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Diana Kapiszewski WEB APPENDICES
HIGH COURTS AND ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE IN ARGENTINA AND BRAZIL Diana Kapiszewski January 2012 WEB APPENDICES Kapiszewski ~ High Courts and Economic Governance ~ Web Appendices Web Appendix 2.1 Argentine CSJN Annual Case Load Statistics, 1991-2010 Year Total % of Total Total % of Total Total % of Total Total % of Total Pre- Pre- Entered Entered Decided Decided in Course in Course at Existing Existing and/or Relating to Relating to at End End of Year Relating Relating to Pensions1 Reinitiated Pensions Pensions of Year2 to Pensions 1991 8,939 5,532 6,036 8,435 1992 8,435 6,546 5,804 9,177 1993 7,723 24,815 6,604 24,877 1994 24,900 36,723 5,393 56,329 1995 56,994 86% 16,910 63% 7,628 13% 66,875 89% 1996 66,875 89% 23,544 78% 9,443 33% 81,619 92% 1997 82,453 92% 9,811 43% 41,318 86% 55,626 88% 1998 55,638 88% 8,057 20% 54,043 89% 17,896 59% 1999 17,896 59% 13,818 16% 21,208 54% 15,842 24% 2000 17,488 47% 17,971 59% 15,544 57% 20,005 50% 2001 20,005 50% 14,631 48% 15,333 55% 19,373 44% 2002 19,373 44% 42,055 28% 36,526 22% 24,902 49% 2003 37,147 35% 31,470 55% 18,980 60% 49,637 37% 2004 46,109 40% 37,726 33% 20,963 62% 62,872 28% 2005 62,872 28% 36,354 14% 20,485 55% 78,741 15% 2006 63,905 15% 30,544 15% 12,934 27% 79,781 13% 2007 78,247 13% 28,093 10% 54,123 5% 46,696 23% 2008 46,505 23% 22,817 20% 22,900 17% 29,676 33% 2009 29,676 33% 14,306 25% 21,500 24% 16,533 27% 2010 16,886 27% 15,138 30% 13,637 26% 17,117 35% Source: Oficina de Estadísticas del Poder Judicial de la Nación. -
Brazil-Turkey Fundação Alexandre De Gusmão Fundação Two Emerging Powers Intensify Emerging Powers Two
coleção Internacionais Relações Relações coleção coleção Internacionais 811 Ekrem Eddy Güzeldere is a political Eddy Güzeldere Ekrem Ekrem Eddy Güzeldere The bilateral relations of Brazil and Turkey scientist from Munich with a specialization Within the theoretic frame of role theory, this book represents a first attempt at are a little researched subject. Therefore, this in international relations. He holds a PhD describing the bilateral relations of Brazil and Turkey since the 1850s until 2017 book offers a first attempt at analyzing both (2017) from the University of Hamburg. with an emphasis on contemporary relations. Both states are treated as emerging the political, economic, cultural and academic From 2005 to October 2015 he worked in powers, which intensify their relations, because of two main motivations: to raise bilateral relations, especially since they have Istanbul for the German political foundation their status in international affairs and for economic reasons. In the period of 2003 been intensifying in the 2000s. However, there Heinrich Böll, an international ESI think until 2011, Brazil and Turkey succeeded in intensifying their relations in many is also a historic chapter about the relations in tank, as a journalist and political analyst fields, with 2010 being the year of most intensive politico-diplomatic relations, the 19th century, which in its depth, using both for international media and consultancies. because of both a major diplomatic initiative, the Tehran Declaration, and an Turkish and Portuguese-language sources, Before moving to Istanbul, he worked in ambitious Strategic Partnership. The economic relations reached a high in 2011 represents a first endeavor in English. -
Contemporary Civil-Military Relations in Brazil and Argentina : Bargaining for Political Reality
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 1996 Contemporary civil-military relations in Brazil and Argentina : bargaining for political reality. Carlos P. Baía University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses Baía, Carlos P., "Contemporary civil-military relations in Brazil and Argentina : bargaining for political reality." (1996). Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014. 2541. