Toni Bruce Women, Sport and the Media …
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3 Women, Sport and the Media: A Complex Terrain Toni Bruce As we move into the 21st century, sport appears to be everywhere. Across the world, billions of viewers tune into television broadcasts of global events like the Olympic Games and soccer or rugby world cups. In New Zealand we can access a smorgasbord of media coverage of sport via television, radio, newspapers, magazines, the internet and even mobile phones. We have news, live sport, talk- back, previews and reviews, comedy and game shows, video games and fantasy sport competitions. Sport appears on free-to-air stations like TV1, TV3, Prime and Maori TV and via pay-TV on Sky’s range of dedicated sports channels. We are enveloped in mediasport, a term that encompasses any media coverage that appears in the mainstream mass media. Yet the overwhelming male focus of this coverage is seldom questioned. The association between sport and masculinity is so taken for granted that few people challenge the fact that media coverage is heavily weighted in favour of men. The world of sports journalism is also male-dominated: a recent telephone survey of 28 newspapers and the New Zealand Press Association identified only five female full-time sports reporters, less than 10% of the total (Bruce, 2007; see also Ferkins, 1992b; Strong & Hannis, 2006). Moreover, those who speak out against the media’s focus on male sport struggle to have their concerns taken seriously. Indeed, studies that demonstrate gender imbalances are “persistently rejected as irrelevant” and the results “often ignored or trivialised” by media workers (Fountaine & McGregor, 1999, p. 113; McGregor, 2000). Yet female athletes and their advocates are only asking for what 57 Women, sport and the media … male athletes receive on a regular basis. As McGregor (2006) points out: The main thing women want from the media is to be in it. We don’t just want to be firsts, bests and onlys, sex symbols, wives, mothers or victims. We want to be recognised in both our complexity and diversity. (p. 30) In this chapter I examine coverage of women’s sport, exposing the ways in which the sports media can simultaneously challenge and reinforce dominant assumptions that sport is primarily a male domain. I first summarize the extensive research that shows how the ‘everyday’ sporting activities of female athletes are trivialised and ignored by mediasport, before turning to a discussion of the times and places when female athletes visibly enter into public consciousness. Finally, I present examples from two case studies; one which disrupts and one which supports traditional ways of understanding gender. The discussion is underpinned by an assumption that media coverage matters because it has the potential to strongly influence our ideas (see Lines, 2000). As Kirk (1993) argues: Media culture is not merely consumed and discarded, but is utilised to construct personal identities … the material the media supplies is not passively absorbed, but is actively appropriated as the stuff of people’s sense of self, their place in the social world, and the bases of their hopes and expectations of the future ... (p. 18) Women on the Margins: Reinforcing Assumptions of Sport as a Male Domain There can be little doubt that media coverage establishes sport as a male domain in which women participate but mostly at the margins (Messner, Dunbar & Hunt, 2000). Overall, it is clear that mediasport presents “an essentially male-skewed world…one in which females have reason to wonder about their social position and role” (Melnick & Jackson, 1998, p. 550). 58 Toni Bruce Both New Zealand and international research demonstrate that women’s sport struggles for recognition in the ‘everyday’ coverage which makes up the bulk of mediasport reporting. In fact, international research has shown that mediasport tends to do the opposite of what women want: focusing on “firsts, bests and onlys, sex symbols, wives, mothers or victims” rather than recognising the “complexity and diversity” of female athleticism (McGregor, 2006, p. 30). New Zealand research on everyday coverage (which includes within-nation events such as netball’s annual National Bank Cup competition, 1998-2007) spans almost three decades and no matter what the time frame, year or type of media studied, the results show that males average more than 80% of coverage and females average less than 10% (see Table 1). Taken collectively, the research paints a stark picture of discrimination. It should be noted that much of this content analysis research has been conducted from an explicit or implicit liberal feminist position which believes that once discrimination has been highlighted then it is logical that steps can be taken to end that discrimination. However, bringing discrimination to the attention of the male- dominated sports media has resulted in little long-term change, thus reinforcing Fountaine and McGregor’s (1999) argument that the longitudinal research confirms “the structural inequity of press coverage” (p. 124). Further, despite all television nightly news channels featuring females as sports presenters or reporters in recent years, the percentage of female coverage appears to be steadily dropping rather than increasing (see Table 1). Although the sports media industry has critiqued existing research as inaccurate because it might, for example, choose a week or a sporting season during which little women’s sport occurred, the results are remarkably consistent despite the studies being conducted at various times of year and focusing on a range of different media. 