rajya Sabha. Bicameral systems tend to occur in federal states, because of that system’s two-tiered power structure. Where subdivisions are drawn to coincide with other important societal units, the upper house can serve to represent ethnic, religious or tribal groupings, as in India or Ethiopia.