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2541 This thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. c CONTEMPORARY CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN BRAZIL AND ARGENTINA BARGAINING FOR POLITICAL REALITY A Thesis Presented by CARLOS P. BAIA Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS September 1996 Political Science © Copyright by Carlos Pereira Bafa 1996 All Rights Reserved CONTEMPORARY CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN BRAZIL AND ARGENTINA BARGAINING FOR POLITICAL REALITY A Thesis Presented by CARLOS P. BAIA Approved as to style and content by: Howard Wiarda, Chair Eric Einhorn, Member Eric Einhom, Department Head Political Science ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This work would not have been possible without the invaluable contributions of Howard Wiarda, Eric Einhorn, Timothy Steingega, Anthony Spanakos, Moise Tirado, Tilo Stolz, Edgar Brignoni, Susan Iwanicki, and Larissa Ruiz. To them I express my sincere gratitude. I also owe special thanks to the United States Department of Education for granting me a Foreign Language and Area Studies Fellowship to complete this research. -
9 º Congreso ALACIP Democracias En Recesión? 26-28 De Julio De 2017, Montevideo
1 9 º Congreso ALACIP Democracias en recesión? 26-28 de Julio de 2017, Montevideo Grupo de Relaciones Internacionales Panel: Políticas externas e de defesa de Argentina e Brasil a partir de 2015. Rede de Pesquisa sobre Política Externa e Política de Defesa entre Argentina e Brasil BRAZIL’S RISE AND DECLINE IN SOUTH AMERICA Miriam Gomes Saraiva Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro [email protected] Resumen/Abstract During the Lula da Silva administration, the Brazilian government has performed to consolidated a regional governance in South America putting renewed effort into building the country’s leadership in the region. Since 2011, when Dilma Rousseff came into power, the Brazilian links with its neighbours has been losing strength, as well as its role as a regional power has been declining. The aim of the paper is to analyse the changes in Brazilian regional strategy of leadership in South American issues, from 2011 onwards. It argues that, although Rousseff is part of the same political party, while the Lula government behaviour focused on building up of Brazilian leadership in the region on several different fronts, the Rousseff administration has behaved differently from its predecessor; the Brazilian efforts to build a leadership in the region would have reached a turning point affecting, therefore, its role as regional power. 2 Since 2003, in a shifting international scenario of increasing fragmentation and following the decline of the liberal world order seen in the 1990s, Brazil has taken assertive action to expand its participation in multilateral forums and debates on global political matters as part of a diplomatic strategy that envisages a reformulation of existing international institutions. -
Brazil's Role in Institutions of Global Economic
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Repository@Hull - CRIS BRAZIL’S ROLE IN INSTITUTIONS OF GLOBAL ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE: THE WTO AND G20 Mahrukh Doctor Abstract: The article evaluates the extent to which Brazil’s foreign policy actions, negotiating positions and diplomatic strategies in global governance institutions contribute to supporting its national interest and foreign policy aims. It compares Brazil’s preferences and behaviour in the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and Group of 20 (G20). For decades, Brazil’s primary national interest has been national economic development. The article argues that Brazil is moving from a material interests based definition of its prime national interest to a more complex one that includes both material and prestige/status based aspects. Research demonstrates that Brazil has become increasingly focused on gaining recognition as a leader of developing countries, sometimes even at the cost of realizing its full material interests. It considers the value of constructivist international relations theory to understanding Brazilian foreign policy. Key Words: Brazil, WTO, G20, emerging power, global governance The past decade has seen a major shift in global economic dynamism and power distribution. Ideological as well as pragmatic factors colour established and emerging powers’ attitudes towards the emerging world order. Moreover, the growing political, economic, and ideological diversity present in the international system has dissipated the like-mindedness that guided post-war collaboration on issues of global governance. The impacts of the global financial crisis, Euro-zone troubles, and turbulence in emerging markets required both established and emerging powers to re-think their behaviour in arenas of global economic governance. -