59 Women, sport and the media … Table 1. New Zealand everyday media coverage between 1980 and 2007 Male Female Mixed/ Year of Neutral2 Research Media Analysed %1 % % Source 1980 2 newspapers 83 11 6 Cooper (1981) Patterson (cited in 1980 1 newspaper 88 13 - Cooper, 1981) O’Leary & Roberts 1984 1 TV news 69 13 18 (1984) 1987 4 newspapers 83 9 8 Aston (1987) Media Women (cited in 1 Sunday McGregor & Melville, 1987 newspaper 88 5 7 1993) Snell (1989, cited in 1989 2 newspapers 92 8 - Ferkins, 1992b) Snell (1989, cited in 1989 1 TV 89 11 - Ferkins, 1992b) The Hillary Commission 1991 2 newspapers 91 8 - (cited in Ferkins, 1992b) McGregor (1994), McGregor & Melville 1992 6 newspapers 76 12 12 (1993) 1992 2 TV shows 79 9 12 McGregor (1994) 1993 1 TV news 79 9 12 Atkinson (2002) McGregor & Melville 1993 1 TV show 82 8 10 (1995) McGregor & Fountaine 1996 6 newspapers 80 4 16 (1997) Fountaine & McGregor 1998 6 newspapers 74 11 15 (1999) 2002 1 newspaper 75 14 11 Chapman (2002) 2004 1 newspaper 82 13 4 Alexander (2004) 2005 1 TV news 95 3 2 Shanks (2005) 2007 4 newspapers 86 5 9 Chapman (2007) 3 Average 83 9 10 1 All percentages have been rounded to whole numbers. 2 This column contains mixed coverage of both men and women and neutral coverage of stories such as reports on security preparations, doping controls and the status of various stadia. 3 The Average is calculated only across those studies that included this category. As a result the Average columns total more than 100%. 60 Toni Bruce This consistency reinforces the fact that “in general, journalists who cover sport have an inaccurate perception of the amount of women’s sport presented to readers” (Fountaine & McGregor, 1999, p. 124). Given that most sports media have historically done little market research, media perceptions and decisions about who and what gains coverage tend to be made on the basis of intuition, anecdotal evidence, what has been done in the past, and taken for granted beliefs about what the public want (Ferkins, 1992a; Fountaine & McGregor, 1999). Once women do receive coverage, extensive international research has shown that the media have historically used five techniques to represent women in line with cultural ideas about femininity. These are gender marking, compulsory heterosexuality, appropriate femininity, infantilisation and downplaying sport (see Wensing & Bruce, 2003). Gender marking identifies men’s events as ‘the’ events and those played by females as ‘women’s’ events; compulsory heterosexuality highlights women as sex objects or in heterosexually-prescribed roles such as wives or mothers; appropriate femininity emphasises stereotypically female characteristics such as physical or emotional weakness, tears and concern for others; infantilisation leads to adult females being called ‘girls’ while males are more often called ‘men’; and downplaying sport results in a focus on women’s looks, relationships, sexual orientations and lives outside sport in ways that devalue their sporting identities (see Wensing & Bruce, 2003). More recently, research suggests that the most common form of representation is ambivalence – where positive descriptions and images are juxtaposed with those that trivialise women’s successes (Duncan & Hasbrook, 1988). Certainly, coverage of female athletes still often reinforces existing gender ideologies. For example, despite the world champion Black Ferns rugby team being three-time world champions, rugby magazines appear to give more visibility to naked female models body-painted in rugby team colours. Mediasport continues to present men’s sport (e.g., rugby) as the sport while gender-marking women’s sport (e.g., women’s rugby). In addition, successful female athletes who appear to fit dominant cultural ideals of femininity, heterosexuality and attractiveness tend to receive the most coverage, 61 Women, sport and the media … such as Sarah Ulmer (cycling), Mandy Smith (Black Sticks hockey, 1990-2002), Melodie Robinson (Black Ferns rugby, 1996-2002), Adine Wilson (Silver Ferns netball), Barbara Kendall (boardsailing) and Caroline and Georgina Evers-Swindell (rowing). A study of netball suggests that media coverage from the 1960s began to sexualise the players “and reports concentrated on those deemed to be the most attractive to men, rather than on netball skill” (Nauright, 1999, p. 48). Nauright suggests that “representing netball stars in their family and (hetero)sexual roles meant that women who played were now expected to become involved in stable heterosexual relationships if they wanted to receive favourable media and public attention” (1999, p.