/r.1m:.1tion:1! St,,dit1 Re1·iew V9/ I:? Nn 2 /Otumbtr20/ II: 95-115 87
R<'<:cived Sep«mbcr 15. 2011 Rev·iseJ November 17, 2011 Accepml November 30. 20 I I
Who is the Strongest in Washingto n , D.C.?: A Comparative Study on the Korean American Comfo rt W omen Movement and the Ja panese-Arnerican Redress Movement
EUNJUNG LIM•
Washingcon. D.C. is noc only che national capital of the U nircd Scares. but it is also an imernacional arena in which world political issues :ire substancially dealt with. Immig rants in the: lJ nice Keywords: Washington, D.C. , Grassroots Politics, Immig rants Group, Resource Mobilization Theory . Comfort \X1omcn Movement. Redress Movement • Ph.D. 0.nd,dacc, & hool or Advo1nced lmemational Studies, Johns Hopkins Univc,rsity Visiting Fellow, lntcrfaculty lnitinive in lnformacion Studu~s. The University uf Tokyo E-mail: tlim6@ jhu.edu Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access 88 1. INTRODUCTION n che conrexc of foreign policy ,1n Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access (1,;NJUNG LIM 89 I. The Carns to be Studied "Comfort women" 1s a euphemiscic term for Asian women forceJ co serve as sex slavt-s for the Japanese Imperial Army. While the mosc prommenc stories come from the Korean Peninsula and China, Japan has vicumizt-d women ebcwherc in Asia, such as the Philippines and Indonesia, following its start o( a foll -scale warm rhe region in 1937 clial cvrnlu,illy di,,1l,u1:J imo WorlJ War li's Pacific Theater in 1941 . The foll excem of che victimization of chese women 1s difficult co measure; in face, the issue di Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access 90 Who 11 tin Strongm in \fla1h111g1011, O.C.i movements involve Asian-American communmes. A compa.rarive analysis of these rwo cases may lead ro a bercer understanding of how Asian-American g roups mobilize co make a political impact 111 Washington, D.C., and ulcimacely shape U .S. foreign policy. 2. Theoretical Frnmework ,md Outline lJj the Article Two major cheoretical frameworks provide comrascing explanacions when analyz ing key factors of social movements. On rhe one hand, classical Collecrive Behavior Tiheory (CBT) characterizes social movcmcnrs as emotional, impuls.ive, and un ocganized phenomena based on unpredictable mass enthusiasm (Morris 2000). Resource Mobilization Theory (RMT ), on rhe ocher hand, recognizes socia.1 move ments and movement participants as political, well-planned, and organized. Morris's ( 1992) explanacion on che American Civil Rig hcs Movemenc , for mscance, is analycically relevant co rhe scudy c-0nducrc:d in rhis :micle. Morris suggests rhac che RMT Model firs che analysis of che Civil Righrs Movement, and he concludes dlar colkctivc acrion is rational and it develops from pre('xisci n,!! social scrucrures and poli tical processes. RMT is useful especially when invesrigating che abili ri cs uf groups to organize, mobilize, and manage the necessa.ry resources for success of a movemenc. As Morris ( 1984) scares, RMT illuminates the UTiporcance and necessit)' of rhe resm,rces ro inici11ce and J<:v<:l op :1ny social movemc:nt. The resources incluJe form:d or in formal organizacions , leaders, money, r>eople. amJ rhc ,ummunicy's necwurk. RMT does noc focus on governance. psychic strain, and ocher psychological sr:ares of members who participaced in a movement for ,cs anal)'SIS. I nsread. chc theory mainly annlyzcs chc: ability of groups cu organize, mobil ize:, and manage valuable resources chat determine whether the)' will be able co engage in social pcocest. This scudy aims ro generalize rhe norms and strategies of the cwo g rassroors movements in rhe United Scates. In doing so, it hopes [() J istill key facro rs chat make such mobilizations successful, irrespecciw of issue, time, or ethnicity. From chat perspective, ic can be expected chat insricutional features of both rh e Korean-American Comfort Women Movement and the Japanese-American Redress Movement can be explained more concretely rhrough che rheorerical framework of RMT rather than through CBT . The first section will review how the Comfort Women Movement succeeded in the passage of che H ouse Resolution 12 1 (H. Res. 12 l) in July 2007. I c wiill shed lighc on how Korean-Ame'l'icans mobilized its community bod, regionally and nationally, urilized media co spread their message, and found :sympad1izers in.side Capitol Hill. The second section will review rhe physical mechanics char ultimately led co che Japane.se-Americans' success in their Redress Movement. The concluding seccion will oucline similarities of che rwo movements, and the Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access