Departamento De Taquigrafia, Revisão E Redação
DEPARTAMENTO DE TAQUIGRAFIA, REVISÃO E REDAÇÃO SESSÃO: 007.4.54.N DATA: 24/03/14 TURNO: Matutino TIPO DA SESSÃO: Solene - CN LOCAL: Plenário Principal - SF INÍCIO: 11h32min TÉRMINO: 12h44min DISCURSOS RETIRADOS PELO ORADOR PARA REVISÃO Hora Fase Orador Obs.: CÂMARA DOS DEPUTADOS - DETAQ REDAÇÃO FINAL Número Sessão: 007.4.54.N Tipo: Solene - CN Data: 24/03/2014 Montagem: 4176 O SR. PRESIDENTE (José Agripino. Bloco Minoria/DEM-RN) - Declaro aberta a sessão solene do Congresso Nacional destinada a homenagear o centenário de nascimento de João Agripino Filho. Sob a proteção de Deus, iniciamos os nossos trabalhos. Tenho a honra de convidar para compor a Mesa o Presidente da presente sessão — ocupo a Presidência circunstancialmente, por deferência de S.Exa. —, o Senador Cássio Cunha Lima, um dos requerentes desta homenagem. [CD1] Convido, igualmente, para compor a Mesa, o Exmo. Sr. Deputado Federal Ruy Carneiro, que, a exemplo do Senador Cássio Cunha Lima, subscreveu o requerimento para que também, pela Câmara dos Deputados, fosse feita esta homenagem ao ex-Ministro, ex-Senador, ex-Governador e ex-Deputado Federal João Agripino Filho. Convido também o filho do homenageado, que aqui representa toda a família, João Agripino de Vasconcelos Maia, advogado e ex-Deputado Federal, e a filha, Sra. Elvira Maria dos Santos Lima. Registro a presença dos netos do homenageado: Alessandra Raposo de Vasconcelos Maia, Carolina Maia, Gabriela Maia, João Agripino Maia e Rodrigo Raposo de Vasconcelos Maia. Também faço com muita alegria o registro de amigos e parentes de João Agripino que vieram a esta Sessão de Homenagem para trazer o reconhecimento da memória de um paraibano e um brasileiro ilustre que foi e será sempre na nossa memória o ex-Senador e ex-Deputado João Agripino Filho. -
Does Amazonia Belong to the World?
The Jus Semper Global Alliance In Pursuit of the People and Planet Paradigm Sustainable Human Development October 2020 COMMENTARIES ON TRUE DEMOCRACY AND CAPITALISM Does Amazonia Belong to the World? The policy of Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro and his government is to deforest the region. What right do other nations have to give it legally protected status and intervene to enforce that? Renaud Lambert rench president Emmanuel Macron thinks of himself as leading the resistance to his F illiberal counterparts in other countries.1 He started with Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán, and moved on to Matteo Salvini, head of Italy’s (Northern) League. The wildfires that have been destroying the Amazonian rainforest this year gave him an ideal new adversary: Brazil’s far-right president Jair Bolsonaro, misogynist, homophobe and climate sceptic. In August, Science magazine established a link between the smoke that darkens Brazil’s skies as far as São Paulo and its government’s policy of deforestation.2 Macron suggested the rainforest should be given protected status under The fires that kill: blaze in Nova Santa Helena municipality in northern Mato Grosso state this August - João Laet · AFP · Getty international law ‘if a sovereign state took concrete actions that clearly went against the interest of the planet’.3 1↩ See Serge Halimi and Pierre Rimbert, ‘Not the world order we wanted’, Le Monde diplomatique, English edition, September 2018. 2 ↩See Herton Escobar, ‘There’s no doubt that Brazil’s fires are linked to deforestation, scientists say’, Science, American Association for the Advancement of Science, Washington DC, 26 August 2019. -
Observations on the Brazilian Presidency, Democracy, and Governance
