A Perfect (Shit)Storm: on Memes, Movements and Geopolitics
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fascism 4 (2015) 209-212 brill.com/fasc Book Review ∵ Mats Deland, Michael Minkenberg and Christin Mays, ed. In the Tracks of Breivik: Far Right Networks in Northern and Eastern Europe (Berlin/ Vienna: lit Verlag, 2014). Four years have already passed since Anders Behring Breivik, apparently single-handedly, committed the most murderous and destructive terrorist atrocity by the far right in post-war Europe. In 2011–2012, particularly during his criminal trial in Oslo, there was a lively public debate in in the Scandinavian media as to whether Breivik was a fascist, or represented some other permuta- tion of the contemporary European far right – an Islamophobic ‘counter-jihad- ist’; a militant, conservative nationalist; or a Christian extremist.1 Somewhat counterintuitively, since then relatively little scholarly attention has been devoted within comparative fascist studies to the implications of Breivik’s deeds, ideology, and self-proclaimed pan-European revolutionary movement. The title of this anthology – In the Tracks of Breivik – would suggest that its primary purpose is to map the far right networks of northern and eastern Europe in relation to the terrorist acts of July 22, 2011. Even if we realize that this formulation is an unfortunate literal translation of the Swedish phrase ‘i spåren av [Breivik]’ – for which a more idiomatic English rendering would be ‘in the wake of [Breivik]’, the implication would still be that the findings of the book are located in some direct relation to Breivik and his crimes. Even the promotional blurb on the back cover, as well as the opening and closing words of the introduction, reinforce this expectation. -
Political Trends in Russia
russian analytical russian analytical digest 60/09 digest analysis Fascist Tendencies in Russia’s Political Establishment: The Rise of the International Eurasian Movement By Andreas Umland, Eichstaett, Bavaria Abstract Aleksandr Dugin, a prominent advocate of fascist and anti-Western views, has risen from a fringe ideologue to deeply penetrate into Russian governmental offices, mass media, civil society and academia in ways that many in the West do not realize or understand. Prominent members of Russian society are affiliated with his International Eurasian Movement. Among Dugin’s most important collaborators are electronic and print media commentator Mikhail Leont’ev and the legendary TV producer and PR specialist Ivan Demidov. If Dugin’s views become more widely accepted, a new Cold War will be the least that the West should expect from Russia during the coming years. The Rise of Aleksandr Dugin course that must be taken seriously. Dugin’s numerous In recent years, various forms of nationalism have be- links to the political and academic establishments of a come a part of everyday Russian political and social life. number of post-Soviet countries, as well as institutions Since the end of the 1990s, an increasingly aggressive in Turkey, remain understudied or misrepresented. In racist sub-culture has been infecting sections of Russia’s other cases, Dugin and his followers receive more se- youth, and become the topic of numerous analyses by rious attention, yet are still portrayed as anachronis- Russian and non-Russian observers. Several new radi- tic, backward-looking imperialists – merely a partic- cal right-wing organizations, like the Movement Against ularly radical form of contemporary Russian anti-glo- Illegal Emigration, known by its Russian acronym balism. -
Spencer Sunshine*
Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 9, 2019 (© 2019) ISSN: 2164-7100 Looking Left at Antisemitism Spencer Sunshine* The question of antisemitism inside of the Left—referred to as “left antisemitism”—is a stubborn and persistent problem. And while the Right exaggerates both its depth and scope, the Left has repeatedly refused to face the issue. It is entangled in scandals about antisemitism at an increasing rate. On the Western Left, some antisemitism manifests in the form of conspiracy theories, but there is also a hegemonic refusal to acknowledge antisemitism’s existence and presence. This, in turn, is part of a larger refusal to deal with Jewish issues in general, or to engage with the Jewish community as a real entity. Debates around left antisemitism have risen in tandem with the spread of anti-Zionism inside of the Left, especially since the Second Intifada. Anti-Zionism is not, by itself, antisemitism. One can call for the Right of Return, as well as dissolving Israel as a Jewish state, without being antisemitic. But there is a Venn diagram between anti- Zionism and antisemitism, and the overlap is both significant and has many shades of grey to it. One of the main reasons the Left can’t acknowledge problems with antisemitism is that Jews persistently trouble categories, and the Left would have to rethink many things—including how it approaches anti- imperialism, nationalism of the oppressed, anti-Zionism, identity politics, populism, conspiracy theories, and critiques of finance capital—if it was to truly struggle with the question. The Left understands that white supremacy isn’t just the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, but that it is part of the fabric of society, and there is no shortcut to unstitching it. -