E liNJVN(J LIM influence of such movements in che political sphere of W ashington, D.C. II. THE KOREAN-AMERICANS' COMFORT WOMEN MOVEMENT In undcrscanding re,gional policies wichin Northeast Asia, historical legacies and differing imerpretations of che W orld War II -era are unavoidable. A specific example is Japan's policy of acknowledging its warcime wrongdoings, bur reluccanr co formally apologize for chem. Tokyo has refused tO change its position despite repeated overrures ac official levels and long-standing, persistent efforts by surviving comfort women victims. What complicates Seoul's position in changing Tokyo's seance is the growing incerdependeoce elsewhere between che cwo countries (Green 200 I, 134-7). le is against chis geopolicical backdrop char Washington t,nJs ics<:lf in :1 unique position over addressing chi.s historical issue. Despite J apan enjoying a uniqu<: security alliancl' with cht.: United Scares, 1-1 Res. I 2 l would officially force che U nited Scates to voice its demands char Japan s<:cde accounts with its neig hbors. Ir scares chat the Japanese government ~hould fo rm:ill y :1cknowl<:dl,;C, officiallr apologize, publicly cake historical responsi bility for coercing /\s1a n women inw sexual slavery during World War 11 , and educate current and fu rure gentcracions abouc this tragedy. The passage of H. Res. 12 1 is a historic achievement in which the Korean-American communicy mobilized in an unprecedenred scale, chat caused a geopolitical earchquake that Seoul :ind uth I. Cbro11oloiic11/ S11mt11 The journey of H. Res . I 2 1 began exactly cen years ago from its passage, namely in July 1997 when W illiam Lipinski (D-IL 3rd} inrroduced H . Res. 126, which urged the Japanese government co formally apologize and compensate the victims of war crimes rhac were committed by che Japanese military during WWII. In June 2000. Lane Evans (D-IL 17th) and thirty ocher House Representa tives introduced a similar resolution. H . Con. Res. 3)7. Following chis progress, fifceen former comfort women from South Korea, Taiwan, and che Philippines filed a lawsuit in the U.S. District Courc in W ashington, D .C., which was the first time the "comfort women'' issue was treated i.n the U.S. Courts. Also, it was che first rime rhac Japan was appointed as defendant. Evans commirred himself co che comforc women issue by introducing consecutively H. Con. Res. 226 in .June 2CX)3 and H. Res. 7)9, which was a ~artis.'ll1 measure with Olrisropher Smith (R-NJ 4rb). in February 2006 (Washington Coalition for Comfort W omen Issues (W CCW)). Even though H. Res. 759 was unanimously approved a( the then-House Interna cional Relations Committee (since renamed Ho115e Foreign Affairs Committee) Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access 92 Who /J !ht S1ro11gdl 111 \~n1hinx,1011. O.C.? on Seprember 12, 2006, it was not accepted at the 109th Congress. However, momentum did not die with the end of 109th Congress. On January 31, 2007, a bipartisan group of seven Representatives including Mike Honda (D-CA I 5th) a nd Frank Wolf (R-VA !Och) introduced H . Res. 12 l . The followi ng day, the Korean Americn n Voters' Council (KA VC) mailed letters co Korean-Americans, urging rheir cooperncion for the passage of Ii. Res . 121 . KA VC also began a narionwick petition campaigning co get rhe arcention of h,wmakers.1 \'1'.fithin only a week, che KAVC succeeded in obtaining signatures from more than 8,000 people. G rassroots momentum e ncouraged T om Lantos (D-CA 12th), the then-Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, co hold the first full committee hearing on "comfort wo men" before the House Foreign Affairs Committee on February 15. T his public hearing was broadcasted through the United States by The ✓1111erica11 Broadcas1i11g Co111pa11y. The New York Times, and The \f/tJJhingron Posr (Kim 2007c). However, even this quick movement at th1: g rassroots and legislative level may have no r led to rhe same results if nor for a geopolitical gaffe. On March l , then-Japanese Prime Minisce r Abe Shinzo commenced rlntt he did m)r think che Japanese milirnry had coerced 1\ sian wo men in to serving as comfo rt women during World War II. I lc:nct, Abe said ht· would nor apologize t:vt:n choughc ht: regrecced cheir plig hr (Onishi 2007). The Premier's comment caused an explosive reaction ove rseas, especially in Sourh Ko rea, because che remarks wtre made on che same dny of rhe brgc·st mcJc penJcncc, m o vement chat cook ph1ce in 19 19 ag,\inst Japa n's colonizacion of che Ko rean Peninsula. Abe's shockwavt: spread across che Pacific, mobilizing noc just