Observations on the BrazilianAdministração presidency, Pública democracy and governance OBSERVATIONS ON THE BRAZILIAN PRESIDENCY, DEMOCRACY, AND GOVERNANCE Kurt E. von Mettenheim Professor at EAESP/FGV. RESUMO Este artigo apresenta os primeiros resultados de uma pesquisa sobre a administração da Presidência brasileira e problemas de governança democrática no Brasil. São criticados viéses eurocêntricos nas análises de presidencialismo, democracia, governança e representação, e são propostas novas análises comparativas de experiências políticas nas Américas. Esta análise da Presidência brasileira revela novos padrões de representação determinados pelo Executivo e um novo estilo de governança aberta e pluralista no recente período de pós-transição. ABSTRACT This article presents the first results of research on the organization and administration of the Brazilian presidency and problems of democratic governance in Brazil. Biases of Euro-centrism in current views of presidentialism, democracy, governance, and representation are criticized and new comparative analysis of political experiences in the Americas called for. Initial analysis of the Brazilian presidency reveals a unique combination of executive-led electoral representation and muddling through governance since the transition from military rule. PALAVRAS-CHAVE Política, governança, Presidência, democracia. KEY WORDS Politics, governance, presidency, democracy. RAESão Paulo, • v. 39 v. 39• n. • 3 n. • 3 Jul./Set. • p. 53-65 1999 RAE - Revista de Administração de Empresas • Jul./Set. 1999 53 Administração Pública INTRODUCTION Whatever novelties have emerged from within these (Latin American) countries in terms of regime form and practice has taken shape out The collapse of the Soviet Union culminated a of the accumulated weight of skillful statecraft which finds its way remarkable series of transitions from military, from one problematic situation to the next. -
SÉRIE ANTROPOLOGIA 301 PULP FICTIONS of INDIGENISM Alcida
SÉRIE ANTROPOLOGIA 301 PULP FICTIONS OF INDIGENISM Alcida Rita Ramos Brasília 2001 Pulp Fictions of Indigenism Alcida Rita Ramos Universidade de Brasília An American Orientalism Were I to write in Portuguese (or in Spanish, had I the skills), I would be hard pressed to justify my use of the concept of Indigenism. While in Latin American countries indigenismo invariably means state policy or indigenous organizing against national pressures (see, for instance, Jackson's 1989 definition of Indigenism as "self-conscious indigenism"), what I wish to convey with Indigenism is much more than this. The fact that the word in English has no such connotation helps me delimit my field of interest. As I interpret it, Indigenism comes closer to being a sort of American Orientalism, or, in Coronil's conception, "Occidentalism", that is, "representational practices whose effect is to present non-Western peoples as the Other of a Western self" (Coronil 1997: xi). In the specific case of Brazil, Indigenism is clearly an ideological apparatus which includes not only state policies, but especially the vast repertoire of images, attitudes, and actions that both non-Indians and Indians have produced along the history of the country's interethnic front. The present analysis is part of a larger project whose main purpose is to understand the Brazilian nation by means of the representations it has made of its Indians in the last 500 years. The multiplicity of these representations and of their authors renders the study of Indigenism a very complex and seemingly -
The Responses of Mercosur to the Impeachment Processes in Paraguay and Brazil
REGIME EFFECTIVENESS AND DEMOCRACY PROTECTION: THE RESPONSES OF MERCOSUR TO THE IMPEACHMENT PROCESSES IN PARAGUAY AND BRAZIL Efetividade de regimes e proteção à democracia: as respostas do Mercosul aos processos de impeachment no Paraguai e no Brasil Alexandre San Martim Portes1 Introduction Democratization and regional integration are phenomena relatively new in South America. After decades of authoritarian regimes, new democratic orders and globalization brought the necessity of looking for partnership in the neighborhood. The Common Market of the South, or in the Spanish acronym Mercosur, was created in 1991, as an attempt to bring the countries in the region not only economically but also politically closer. Although initially a project lead by Brazil and Argentina, Mercosur has today three more members: Paraguay, Uruguay, and Venezuela. Bolivia is in the process of integration and Chile, Peru, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana and Surinam are associate members (MERCOSUR, 2017). Even tough Mercosur created institutionalized mechanisms to protect democracy in the region, two impeachment process happened in the group, generating controversies. One of the processes was in Paraguay in 2012, removing Fernando Lugo from the government, and the other in Brazil in 2016, impeaching Dilma Rousseff. The group reacted differently to each process, resulting in the suspension of Paraguay from the group in the first case, and accepting the domestic decision in the second. Since different responses were given to the impeachment problem, an important question emerges: can the regime of protection of democracy of Mercosur be considered effective, even when it had different reactions to the impeachment process occurred in Paraguay and Brazil? The hypothesis to the question is that the regime, to be effective, should have given a similar response to problems that are also similar. -