Olena Semenyaka, the “First Lady” of Ukrainian Nationalism
Olena Semenyaka, The “First Lady” of Ukrainian Nationalism Adrien Nonjon Illiberalism Studies Program Working Papers, September 2020 For years, Ukrainian nationalist movements such as Svoboda or Pravyi Sektor were promoting an introverted, state-centered nationalism inherited from the early 1930s’ Ukrainian Nationalist Organization (Orhanizatsiia Ukrayins'kykh Natsionalistiv) and largely dominated by Western Ukrainian and Galician nationalist worldviews. The EuroMaidan revolution, Crimea’s annexation by Russia, and the war in Donbas changed the paradigm of Ukrainian nationalism, giving birth to the Azov movement. The Azov National Corps (Natsional’nyj korpus), led by Andriy Biletsky, was created on October 16, 2014, on the basis of the Azov regiment, now integrated into the Ukrainian National Guard. The Azov National Corps is now a nationalist party claiming around 10,000 members and deployed in Ukrainian society through various initiatives, such as patriotic training camps for children (Azovets) and militia groups (Natsional’ny druzhiny). Azov can be described as a neo- nationalism, in tune with current European far-right transformations: it refuses to be locked into old- fashioned myths obsessed with a colonial relationship to Russia, and it sees itself as outward-looking in that its intellectual framework goes beyond Ukraine’s territory, deliberately engaging pan- European strategies. Olena Semenyaka (b. 1987) is the female figurehead of the Azov movement: she has been the international secretary of the National Corps since 2018 (and de facto leader since the party’s very foundation in 2016) while leading the publishing house and metapolitical club Plomin (Flame). Gaining in visibility as the Azov regiment transformed into a multifaceted movement, Semenyaka has become a major nationalist theorist in Ukraine. -
Russian Analytical Digest 14/07 Alexander Dugin, the Issue of Post-Soviet Fascism, and Russian Political Discourse Today
rrussianussian aanalyticalnalytical russian analytical digest 14/07 ddigestigest Analysis Alexander Dugin, the Issue of Post-Soviet Fascism, and Russian Political Discourse Today By Andreas Umland, Kiev, Ukraine Summary Th e past year witnessed a welcome sensitization of the Russian public towards skinhead attacks and ultra-na- tionalist propaganda. Nevertheless, the administration of Vladimir Putin and the Kremlin-controlled mass me- dia have maintained an ambiguous stance with regard to xenophobic tendencies in politics and public discourse. While primitive hatred of foreigners and ethnic violence are offi cially stigmatized, the dissemination of national stereotypes and anti-Americanism, in particular, by Kremlin-directed mass media and political pundits contin- ues unabated. For example, the notorious publicist Alexander Dugin, who openly propagated fascist ideas in the 1990s, has become an important player in shaping the discourse of Russian political and intellectual elites today. It remains to be seen how the Russian leadership will handle the challenges resulting from such a contradictory approach to its domestic and foreign policies in the coming years. A New Sensitization Towards Right-Wing Ambiguous Reactions Extremism? espite such encouraging signs, the Kremlin-con- n view of escalating violent attacks and other actions Dtrolled mass media have an altogether ambivalent Iagainst foreigners, the debate on Russian fascism is stance toward right-wing extremist tendencies. Al- currently experiencing a new high in the Russian me- though manifest anti-Semitism and violent racism are dia. Th ere was a similar debate in the mid-1990s, when now heavily criticized and visibly stigmatized, other xe- the confrontation between President Boris Yeltsin and nophobic patterns remain present, or are even increasing, the “intransigent opposition,” a state of near-civil war in reporting on foreign news and political commentaries. -
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Fascism 10 (2021) 166-185 ‘The Girl Who Was Chased by Fire’: Violence and Passion in Contemporary Swedish Fascist Fiction Mattias Gardell Centre for Multidisciplinary Studies of Racism, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden [email protected] Abstract Fascism invites its adherents to be part of something greater than themselves, invoking their longing for honor and glory, passion and heroism. An important avenue for articulating its affective dimension is cultural production. This article investigates the role of violence and passion in contemporary Swedish-language fascist fiction. The protagonist is typically a young white man or woman who wakes up to the realities of the ongoing white genocide through being