Expanding Political Space in Contemporary China: a Comparative Study of the Advocacy Strategies of Three Grass-Root Women's Groups
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City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 10-2014 Expanding Political Space In Contemporary China: A Comparative Study Of The Advocacy Strategies Of Three Grass-Root Women's Groups Weiting Wu Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/396 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] EXPANDING POLITICAL SPACE IN CONTEMPORARY CHINA: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE ADVOCACY STRATEGIES OF THREE GRASS-ROOT WOMEN’S GROUPS By Weiting Wu A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2014 © 2014 WEI-TING WU All Rights Reserved ii This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Dr. Irving Leonard Markovitz Date Chair of Examining Committee Dr. Alyson Cole Date Executive Officer Dr. Kenneth Erickson, Supervisory Committee Dr. Sun Yan, Supervisory Committee THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii Abstract EXPANDING POLITICAL SPACE IN CONTEMPORARY CHINA: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE ADVOCACY STRATEGIES OF THREE GRASS-ROOT WOMEN’S GROUPS By Weiting Wu Advisor: Professor Irving Leonard Markovitz The absence of contentious performance has led scholars to question the existence of social movements and to agree with the description of state-social group relations in China as state corporatism. However, defining social movement by confrontational performance is inappropriate to examine social organizing under repression regimes. Most western social movement theories assume that political space for organizing exists before the formation of social movement. My research challenges this assumption by extending the concept of political opportunity structure to conduct process-tracing comparisons of two women’s and one lesbian groups’ respective strategies when facing interferences from the central authorities. By conducting interviews with forty three major participants of women and lesbian organizing, including founders, activists, academic experts, governmental officers, and ministerial officers of ACWF, along with archive analysis, and participatory observations, this study looks specifically at the campaign against domestic violence from 1988 to 2013. This research has found that the political space is not assumed to be existed. Instead, it is created and expanded by women’s advocacy groups. Three groups have shared experiences of revocation or failure of registration, cancellation of events, difficulty of fund raising, constantly being invited to have tea with security department etc. However, each group develops their own strategies to survive and to further expand their political spaces gradually. Most importantly, they carry on their advocacy work national wide. I argue under a repressive regime, these achievements are indeed confrontational in nature. Therefore, the aforementioned assumption of social movement theory should be reconsidered. iv Acknowledgements With the guidance of my committee members, and the support of my friends and family, this dissertation has been a joyful undertaking. My advisor, Dr. Irving Leonard Markovitz, has been an inspiring guidance and a tremendous resource to me throughout my graduate school days. Thank you Lenny, for your encouragement and kindness. My two committee members, Dr. Kenneth Erickson and Dr. Yan Sun have been supportive and patient mentors. Thank you Ken, for patiently working with me through the whole dissertation, and for showing me how to be a great social researcher. Thank you Prof. Sun, for initiating insightful discussions and for keeping my focus on the ground. Furthermore, the support from the Chiang Ching-Kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange and the China Times Cultural Foundation had been critical financial resource. I am grateful for peers and friends in New York City, Taiwan and China. I owe my deepest gratitude to the women’s activists in China who have been willing to be interviewed by me. Thank you all for your friendship. It would have been impossible to have written this dissertation without your sharing and trust. Thanks to my friends in NYC, Mai, Weishan, Ping, and many others whom I cannot name because of space limitation. You have all been a great support in helping me stay in the academic field. Thanks to Ms. Fran Schnall and Mr. Liao Hung-Lang, for your generosity and hospitality in hosting me and making me feel like I was living at home. Most of all, I want to thank my parents and my sister. Thanks mom and dad, you two have been role models throughout my life. You have taught me how to live by strong beliefs. Thanks to my sister, Wei-I. Both of our parents suffered serious illnesses in the midst of writing this dissertation, and without your care and strong belief in me, this dissertation might never have been finished. Finally, thank you to Fan Yun, for inspiring me both in academic thinking and in our daily life. Your company is the block stone of this whole journey. v TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables vii List of Figures viii Chapter 1 – Confrontational Strategies in Expanding Political Space: Three Women’s Groups in China 1 Chapter 2 – Literature Review 26 Chapter 3 – Shifting the State’s Boundaries: Experiences from Women’s Social Activist Groups 45 Chapter 4 – Autonomy or Empowerment? Comparative Analysis of Organizational Strategies 85 Chapter 5 – Interactive Political Liberalization: The Strategies of Women’s Advocacy Groups in the Campaign against Domestic Violence 127 Chapter 6 – Conclusion 173 References 195 vi LIST OF TABLES Table 3.1. Numbers of Different Kinds NGOs’ Registration Status 49 vii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1. The Causal Mechanism of Activists’ Reaction after Facing Interference 15 Figure 1.2. Activists’ Consideration in Choosing between Cooperative and Confrontational Strategies 16 Figure 6.1. The Interactive Political Liberalization Matrix 177 Figure 6.2. The Dynamic Relationship between the Central Government and Three Women’s Advocacy Groups 178 viii Chapter 1: Confrontational Strategies in Expanding Political Space: Three Women’s Groups in China “If you want to do advocacy work, you cannot be too confrontational; If you are confrontational, you cannot work on advocacy.” An activist in the women’s movement in China The absence of obvious contention has led scholars to question the existence of social movements in China and to agree with the description of state-social group relations in China as state corporatism1 (see for example, Florini, Lai, and Tan. 2012, p.95; Unger 2008). However, my study argues that we need to redefine the characteristics of a social movement in the context of a repressive regime, especially the characteristic of confrontation. Furthermore, my study proposes the term “soft confrontation” to describe the confrontation movement of women’s advocacy groups in China. In the end, my study presents the idea of interactive political liberalization as a better means of understanding the state-social group dynamic. After examining the confrontational movement of three women’s advocacy groups in China, my study reaches these two conclusions for two major reasons. First, China, as an authoritarian regime, is adaptive and tolerant toward certain advocacy groups, and this trait redefines the confrontational characteristic of a social movement. Compared to social groups in democratic countries, advocacy groups in China have faced quite different challenges in confronting the state. These challenges include the efforts by the regime to marginalize and monitor the operation of advocacy groups. The opening quotation sheds some light on the reality of social movements in a repressive regime. Since most advocacy work is viewed by the central government as a potential challenge to regime’s legitimacy, social groups that aim for social change have encountered continuing interference from both the Party and the state in China. How to survive and to carry on their advocacy work has become a daily challenge for most organizers of advocacy groups in China. The adaptive government distinguishes advocacy groups from charity groups, and encourages the existence of charity groups. However, although the central government will include women’s advocacy groups in certain public policy making processes, it will, at the same 1 “(I)n which the state allows hierarchically ordered and controlled associations to play limited roles as a way to reconcile large numbers of divergent interests.” 1 time, continue its interference with the same groups. The second reason for redefining the characteristics of social movements in the context of a repressive regime is because the political space did not exist before the formation of social groups in China. Indeed, the expansion of the political space for social organizing and advocacy work was the result of the strategic choices made by advocacy organizers. My study argues that the state-advocacy group interaction is like dancing a tango, and it takes two to tango. My study has concluded that both advocacy groups and the state are adaptive. In other words, the political space for social