che echoic Korean-American groups, but mamscrtam U.S. mtdia. including The New York Ti11m. The Lvs /lllf!.eles Times. and The \fl,uh111t,ro11 Posr ("No Com fort" 2007; ·'Shinzo t\be's Double Talk" 2007; ' 'T he Truth about Japan's 'Comfort Women"" 2007) Riding on the wave of sympacheric public opinion, chose inceres1ced in rhe issue coalesced nacionally, beg inning wich N e w Yo rk City, Washingron, D .C., Philadelphia, Los Angeles, and San Francisco. The number of regional coalicions for chis particular issue ccached nineceen. These regional coalitions began lobbying at Capitol Hill from March 12, and they atcained signacures in support of H . Res. 121 from seven Representatives on che same day. H. Res. 12 1 increasingly gained endorsemen ts since its incroducrion, and the number o£ legislacors who signed onboard as co-sponsors reached fifty four on March 21 (Kirn 2007c). The momentum chat began early during the I !Och Congress took icself to a new level in April wich a series of media blicz. On April 17, 2007, a Korean American filmmaker and civil righcs accivist Annabel Park uploade-d a video onto Yo11111be2 char included victims' rescimonies and pleas for H . Res. 12 1' s passage. Jn addition, Korean-American coalitions on che comfort women issue greeted P rime Miniscer Abe's Washington visit on April 25 wirh cheir own Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access full-page Washingron Pose ad encirled "The Truth abour 'Comfort Women."' During Abe's visit, Korean-American groups visited Capitol H ill and finally succeeded in obtaining rhe supporr of one hundred Representatives (Kim 2007c). By che rime sixry three J apanese leaders, mainly comprising of nacionalis cic Diec members, responded wich cheir own Washingcon Pose full -page ad, ''The F.tct," on J une 14 of rhe same year (Asian Policy Poinc 2007), it was mo lace tu ... 1,augc U.S. public opinion on rhe issue. TI1e Korean-American groups succeeded in getcing support from 143 Represenca rives by June 7, and H . Res. 121 was approved by 39 to 2 ac che House Foreign Affairs Committee on July 26 (Kim 2007c). The number of co-sponsors had g rown up co I 68 in July. and finally che U.S. House of Representarives approved H . Res. 12 1 by a voice vore on July 30, 2007 (Ryu 2007). 2. Keys to tin: S 11C1"ess At rhe holistic level, chc- Comforc Women Movement began ics initiative by informing irs audience chat chey were not on a parochial mission, bur a national on\.'. TIK· parcicipanrs scrc:sseJ chm ,,eichcr che Sourh Korean people nor government wen: assisting or guiding rheir acrions. They insread said char they were engaged in :in :iuchcntically American movement in rhe American way, in che spirit of indigenously American values such as human righcs, women's righcs, and jusricc The,r consiscenr mtssage on ·"American" values throughout che H. Res. 12 E process led chem co scare repemedly chm che legislation does not intend co ndverscly impacr che geopolitics of Ease Asia. Secondly, chey promoted chis cause not as a Korean, American o ne, hue of an American om: as a whole. T he parc icipancs argued that chc: reque:,sc from American citizens should nor be discouraged by Japanese lobbying. Third, chey also argued chat H. Res . 12 1 would evenrually be conducive co improving alliances becween rhe United Scates and ocher Asian countries, including Japan, by restoring inrricate relation ships among rhc regional members . Fourch, rhey rook a bipartisan approach in seeking H. Res. 12 L's passage. I In steering away from a parochial message, the coalition established a foundation on sound ideology. Nevercheless, RMT theory reveals rhat the normacive approach rhe Korean American groups employed was not the only source of che extraordinary success in 2007. First and foremosr, the Korean-American groups were equipped wich organizational capability. The N ew York/New Jersey-based KAVC played a key role in planning srracegies, organizing che nineteen regional coalitions na rion-wide, mobilizing Korean-Americans, and fund-raising and lobbying in W ashington. In addition co che KA VC's broad national framework, the regional coalitions on rhe comforr women issue brought cogecher concerned people in nineteen regions across the country. These organizations as well as ocher activists used community forums such as Korean churches and associations co promote Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access 94 and spread the cause.