Title of the Document
Modern-Day Slavehouse - Article originally published in the February 2008 edition of Rolling Stone Brazil magazine Brazilian employers using slave labor find support in the Congress to have their names off the so-called “Dirty List”. The author, the journalist Carlos Juliano Barros, closely follows the slave labour question throughout Brazil. Translation: ILO office Brasilia The workers arrive at the farm in the back of a truck, after long hours on the road. As soon as they see the area to be cleared, they start their first task: building their own shelter. Only then they can rest their depleted bodies in hammocks, protected from the sun and the rain by a black tarp hold by wooden sticks. Their day- to-day life is harsh and requires energy. The rice and beans eaten regularly for lunch and dinner never appease the hunger. The water used to cook, clean their bodies, and drink comes from the same source used for the animals trying to cool down. The cigarette packs and the liters of aguardente (Brazilian distilled alcohol) bought at overpriced rates at the local market slowly eat-up the long-awaited end-of-month payments. Also carefully registered in a little notebook is the cost of transportation, which seemed such a nice gesture from the boss. By the end of the day, the roles are reversed; it is the employee who owes the employer. Only two options remain then: to work, or to run away. This narrative could have been extracted from a movie script with strong images showing the horrors of a distant land – a place where there are no limits to the exploitation of human beings. -
Cuad.CLAEH Vol.1 No.Se Montevideo 2006 'Brazil Needs to Change'. Change As Iteration and the Iteration of Change in Brazil 2
Cuad.CLAEH vol.1 no.se Montevideo 2006 ‘Brazil Needs to Change’. Change as Iteration and the Iteration of Change in Brazil’s 2002 Presidential Election 1 Francisco Panizza* Department of Government, The London School of Economics and Political Science Astract Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s triumph in Brazil’s 2002 presidential election was construed in terms of a promise of radical change, and so against the holders of the status quo. This article argues that in fact a more subtle political game was a stake in the election, a contest over the meaning and limits of change itself. The article examines how the various players Lula da Silva, outgoing president Fernando Henrique Cardoso and the PSDB’s presidential candidate José Serra invoked and iterated a discourse of change to define and redefine the political dividing lines that marked out the electoral dispute and attempted to set or fix the distinctions between their political positions. Keywords: Brazil, campaign, change, continuity, discourse, election, iteration, Lula, rupture. Introduction Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s triumph in Brazil’s presidential election in October 2002 invoked the image of a radical turn in the country’s politics, perhaps only comparable with the triumph of Chile’s Unidad Popular in 1970. Many analysts saw it as a defining moment in Brazilian political history. One of the country’s most renowned intellectuals,the sociologist Francisco De Oliveira, described the election as a landmark comparable only with defining events such as the abolition of slavery, the proclamation of the Republic, and the Revolution of 1930.2 Another scholar, the historian JoséMurilo de Carvalho, claimed that Lula’s victory marked ‘a turning point in the country’s republican history’.3 Political scientist Wanderley Guillerme Dos Santos argued that 2002 saw the country’s ‘first critical 1 I thank Benjamín Arditi, Vicente Palermo and two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments.