Ready for Apocalypse: Survivalism and Stigma in Online Communities Author: Stephen Roberts Faculty Mentor: Beverly Ann Davenport, Department of Anthropology, College of Public Affairs and Community Service, University of North Texas Department and College Affiliation: Department of Anthropology, College of Public Affairs and Community Service, University of North Texas Ready for Apocalypse 2 Bio: Stephen Roberts is a senior majoring in anthropology. In spring 2009, he received the Academic Excellence in Anthropology Award and was inducted into Lambda Alpha, the National Collegiate Honors Society for Anthropology. He recently participated in the National Science Foundation Summer Research Experience for Undergraduates at the University of North Texas. His research interests include the relationships between public policy and terrorist, millennial, and racist groups; stigma; and alienation. Roberts will pursue a doctoral degree in anthropology after graduation and plans to continue his research and teach at the college level. Ready for Apocalypse 3 Abstract: This article examines survivalists in online communities and how they manage the stigma assigned to their culture. It explores who survivalists are and then discusses the fringe groups commonly associated with survivalists by the mainstream, set against the backdrop of American apocalyptic belief. Ethnographic examples illustrate survivalists‟ conception of their stereotypes, their awareness of unregistered guests observing their online activity, and their methods of stigma management in this context. Ready for Apocalypse 4 Introduction “What if the America you knew was about to change?” These words spanned the tattered flag, spelled out in capital letters the same dim gray as the background. The flag itself was recognizable as American, but within its faded blue square was a diamond of twenty-one stars, not the familiar fifty. The red and white stripes were arranged vertically instead of horizontally. They had browned and deteriorated through exposure to time or smoke or both. The edges were frayed, and in the dead center of the flag was a gaping hole with ragged edges. For some reason, its shape reminded me of the Grinch‟s head. This image of a transformed American flag was part of the header graphic for one of my field sites: an online forum dedicated to the discussion of survivalism. Survivalism, or survival and preparation (S&P), is a set of practices intended to ready individuals for disasters, life- threatening situations, and progressive degrees of social collapse. The beliefs underlying these practices are varied. Generally, the idea is to be able to live through anything, regardless of the environment or circumstances life generates. Survivalists form communities online to share their stories, build a knowledge base, and network with like-minded individuals. As I was browsing through S&P websites, I was immediately attracted to the site with the tattered and transformed American flag, and the hole torn from its center that reminded me of the Grinch‟s head. My mental image of Dr. Seuss‟s hateful, green iconoclast may have reflected my own unconscious bias against survivalist culture. The realization that survivalism is stigmatized by the American mainstream propelled me toward the research question I address in this article: What are the stigma management strategies used by survivalists in these online communities? To answer this question, I will describe who survivalists are generally, and then characterize the specific populations I chose to study. I approach the literature with an emphasis Ready for Apocalypse 5 on why survivalists are stigmatized, and how mainstream culture views disasters and apocalypse. As my research was conducted entirely through web forums, I then discuss virtual ethnography as my method, followed by my findings. I conclude by discussing this study‟s impact on my perspective and by raising questions for future research. The Survivors and TEOTWAWKI In his book, Dancing at Armageddon, Richard Mitchell notes that survivalism “is centered on the continuing task of constructing „what if‟ scenarios in which survival preparations will be at once necessary and sufficient” (2002, p. 13). The particulars of these imagined futures vary from group to group and individual to individual. By and large, there are two main types of disaster as described by survivalists: WTSHTF and TEOTWAWKI. WTSHTF (or just SHTF) stands for “When the S*** Hits the Fan” and is used to describe any kind of localized emergency, such as blackouts or riots, including those that develop into more serious circumstances. TEOTWAWKI means “The End of the World As We Know It” and refers to an utter and complete change in the social landscape, an apocalypse. These two concepts are not mutually exclusive; a disaster can exhibit characteristics of both. For example, riots may spread and spark a civil war. In addition to these two levels of intensity, there are other ways to categorize survivalist scenarios. According to Captain Dave‟s Survival Guide (an informational website my subjects referred me to) there are four categories of phenomena: natural, man-made, other, and personal emergencies. Natural disasters are events such as hurricanes and earthquakes, volcanoes and tornados. Man-made disasters are those related to terrorism and war, crime, and the collapse of social infrastructure. “Other” disasters include disease epidemics and alien attacks. Robberies, Ready for Apocalypse 6 fires, unemployment, and random acts of violence fall under personal emergencies (“Captain Dave‟s Survival Guide,” 2009). The skills, knowledge, and equipment that survivalists accrue often coincide with the disaster scenarios they foresee as most likely or realistic. The potential number of practices involved is immense. Those generally regarded as most important are the ones centered around food, water, and shelter. Among many other things, these include developing rotation systems to successfully store food, learning to identify edible plants, finding and purifying water, using vehicles as shelter, and surviving outside in the cold. First aid is a high priority, as is self-defense using either hand-to-hand combat or weaponry such as guns or Molotov cocktails (“Captain Dave‟s Survival Guide,” 2009). A Question of Stigma A wide variety of individuals fall under the umbrella of survivalism. Members of citizens‟ militias, for example. White supremacists. Millennial cultists and apocalyptic fanatics. Tax protestors. All these can represent themselves as survivalists, but so can the parent who stocks up on groceries for a harsh winter, or the hobbyist who collects communication equipment and becomes an amateur radio operator to aid in emergency broadcasts. Mitchell states that “one sort of survival, the creative transcendence of calamitous cultural change” is what binds these people together (Mitchell, 2002, p. 3). Practitioners of survivalism exist at many points on the political and religious spectrum. This does not stop the mainstream media from identifying “unrepresentative but accessible confrontations, shootings, bombings, standoffs … by the name survivalism” (Mitchell, 2002, pp. 15-16). The profound impact of domestic terrorism forges a link between survivalists and the right-wing extremists they are commonly associated with, such as the neo-Nazi, racist Ready for Apocalypse 7 organizations of the Order and the CSA (the Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord), whose members planned to bomb the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City. This plan, inspired by a novel called The Turner Diaries, was never carried out by these groups. Unfortunately, it provided a blueprint which Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols elaborated on and executed (Hamm, 1997). Similarly, millennial groups are often paired with or defined as survivalists, a prominent example being the Branch Davidians in Waco, Texas. Before the tragic raid on their compound in 1993 that resulted in the deaths of David Koresh and nearly all of his followers, they stockpiled guns and ammunition and illegally modified their weaponry. They also supported their operations through participation in gun shows (Hamm, 1997, pp. 103-117). Organizations such as the Church Universal and Triumphant and the Aum Shinrikyo also combine survivalist practices with apocalypticism (Lamy, 1996, p. 23). These groups are not representative of the survivalist majority, but in the minds of many, a wide constellation of individuals forms a single lunatic fringe. Mitchell notes that through association with extremist organizations, “other survivalists acquire stigma and perhaps prurient allure unjustified by their own mundane action” (Mitchell 2002, p. 16). As I will detail below, this sentiment was later expressed by several of my subjects. Survivalists are not solely antigovernment extremists. In Neil Strauss‟s popular account of his entry into and exploration of survivalist culture, Emergency, he interacts with billionaires (“B people”) who prepare for economic and social collapse by tying their assets up in complicated financial structures, and purchasing foreign real estate to acquire multiple citizenships and passports. Their plan is to use these in the event of social collapse to escape the United States and retreat to a “bug out location.” In testament to the variety of survivalists, Ready for Apocalypse 8 Strauss also learns from environmentalists and naturalists, hunters, FEMA officials, and first responders in his investigation of the culture (Strauss,