~ Specific individual leaders can be idenrified as che next faccor cowards the 2007 success. In addition co Annabel Park mentioned above. key leaders include chc Executive Director of the KA VC D ong-suk Kim, President of che Washington Coalition of Comfort W omen Issue Ok-cha Soh, Co-chair of the Washingcon Coalition Moon-hyung Lee. and In-Hoe Huh, a Korean politician who actively confronted his home country's military dicrntorship during chc 1980s.5 As Morris (2000) suggests, these leaders of diverse backgrounds forged a unique leadership char conrribuced ro a broad mobilization and necworking of all Korean-Americans. They also shared their abundant experiences in social movements in guiding che Comfort Women Movement cowards a single, viable path. What may be the most inreresting faccor cowards cheir success in passing H. Res.121 may be che Korean-American groups' caccics. Tacrical solutions enor mously influence how social movements develop (Morris 200()). The methodologies of che parcicipancs of rhc Com fo rt \1(/omen Movement can be characterized by che following features. F.irsc. che Kon,an-American g roups made incelligenr use of their resources br apptaling co h ,y membcers of che Housc· of Rcpn:scricac ivcs first, not ro all •13 5 of rhem. Evans was sud , n precursor before H . Res. 12 I cook shape as stated above. For example. Lanco,s was che powerful chairman of rhe House Foreig n Affairs Comrninee. who had survived the Nazi Holocaust and hence prio ri cizt:J ,, human rights agenda throug hout hi s House- career (Kim 2007a). W olf had strong convictions and interests in borh East Asi a, as well as human rights. Tom Davis {R-VA l.lth). a Virginian Republican representing a Washington sub urb discrict, was anorher such supporccer. He S,Lid ch ar crue friends shoLLld be nblc co candidly criticize a friend's wrongdoing wirhour harming their. friendship. Nancy Pelosi (D-CA 8th) and Lynn Woolsey (D-C A 6ch). cwo fe male Californian Democrats, are strong believers in women's rig hcs. Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access EUNIUN<., LIM 95 Second , the Korean-American groups expanded their Congressional supp0n by craditional oucreach. Ethnic Kore-an-Americans acdvely visited both Washing ton, D.C. and local offices of representatives who were initially not on board with 1-L Res. 12 1. For example, che now Asia Pacific Committee Chairman Don Manzullo (R-IL 16ch) doubted whecher the U.S. H ouse of Reprcsenrncivcs should be involved in the comfon women issue at the beginning of rhe movement (Kim 2007c). H e s,,·1tched his mm:u opposition to H. Res. 12 1 following visits by Korean-Americans co his office. In cocal. Korc:in-American groups held Lobby Days twelve cimes 10 visic mc•mbers' offices in Washington, O.C.7 Third, the Korean-American g roups labored to maximize media impact. They had held fund-raising campaigns and used approx.imaccly $50,000 for a full-page ad in The WaJhmg1011 Post. a national newspaper with a specific focus on the Washington and Virginia area (Kim 2007c). f urthermore, they purchased a full -page ad on Tiu Hill. a dnily newspaper :ibou1 Capitol Hill, read by che media .md government profcss1on.1ls such :is Conircssional staffers interested m U.S. Congress. They used the leuer from Jan Ruff-O'H ernc, an Australian comfort women victim, co chen- 1-louse Speaker Nancy Pelosi. The face that 1\ 11s cra lians were viu1111s co p.,sr J .1panesc :t!{gn,ssion rnu!{ht the audience's :1nc1111on." The Kon,.rn-Amencrn groups :ilso ('tnploycd social media such as Y Q11t11b, Park's use of English n.1rracors :is well ns p0pular Korean celebrities is saic.l co have appealed ro a broader audience chan in previous outreaches (Park 2007). Fourth. the Kon.-a n-Amcrirnn groups workecl to uivc::r:;ify dw,r base and soughc ro paim their m ovemcnc as a typical minoncy group social movement in the Unitc::d Scates. For C'xample, tl,cy coopernce Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access 96 Who ;, 1h, Sr rang,,, ,,, \YI:: thmgtor., D. C. .' 157). The Comfort Wom<:n Movement utilized both forms of ch<:sc campaigns, which caught the attention of the legislative branch. In chat sense, it would be fair co conclude chat che Korean-Amtrican Comfort W omen Movement in 2007 was well-equipped wirh whac RMT emphasizes. The movement participants were armed with appropriate norms and used effective cacrics of winning public opinion both inside and outside Capitol Hill. The KA VC's scr:acegic headquarters :ind rhe Comfort Women l\fovemcnt's organizational capability produced a welko ordinaced and intelligenc campaig n char produced a differenr outcome in 2007 as contrast co the past. III. THE JAPANESE-AMERICAN REDRESS MOVEMENT The .Japanese-American Redress Movement char occurred a few decades prior co rhe passage of H . Res. 121 is seen ~s an example: of a successful social movement in modem U.S. histOr)' . 