The History of Alexander the Great by Cleitarchus Reconstructed In
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Hegelian Master-Slave Dialectics: Lord Byron's Sardanapalus
English Language and Literature Studies; Vol. 3, No. 1; 2013 ISSN 1925-4768 E-ISSN 1925-4776 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education Hegelian Master-Slave Dialectics: Lord Byron’s Sardanapalus Marziyeh Farivar1, Roohollah R. Sistani1 & Masoumeh Mehni2 1 School of Language studies and Linguistics, UKM, Malaysia 2 University Putra Malaysia, Malaysia Correspondence: Marziyeh Farivar, School of Language Studies and Linguistics (PPBL), Faculty of Social Science and Humanities (FSSK), University Kebangsaan Malaysia, Malaysia. Tel: 60-173-264-628. E-mail: [email protected] Received: December 12, 2012 Accepted: January 3, 2013 Online Published: January 17, 2013 doi:10.5539/ells.v3n1p16 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ells.v3n1p16 Abstract This paper intends to discuss Byron’s “Sardanapalus” by focusing on the Hegelian master-slave dialectics. Written in 1821, “Sardanapalus” presents some trends about Lord Byron’s creation of the Byronic Hero. The Byronic hero is emotional, dreamy, and impulsive. Sardanapalus, the Byronic hero, is the Assyrian King who possesses the complicated nature of both master and slave which is the focus of this article. There are encounters of masters and slaves that consciously and unconsciously take place in this dramatic verse. Sardanapalus’ relationships to his mistress, his brother-in-law and the citizens involve a complex thesis and anti-thesis. Hegelian dialectics reflect the processes of recognition of consciousness through such thesis and anti-thesis. Bondage and lordship and dependency and independency are concepts that are within these processes. Hegel explains that the identity and role of the master and slave can be recognized when they are interacting. -
The Assyrian Period the Nee-Babylonian Period
and ready to put their ban and curse on any intruder. A large collection of administrative documents of the Cassite period has been found at Nippur. The Assyrian Period The names of the kings of Assyria who reigned in the great city of Nineveh in the eighth and seventh centuries until its total destruction in 606 B.C. have been made familiar to us through Biblical traditions concerning the wars of Israel and Juda, the siege of Samaria and Jeru- salem, and even the prophet Jonah. From the palaces at Calah, Nineveh, Khorsabad, have come monumental sculptures and bas-reliefs, historical records on alabaster slabs and on clay prisms, and the many clay tab- lets from the royal libraries. Sargon, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, Ashur- banipal- the Sardanapalus of the Greeks- carried their wars to Baby- lonia, to Elam, to the old Sumerian south on the shores of the Persian Gulf. Babylon became a province of the Assyrian Empire under the king's direct control, or entrusted to the hand of a royal brother or even to a native governor. The temples were restored by their order. Bricks stamped with the names of the foreign rulers have been found at Nip- pur, Kish, Ur and other Babylonian cities, and may be seen in the Babylonian Section of the University Museum. Sin-balatsu-iqbi was governor of Ur and a devoted servant of Ashurbanipal. The temple of Nannar was a total ruin. He repaired the tower, the enclosing wall, the great gate, the hall of justice, where his inscribed door-socket, in the shape of a green snake, was still in position. -
Hrabanus Maurus’ Post-Patristic Renovation of 1 Maccabees 1:1–8
Open Theology 2021; 7: 271–288 Research Article Christian Thrue Djurslev* Hrabanus Maurus’ Post-Patristic Renovation of 1 Maccabees 1:1–8 https://doi.org/10.1515/opth-2020-0160 received April 26, 2021; accepted June 01, 2021 Abstract: In this article, I examine Hrabanus Maurus’ exegesis of the opening verses of 1 Maccabees, which preserves a concise account of Alexander the Great’s career. My main goal is to demonstrate how Hrabanus reinterpreted the representation of the Macedonian king from 1 Maccabees. To this end, I employ transfor- mation theory, which enables me to analyze the ways in which Hrabanus updated the meaning of the biblical text. I argue that Hrabanus turned the negative Maccabean narrative of Alexander into a positive representation that was attractive to contemporary readers. I support this argument by focusing on Hrabanus’ recourse to Latin sources, primarily the late antique authors Jerome, Orosius, and Justin, an epitomist of Roman history. I find that Hrabanus challenged Jerome’s interpretations, neutralized much of Orosius’ negative appraisal of Alexander, and amplified the laudatory passages of Justin, which generated a new image of the ancient king. The present article thus contributes to three fields: medieval exegesis of biblical texts, Carolingian reinterpretation of the patristic heritage, and the reception of Alexander the Great. Keywords: Alexander the Great, biblical scholarship, medieval exegesis, “Carolingian Renaissance”, historio- graphy, historical text reuse, transformation theory 1 Prelude: What is the point of reception? Miriam De Cock, the prime mover behind this special issue of Open Theology, invited contributors to reflect on how and why we conduct research into the “reception history”¹ of biblical and patristic heritage. -
Alexander the Great
RESOURCE GUIDE Booth Library Eastern Illinois University Alexander the Great A Selected List of Resources Booth Library has a large collection of learning resources to support the study of Alexander the Great by undergraduates, graduates and faculty. These materials are held in the reference collection, the main book holdings, the journal collection and the online full-text databases. Books and journal articles from other libraries may be obtained using interlibrary loan. This is a subject guide to selected works in this field that are held by the library. The citations on this list represent only a small portion of the available literature owned by Booth Library. Additional materials can be found by searching the EIU Online Catalog. To find books, browse the shelves in these call numbers for the following subject areas: DE1 to DE100 History of the Greco-Roman World DF10 to DF951 History of Greece DF10 to DF289 Ancient Greece DF232.5 to DF233.8 Macedonian Epoch. Age of Philip. 359-336 B.C. DF234 to DF234.9 Alexander the Great, 336-323 B.C. DF235 to DF238.9 Hellenistic Period, 323-146.B.C. REFERENCE SOURCES Cambridge Companion to the Hellenistic World ………………………………………. Ref DE86 .C35 2006 Encyclopedia of the Ancient Greek World ……………………………………………… Ref DF16 .S23 1995 Who’s Who in the Greek World ……………………………………………………….. Stacks DE7.H39 2000 PLEASE REFER TO COLLECTION LOCATION GUIDE FOR LOCATION OF ALL MATERIALS ALEXANDER THE GREAT Alexander and His Successors ………………………………………………... Stacks DF234 .A44 2009x Alexander and the Hellenistic World ………………………………………………… Stacks DE83 .W43 Alexander the Conqueror: The Epic Story of the Warrior King ……………….. -
The Making of the Hellenistic World
Part I THE MAKING OF THE HELLENISTIC WORLD K2 cch01.inddh01.indd 1111 99/14/2007/14/2007 55:03:23:03:23 PPMM K2 cch01.inddh01.indd 1122 99/14/2007/14/2007 55:03:23:03:23 PPMM 1 First Steps 325 300 275 250 225 200 175 150 125 100 75 50 25 June 323 Death of Alexander the Great; outbreak of Lamian War 322 Battle of Krannon; end of Lamian War 320 Death of Perdikkas in Egypt; settlement of Triparadeisos 319 Death of Antipater 317 Return of Olympias to Macedonia; deaths of Philip Arrhidaios and Eurydike 316/15 Death of Eumenes of Kardia in Iran 314 Antigonos’ declaration of Tyre; fi rst coalition war (Kas- sander, Lysimachos, and Ptolemy against Antigonos) 312 Battle of Gaza; Seleukos retakes Babylon 311 Treaty ends coalition war 310 Deaths of Alexander IV and Roxane I From Babylon to Triparadeisos The sudden death of the Macedonian king Alexander, far away from home at Babylon in Mesopotamia on June 10, 323, caught the world he ruled fully unprepared for the ensuing crisis. Only two of the men who founded the dynas- ties of kings which dominated the history of the Hellenistic world were even present at Babylon when he died, and only one of them was suffi ciently promi- nent among the offi cers who assembled to debate the future to be given an independent provincial command: Ptolemy, now in his early forties, was appointed to distant Egypt (though with Alexander’s established governor, Kleomenes, as his offi cial deputy). Seleukos, also present at Babylon, but some K2 cch01.inddh01.indd 1133 99/14/2007/14/2007 55:03:23:03:23 PPMM 14 PART I THE MAKING OF THE HELLENISTIC WORLD ten years younger, became cavalry commander in the central government, a post which under Alexander had been equivalent to the king’s deputy but now was envisaged as being purely military. -
Isaiah Xxi in the Light of Assyrian History
NOTES AND STUDIES SOl ISAIAH XXI IN THE LIGHT OF ASSYRIAN HISTORY. I Verses I-Io. THE Burden of the Wilderness of the Sea has long possessed a strong .attraction for students of prophecy because of what appeared to the older commentators the undoubted fulfilment of the predictions con tained in it. The LXX by their rendering of verse 2-'E71"' lp.o~ o~ 'EAaJLEtTat, Ka~ ot 7rpiu{3Ets Twv IIEpuwv E71"• lJL'£ tpxovmt 1-brought the ·subject-matter of this prophecy down to the Persian era, and so prepared the way for the well-known traditional interpretation, which prevailed from the days of Jerome to within about a generation of the present time. According to this view of the passage, Isaiah xxi I-Io is a prophecy of the taking of Babylon by Cyrus; Media and Elam in verse 2 stand for the Medes and Persians, and the disturbed banquet in verse 5 is the counterpart of Belshazzar's feast and of that festival carousal of the Babylonians on the night of the capture of their city as related in the pages of Xenophon. So admirably did all seem to fit in, that for a long time everybody was satisfied. To such an interpreta tion, however, modern criticism has offered some strong objections. Assuming the prophecy to be the work of Isaiah, or at least to belong to the Isaianic age, it is difficult, as Dr Driver observes, 2 to see what ' intelligible purpose could be subserved by the prophet announcing to the generation of Hezekiah an occurrence lying in the distant future and having no bearing on contemporary interests'; while at the same time the traditional view altogether fails to account for the alarm and aversion with which the prophet contemplates the fall of the great oppressing city. -
Delacroix and the Ends of Civilizations Michèle Hannoosh
delacroix and the ends of civilizations michèle hannoosh deLacroix was preoccupied with the fate library of the Palais du Luxembourg, seat of the of civilizations, their origins, and, especially, their ends. Chamber of Peers (1840–46). The theme was emi- The theme occurs already in works from early in his nently appropriate for a library, the institution that career, beginning with paintings from the 1820s such represents, encompasses, and preserves civilizations, as Greece on the Ruins of Missolonghi (fig. 1) and The and it dominates spectacularly both of Delacroix’s Death of Sardanapalus (fig. 2). The monumental allegory schemes. He filled sheets of paper with notes to him- of Greece standing atop the ruins of Greek civilization self of subjects appropriate to the theme: some of after the year long siege of Missolonghi by the Turks these were indeed included in one or other of the was a highly topical subject in the service of a highly libraries, others were “recycled” into separate easel visible liberal cause in Restoration France, the Greek paintings, still others were abandoned altogether. War of Independence.1 The Death of Sardanapalus of Crucially, Delacroix’s subjects reflect not only the 1827, however literary its origin in Byron’s play, and preservation of cultures and civilizations but also their whatever occasion it may have presented for a virtuo- destruction, the threats that they face, the chance sic display of flesh, décor, and frenzied movement, circumstances in which they either perish or survive. also represents the -
Qala of Muqanna: Routes of Search (Preliminary Report)
_____________________________________________________________ART-SANAT 2/2014___________________________________________________________ QALA OF MUQANNA: ROUTES OF SEARCH (PRELIMINARY REPORT) KAZİM ABDULLAEV Dr., Mimar Sinan Güzel Sanatlar Üniversitesi Taşınabilir Kültür Varlıklarını Koruma ve Onarım Yüksekokulu [email protected] NABİ KHUSHVAKTOV Dr., Director of Shakhrisabz Museum of History of Material Culture of name Amir Temur, Uzbekistan [email protected] ABSTRACT Rebellion of Muqanna was one of the interesting pages in the history of Central Asia of 8th century. However, search of Qala of Mukanna fortress where he lived several years was not the subject of special study. The goal of this article is to compare the data of important written sources with archaeological situation and specifically recently discovered site located in the mountains north of Hissar ridge surrounding Shahrisyabz Oasis on the south side. Location and the special features of this fortress nearby Kesh-Shakhrisyabz largely correspond to the descriptions of medieval authors. Discovery of stone structures located near the fortress are likely to be houses, buildings of Arab commander al-Harashī. Further archaeological studies may confirm or refute the assumptions. Key Words: Muqanna, Qala, Kesh, Shakhrisyabz, Maverranaqr. MUKANNA’NIN KALESİ: ARAŞTIRMANIN GÜZERGAHLARI (ÖN RAPOR) ÖZET Mukanna isyanı, 8. yüzyıl Orta Asya tarihinde ilginç sayfalardan biriydi. Bununla beraber, bir kaç yıl yaşadığı kalenin araştırılması, özel çalışma alanı olmamıştır. Bu makalenin amacı, -
The Impossible Dream W. W. Tarn's Alexander in Retrospect*
F LASHBACKS Karanos 2, 2019 77-95 The Impossible Dream W. W. Tarn’s Alexander in Retrospect* by A. Brian Bosworth The University of Western Australia First published in 1948, Tarn’s Alexander the Great was soon out of print. In 1956 the first volume was republished in paperback under the auspices of Beacon Press in Boston, but the more substantial second volume remained inaccessible and was a collector’s item for decades. I myself had a standing order with Blackwell’s from 1967, but it was at the end of a long list and eventually after much persuasion I received personal permission to make my own photocopy of the work. At long last in 1979 both volumes were reissued in matching format, exact and uncorrected reprints of the original, and they are now available in Australia**. It must be said at once that it is twenty years too late. Virtually every major statement made by Tarn has been critically examined over the last two and a half decades and in almost every case rejected. His work on Alexander is now a historical curiosity, valuable as a document illustrating his own emotional and intellectual make-up but practically worthless as a serious history of the Macedonian conqueror. As will be seen, Tarn’s attitudes and methods are interesting in their own right, but they are not interesting enough to justify the outrageous and exorbitant price that is demanded of the Australian market. Hard pressed school librarians would make a far better investment by acquiring a range of more recent publications. -
The Contest for Macedon
The Contest for Macedon: A Study on the Conflict Between Cassander and Polyperchon (319 – 308 B.C.). Evan Pitt B.A. (Hons. I). Grad. Dip. This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Humanities University of Tasmania October 2016 Declaration of Originality This thesis contains no material which has been accepted for a degree or diploma by the University or any other institution, except by way of background information and duly acknowledged in the thesis, and to the best of my knowledge and belief no material previously published or written by another person except where due acknowledgement is made in the text of the thesis, nor does this thesis contain any material that infringes copyright. Evan Pitt 27/10/2016 Authority of Access This thesis may be made available for loan and limited copying in accordance with the Copyright Act 1968. Evan Pitt 27/10/2016 ii Acknowledgements A doctoral dissertation is never completed alone, and I am forever grateful to my supervisor, mentor and friend, Dr Graeme Miles, who has unfailingly encouraged and supported me over the many years. I am also thankful to all members of staff at the University of Tasmania; especially to the members of the Classics Department, Dr Jonathan Wallis for putting up with my constant stream of questions with kindness and good grace and Dr Jayne Knight for her encouragement and support during the final stages of my candidature. The concept of this thesis was from my honours project in 2011. Dr Lara O’Sullivan from the University of Western Australia identified the potential for further academic investigation in this area; I sincerely thank her for the helpful comments and hope this work goes some way to fulfil the potential she saw. -
JOHN WALSH, Antipater and Early Hellenistic Literature
Antipater and Early Hellenistic Literature* John Walsh INTRODUCTION It is well known that there was a flowering of Greek literature under Alexander and in the period after his death – at least in terms of the quantity of works, even if some may dispute the quality. A vast array of histories, memoirs, pamphlets, geographical literature, philosophical treatises, and poetry was written during this period, and the political fate of the Greek world in its domination by Macedon and the Successor kingdoms was tied to an increasing tendency for kings to be patrons of literature. Many works were now produced at royal courts, under the patronage of the Successors or by partisan individuals who had served under various kings.1 Antipater, Alexander’s regent in Macedonia, has a neglected but interesting connection with literature in the early Hellenistic era. Antipater was certainly overshadowed by both Philip and Alexander, and the other Diadochs, and his place in the development of Hellenistic intellectualism and literature has been overlooked in modern scholarship. First, in Sections I and II below, I show that Antipater, as Philip had done before him, had a role in the development of Hellenistic literature and was himself an author. There were also intriguing, if speculative, connections between Antipater’s court and the emerging tradition of historical epic. Secondly, in Section III, I trace how Antipater suffered unduly from hostile historiographical traditions directed at him by the propaganda of rival Diadochs, particularly those produced under Ptolemy and the Antigonid partisan Hieronymus of Cardia. I. ANTIPATER’S WORKS2 A passage in the Suda provides some tantalising evidence of Antipater as a writer of history and letters: Antipater was the son of Iolaus, of the city Paliura in Macedonia. -
L. Prandi, Fortuna E Realtà Dell'opera Di Clitarco
Histos () - REVIEW −DISCUSSION IN SEARCH OF CLEITARCHUS Luisa Prandi, Fortuna e realtà dell’ opera di Clitarco . ( Historia Einzel- schriften ) Pp. Steiner, Stuttgart . There is an unwritten law that the volume of scholarship on a subject is in inverse proportion to the evidence available. That is particularly true of the early Hellenistic historian, Cleitarchus, son of Deinon. In Jacoby’s definitive compendium thirty six fragments are accepted as authentic, comprising eight pages of text. On the whole these ‘fragments’ are singularly unin- formative. Few give any extended digest of Cleitarchus’ narrative, and there are only five lines of verbatim quotation. All that has survived of his work, then, is a handful of weak attestations, supplemented by a few vague and bil- ious criticisms of his style and veracity made by later authors, usually with a taste for Atticism and antipathetic to Cleitarchus. Yet Cleitarchus bulks very large in the historiography of Alexander’s reign, not for what is directly at- tested but for his supposed contribution to the extant source tradition. It is generally agreed that there is a strand of evidence common to the accounts of Diodorus, Curtius Rufus, Justin’s Epitome of Trogus and the Metz Epit- ome. The extent and pervasiveness of this tradition has been the subject of long and occasionally heated debate, but there is a general agreement (or has been since at least the time of Eduard Schwartz) that a nucleus does ex- ist, common to a string of extant, derivative historians, distorted in various ways according to the vagaries of the transcriber but deriving ultimately from an early historian independent of (and frequently in conflict with) the more ‘respectable’ accounts of Ptolemy and Aristobulus, which form the ba- sis of Arrian’s narrative.