exposed to violent crime committed by racialized aliens protected by the System. Seeking revenge, the protagonist learns how to be a man or meets her hero, and is introduced to fascist ideology and the art of killing. Fascist literature identifies aggression and ethnical cleansing as altruistic acts of love. With its passionate celebration of violence, fascism hails the productivity of destructivity, and the life-bequeathing aspects of death, which is at the core of fascism’s urge for national rebirth. Keywords Sweden – fascist culture – fascist fiction – violence – heroism – death – love – radical nationalism Fascism – here used in its Griffian sense as a generic term for revolutionary nationalisms centered on a mythic core of national rebirth – has a discernible affective dimension. It offers its adherents to be part of something greater than themselves, invoking their longing for glory, honor, and beauty, and inducing their capacities for hate, love, self-sacrifice, and violence. An important avenue © Mattias Gardell, 2021 | doi:10.1163/22116257-10010004 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the prevailingDownloaded cc-by license from Brill.com09/30/2021at the time of 05:35:12PM publication. -
Anton Shekhovtsov
RUSSIAN CONNECTIONS TO THE FAR RIGHT IN EUROPE Anton Shekhovtsov Contents Executive summary Nothing New under the Sun Post-Soviet period and early Putin era European far-right politicians and pro-Kremlin fake election observation Russian media and the European far right Political cooperation between Russian stakeholders and the European far right – Austria – France – Germany – Italy Moscow’s objectives of engaging with the European far right Policy recommendations Executive summary • Today’s relations between the European far right and various Russian pro-Kremlin actors reflect a historical reality: Soviet state actors were prepared to cooperate with European right-wing extremists to entrench the international position of the Soviet Union and to inflict damage to the capitalist West, while some European right-wing extremists sought to cooperate with the Soviet Union as an ally in their struggle against Western capitalism and imperialism. • After the Second World War, Soviet authorities provided financial support to West German and Austrian right-wing extremists as a way to influence politics and political debates in those countries; in particular, Soviet funding was used to cover publishing costs of far-right newspapers and information bulletins. • After the collapse of the Soviet Union, European far-right activists and politicians revived their interest in cooperating with Russian actors, but they could only reach out to Russian ultranationalists who opposed the democratising Russian authorities that aspired to become part of the liberal-democratic West, not undermine it. • The first area of institutionalised cooperation between the European far right and Russian pro-Kremlin actors was politically biased (fake) international election observation, a form of political activity performed by international actors and aimed at advancing interests of politicians and political forces by imitating credible election monitoring during electoral processes. -
Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism and War
Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism and War TARAS KUZIO This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism and War TARAS KUZIO ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2020 ISBN 978-1-910814-55-0 This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share — copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt — remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please contact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials/scholarly use. Production: Michael Tang Cover Image: Triff/Shutterstock A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. -
Sacred Geography, Nationhood and Perennial Traditionalism in Alexander Dugin's Neo-Eurasianist Philosophy
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2015 Against the Thalassocracy: Sacred Geography, Nationhood and Perennial Traditionalism in Alexander Dugin's Neo-Eurasianist Philosophy Jonathan Rushbrook Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Rushbrook, Jonathan, "Against the Thalassocracy: Sacred Geography, Nationhood and Perennial Traditionalism in Alexander Dugin's Neo-Eurasianist Philosophy" (2015). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 6542. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/6542 This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Against the Thalassocracy: Sacred Geography, Nationhood and Perennial Traditionalism in Alexander Dugin’s Neo-Eurasianist Philosophy Jonathan Rushbrook Thesis submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial -
Aleksandr Dugin's Neo-Eurasianism and the Russian-Ukrainian