1-l isco rically speaking. ch 1s is che first time a major policy decision has fell in favor of Asian-American immigrants since the first Asians migracc: lnccrescingly, che JACL was not enthusiastic about engagi.ng in the Redress Movemenc ac its onset. lo face, chc issue was a controversial one chat was a source of confronc acion between the advocates and JAQ members. In t he late 1960s, small groups of Japanese-Americans in che Wesc Coast, including Southern California, San Francisco, and the Seattle areas, began co move on the redress issue (Daniels et al. 1986, 188). At the rime, JACL leadecs felt chat it was Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access EUNJUNC LIM 97 a caboo subjecc among J apanese-American people. They feared it would create fissures within the JACL and stayed largely inactive until July 1970 (Takezawa 1995. 38). Ac a National Convention during chat month, che JACL finally approved its first resolucion recognizing the topic as che organization's key concern. In rhe next National Convention in 1974, rhe JACL established a National ReJress Commiccee. In 1978, ar another Narional Convention chat Salt Lake Cit)' hosted, members a_pprovcd for che Commirree and unanimously adopted the redress issue as ics rop agenda (Daniels et al. 1986, 19 I -2). I c was young Asian-American leaders who made I 978 a breakthrough year in the cause. Led by a chird-generacion Japanese-American accor Frank Abe and Chinese-American playwright Frank Chiu, they suggested chat the forced relocation of Japanese-Americans be reenacted during the Day of Remembrance. That accive initiative mobilized more than cwo thousand campaign parcicipants on November 25. 1978 and helped che Japanese-American community to finally begin breaking their silence. Support for the issue continuously increased among Japanese-Americans since then (Takeiawa I 995, 42-5). On February I. 1979. the JACL took accion to a new level by reaching Out to Japanese-American members of Congress. The Narional Redress Commiccee held meetings chat dai• wirh Hawaii Democrat Senators Daniel Inouye and Spark Matsunaga, as well as California Democrat Congressmen Norman Mincca and Robert Macsui about rheir plans and strategies to make the redress movement successful. Legislators advised che JACL commiccee that "to convince che American public and rhe m<:mbers of Congn,ss o( che injuscice it was necessary co establish an official decerminacion of wrong action by rhc government before advancing reparanon legislation" (Takazawa 1995, 47). That was rhe beginning of a series of legislative accions ch at would lase for years. A bipartisan group led by Scn;icors lnou)'C and M:usunaga introduced S. 1647 on August 7 of che same year. Call ed the Commission on Warrime Relocation and Interment of Civilians (CWRJ C) Ace, it ca lled for a creation of a federal commission co investigate the faces behind the forced wartime relocation. furthermore, nine Democracs introduced H . R. 5499, t he House companion bill to S. 1647, with over I IO co-sponsors on September 28, 1979 . Exactly rwo months after H . R. 5499 was introduced, Washington Democrat Mike Lowry introduced H . R. 5977. Called the Japanese-American Human Rights Violation Redress Ace, it requested compensation of $15,000 for each internee ac a rate of $15 for each day in the camp. The Senate overwhelmingly passed S. 1647 on May 1980 and the House of Representatives passed H . R. 5499 by 297 to 109 on July 21, 1980. The CWRJC finally became law when President Career signed the legislation ten days later, on July 3 1 (Daniels et al. 1986. 193; Hacamiya 1993, 84-8). As the CWRJC authorized a federa l commission, che tluee former petitioners during World War II, Fred Korematsu, Minoru Yaslti, and Gordon Hirabayashi, each filed a petition for wric of error coram 11obi1 to reopen their wartime cases Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access Who ,, 1h, S1ror1ges1 in Wa1hi11g1011, D.C.? 98- in January 1983. The CWR1C published a reporc on the cases, emirled "Personal Justice Denied" on February 24, 1983. and the commission proposed ics recom mendations for remedies dut- co rhe wanime violation of consticu cional rights in June 1983. A Texas Democrat Jim Wrighc introduced rhe H . R. 41 10 on Oct◊ber 1983, which <=alled for acceptance and irnplementacion of the CWR1C's findings and recommendations. U.S. Disuict Court Judge Marilyn Pace! granted Ko remacsu's petition fo r a writ of error co,·am norbis, vacating his 40-yeac-old convictions on November LO, 1983 (Daniels et al. 1986. 