The Implications of the Internet on Civic [Dentity in Kosovo

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The Implications of the Internet on Civic [Dentity in Kosovo THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE INTERNET ON CIVIC [DENTITY IN KOSOVO HANAMARKU A MASTERS THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTERS OF ARTS GRADUATE PROGRAM IN COMMUNICATION & CULTURE YORK UNIVERSITY, TORONTO, ONTARIO AUGUST 2011 Library and Archives Bibliotheque et 1*1 Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington OttawaONK1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-80449-0 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-80449-0 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, preter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le loan, distribute and sell theses monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non­ support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. Ni thesis. Neither the thesis nor la these ni des extra its substantiels de celle-ci substantial extracts from it may be ne doivent etre im primes ou autrement printed or otherwise reproduced reproduits sans son autorisation. without the author's permission. In compliance with the Canadian Conformement a la loi canadienne sur la Privacy Act some supporting forms protection de la vie privee, quelques may have been removed from this formulaires secondaires ont ete enleves de thesis. cette these. While these forms may be included Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans in the document page count, their la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu removal does not represent any loss manquant. of content from the thesis. 1*1 Canada Abstract This study provides a starting point tor investigating the Internet as a new factor in understanding the Republic of Kosovo's public sphere. The social and political implications of a public in the online realm destabilizes and redefines the role and identity of the "citizen" in Kosovo, piovidmg a place for Kosovars in global cultural flows with legards to progressive social causes. The recent history of Kosovo's media and a review of the literature on Kosovo's existing public sphere, when paned with distinct case studies from Kosovo's online landscape, provide new ground for discussing the role of the citizen in Kosovo. The emergence of an active "counteipublic" in Kosovo's online realm creates conditions for meaningful democracy, as well as entry into the arena of global social issues. IV Acknowledgements This work would not exist without the support and guidance of my supervisor, Professor Daniel Drache. I would also like to think all of the members of my committee, Professors Allen, Feldman, Bailey and Winland for their support and encouragement. The GAP Institute for Advanced Studies in Prishtina, Kosovo enabled the interviews in this work to take place, and also provided irreplaceable encouragement and advice during my time there. A special thank you is dedicated to Arianit Dobroshi, for his feedback and patience with my endless emails. I dedicate this work to my family. v TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Theories of the Public Sphere 1-4 2. The History of Kosovo's Public Sphere 5-18 3. The State of the Media in Kosovo 19-25 4. The Internet in Post-1999 Kosovo 26-77 5. Issues of Citizenship and Identity in Kosovo 78-93 6. Conclusion 94-101 vi LIST OF TABLES 1. Table I. Kosovo Thanks You p.31 2. Table 2. Kosovo Two Point Zero p.36 3. Table 3. New Kosova Report p.40 4. Table 4. Visit Kosova p.48 5. Table5.TPAK p.51 6. Table 6. Kosovo, Young Europeans p.57 7. Table7.EULEX....p.61 8. Table 8. Kosovo's Major Online Newspapers....p.66 9. Table 9. Bias in Kosovo's Online Print....p.69 vn CHAPTER 1 Theories of the Public Sphere In theory, the Internet provides a decentered platform for a public sphere constituted by a range of interests and societal groups to engage and debate with one another. This sphere is the antithesis of the Habermasian, deliberative public sphere of "neutral" bourgeois liberals. Bradwell and Reeves (2008) provide a clear and balanced assessment of how networking technologies are being used and could be used - they correctly state that the normative value of networking and communication technology that allows for networking is dependent on choices. The internet, arguably the ultimate realm of networked communities, has the same proclivities towards and against conformity, grouplhink. self-interest and regression as offline communities. I am interested in how this dynamic functions in Kosovo, one of the world's youngest states and the last country to emerge from the wars of Yugoslavia. This chapter will lay out the philosophical underpinnings of the politically progressive possibilities of community formation online, drawing from existing research on democracy, citizenship and the Internet. The concept of the "counterpublic" is of particular interest, as the definition of counteipublics and the conditions under which they can emerge will be the "measuring stick" by which Kosovo's online public sphere will be measured. The benefit of the Internet for progressive and/or unfairly marginalized communities is the ability to communicate on a broad platform. In Why Societies Need Dissent, Sunstein (2003) states that with confidence and consistency, minorities have the ability to convert majorities and can also provide the "voice of dissent" that can introduce moderation to extreme political and social positions. Also, communities which feel like the norms of their community of peers is more legitimate than institutional law will be more likely to violate the law - this can take the form of socially regressive/hateful positions, but also of civil disobedience - the organization of this kind of disobedience is possible 1 online with aiguably less lestnction than offline initiatives In teims of the ongins of lesistance online, both Held (L998) and Fiasei (2007) addiess similai issues the necessity ot the lecognition of multiplicity, and the seaich for a means by which to cooidinate and adrmmstei a netwoiked public spheie Held calls foi the stiengthenmg of existing international bodies such as the UN and the EU, as well as transnational institutions that could piovide noims for political, social and economic governance in recognition of the mcieasmg "oveilappmg of communities of fate" (p 168) Held's model of cosmopolitan demociacy necessitates the acceptance of multiplicity, coopeiation and mclusiveness at the nation-state and cioss boidei community level - but can aiguably only come into being when something like Fiasei's vision ot the public spheie is in piactice Fiasei's public spheie has embedded into it "paiticipatoiy panty" a lecogmtion of diffeience, "multicultuial hteiacy" a bluned sepaiation between pnvate and public, and a lough median of social equality Paiticipatoiy panty and multicultuial hteiacy assumes a public spheie which is both open and fiee - m the case of Kosovo international observers have stated that Kosovo's media suffers fiom an enviionment of self-censoiship and political bias, creating a public spheie which is uninformed and apathetic Bradwell and Reeves discuss networks in terms of changing organizational attitudes towaids networking technology, but also provide valuable insights in teims of the range of uses to which it could be applied They recognize that networking can generate a kind of personal capital that is difficult to quantify and acquire It provides empowerment and destabilizes up-down hierarchies - and in a context such as Kosovo, it creates a space for debate and discussion not piesent in more "traditional" media such as newspapers, television and radio As Bradwell and Reeves note, the power of networking tools lies in the difficulty of their "management" - whether through organizations or community norms (p 66) Similarly, the way communities and societies perceive the public sphere and 2 civil identity will influence the way they foim online communities. The Question of Civil Identity and Networks This study will not only deteimine the possibilities foi "progiessive" internet usage in Kosovo, but will also explore the ways m which changing definitions of the public sphere and the citizen in Kosovo will affect the ways m which networked platforms are used. The constitution of the metaphorical "group" or "collective" can point to the ways in which networked technology will be used i.e. a group which overwhelmingly feels affinity with the "law" (as a metaphor for the status quo, institutional right, the mainstream) will be less inclined to use networking technology for protest or civil disobedience, whereas a group which feels little affinity with the "establishment" will be more inclined to use netwoikmg technology to organize resistance. Somewhere in between these two positions he communities that engage m discourse across the social and political spectrum; that could not have come together without the network, and that share at least a minimal desne to identify or serve a recognizable common good. Drache's Defiant Publics (2008) is correct in stating that the new public sphere of the information age is not inherently "good" - the realm of social discourse has been flattened so that all opinions, even the hateful can be broadcast with no consequence - but it has also given citizens more opportunities to exercise reason in a public way.
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