Chapter 9 Aleksandr Dugin’s Neo-Eurasianism and the Russian-Ukrainian War Anton Shekhovtsov The Russian-Ukrainian war1 began in late February 2014, when Russian troops and special-operation units started the military occupation of Ukraine’s Autonomous Republic of Crimea. The occupation was a covert operation: Moscow denied any involvement, arguing that these were native, that is, Crimean, insurgents who seized regional governmental buildings and blocked the work of official Ukrainian offices, police and military bases. The whole process of foreign occupation was described by Moscow as an indigenous political development.2 The occupation forces installed their own “authori- ties” of Crimea and held an illegitimate referendum on the separation of Crimea from Ukraine on 16 March 2014 in a move that was interpreted by the Council of the European Union as “clear breach of the UN Charter and the OSCE Helsinki Final Act, as well as of Russia’s specific commitments to respect Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity under the Budapest Memorandum of 1994 and the bilateral Treaty on Friendship, Cooperation and Partnership of 1997.”3 A month later, on 17 April, Russia’s president Vladimir Putin admitted the deployment of Russian troops in this Ukrainian republic.4 The initial denial of Russia’s military involvement in Crimea was important: not only did it confuse the international community – although few Western, let alone Ukrainian, leaders actually doubted this involvement – but it also bought Russia time to swiftly replace the Ukrainian authorities with Russian or Russia-controlled ones. The Crimean operation can be described as an act of Russia’s hybrid warfare – that is, blending conventional and irregular approaches – against Ukraine. -
The Public Eye, Fall 2019
The Public EyeFALL 2019 In this issue: In Search of the Russian Soul: How Russia Became the U.S. Far Right’s Mirror Culture and Belonging in the USA: Multiracial Organizing on the Contemporary Far Right Ben Shapiro and the Conservative Chorus The New War on ICWA FALL 2019 editor’s letter THE PUBLIC EYE QUARTERLY PUBLISHER In the wake of Robert Mueller’s testimony, and as the 2020 election campaign heats Tarso Luís Ramos up, all eyes are on Russia’s potential influence on the U.S. But as Hannah Gais writes in EDITOR our cover story this issue, “In Search of the Russian Soul” (pg. 3), there is as much to Kathryn Joyce be learned about what the U.S. Far Right projects upon that country. For many decades, COVER ART Russia has served as an object of obsessive intrigue for the Right: once a boogeyman, Winnie T. Frick more often today a romanticized ideal—no matter how inaccurate—of a traditionalist PRINTING Park Press Printers bastion that, as David Duke once pronounced, could be the “key to white survival.” Irrespective of reality, for today’s Far Right, Russia has again become America’s “imagi- nary twin,” its “dark double,” its mirror. The Public Eye is published by Political Research Associates While much of the Alt Right dreams of an imagined ethnostate, other sectors of the Tarso Luís Ramos movement have embraced a seemingly contradictory strategy: attempting to create, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR within their deeply racist movement, an appeal to people of color, a multiracial Far Frederick Clarkson SENIOR ReseARCH ANALYST Right. -
Systematic Racist Violence in Russia Between 'Hate Crime'
TCR0010.1177/1362480615581102Theoretical CriminologyArnold 581102research-article2015 Article Theoretical Criminology 2015, Vol. 19(2) 239 –256 Systematic racist violence in © The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permissions: Russia between ‘hate crime’ sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1362480615581102 and ‘ethnic conflict’ tcr.sagepub.com Richard Arnold Muskingum University, USA Abstract Racist violence in Russia has recently become a subject of interest to scholars and analysts of Russian politics. What are the similarities and differences between racist violence in Russia and the West? How does the level of Russian racist violence compare to other societies? Do racist hate groups in Russia have similar origins to groups in the West? This article considers these questions. I first demonstrate that Russia is indeed the most dangerous country in Europe for ethnic minorities, and argue that such violence is more ‘systematic’ (structured, ideologically coherent, patterned) than in other developed societies. The high level of violence against ethnic minorities in Russia is ‘over-determined’ by a combination of post-Soviet social and economic social changes, the brutalizing consequences of a long counter-insurgency campaign, and government passivity (and sometimes complicity) in the face of racist violence and hate speech. Thus, Russia’s systematic racist violence is analytically closer to outright ethnic conflict than to a form of criminal deviance that could aptly be termed ‘hate crime’. Keywords Former Soviet Union, hate crime, neo-Nazis, racists, Russia, skinheads, systematic racist violence, violent racism Introduction In 2006, an estimated half of the world’s racist skinheads lived in the Russian Federation (Tarasov, 2006: 19, cited in Shnirel’man, 2007: 186).