200-20 2). New leadership following the 1986 midterm elections accelerated the Redress Movement. H. R. 4 ll 0, which died in the House when the Congressional session ended in 1984, was re-introduced by House Majority Leader T o m Foley as H . R. 4 110. Entitled the Civil Liberties Act of 1988, this initiacive by the Washington Democrat gained with 124 co-sponsors when it was presented on J anuary 6, 1987. Matsunag a introduced S. I 009, t h<: Senate version of H . R. 442. with 7 1 co-sponsors. On September 17 . the bicenrcnnial of the U.S. Conscitution, the House passed H . R. 442 with 243 co 14 1. The senate followed suit on April 20, 1988 by passing its version 69 co 27. The lcgislarion finall y becam <: law on August 10. 1988. with Presidt'1H Reagan's signature:. Reagan's successor, Gcvrge 1-1 . W . Bush, approvcJ rhe comp<:ns:m on in 1992 (Daniels Cl al. 1986, 2 19-223). 2. Keys l (J the S 11rusi Whac were che keys t0 che J apanese-Americans' triumph in 1992? Almosr fo reshadowing che 2007 accions by che Korean-Americans, the Japanese-Americans al·so presenred cheir cause nor as a parochial, but national issue tha, cranscc:-ndcd ethnic divides. They emphasized char che movement was based o n American values of freedom and justice. D r . Clifford I. Uyeda, who cook che struggle within rhe JACL, proposed co the JACL chat they link che J apanese-Americans' cragedy wilh chc Nazi Holocaust. The JAC L Redress Committee agreed with his idea and subsequently indicated that redress for the injuscices o( 1942-1946 was nor an exclusive issue of Japanese-Americans, buc a concern for all Americans. While it did nor say that financial rcscicucion would close the issue completely. the statemenc noted that acknowledging past m istakes folly would prevent a repeat of such injustices in the fucure (Daniels et al. l 986, 189'). As in che Comfort Women Movement, the "American values" contended by che Redress Movement parcicipanrs provided chem wich an ideologically firm ground co per suade cheir audience, boch the la.wmakers and ch e general public nationally. Secondly, che JACL's role as the key organization chat led che botcom-up movemeoc, almost parallels che role che KA YC played three decades lacer. lo face, cbe JACL was che first Asian-American civil rights organization of its kind when it was founded in 1929. Although the JACL was reluctant co engage in the Redress Movement in rhe early stage, it used its organization's full weight Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access EUNJlJNC. LIM <) nerwotk following July I 970 co lead che grassroots movement cowards mobilizing. ing, and organizing people inceresced in che issue. ounger ThirJly, leadership also played a signilicant role in chc movement. Y ent Japanese-American leaders who did nor necessarily expcrienc IV. CONCLUSION ns and Close examination of che social m ovements that J apanese-America , re- Korean-Americans mobilized in the cwentiech and rwency-lirst century Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access 100 sp<.-ctively, sbows char rhey generally foUow what RMT ,emphasizes. In ch.is conclud ing section three major similarities of t he rwo movements will be proposed. Further questions and implications for the policicnl reality in Washington. D.C. wi ll be suggested in chc end. J. Similarities betu•een the Tw<, l\fo11e111e11ts The first similarity is chat both movements appealed to a broader audience beyond their immediate constituency wich compreh 2. Fm·ther Questions and Confempora,y lmplicatior,s Much remains ro be seen about rhe Korean-American movement as ic is still Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access 101 a nascent case compared to the Japanese-American initiative. For example, further scudies should be made on why Korean-Americans could be mobilized on a hiscorical issue relating co events seven decades back, and why this was the £i rst successful m obilizacion. This difference is consequencial in that unlike the Redress Movement, the Korean-Americans involved were neither victims nor were chey seeking for Washingcon tO pressure Tokyo for compensation. In face, Korean-Americans were nor publicli• calling for concrete diplomacy, which imply that they were not expecting accual results . .If they did not expect measurable results from their actions, ic mighc raise the question of whecher Korean-American parcicipants acred rationally. If it can be concluded chat they were rational, then furrher studies need to show what rationale or motivation drove their collective behavior. Could it be chat Korean nationalism remains scrong among Korean-Americans? Regarding these inquiries, it is without a doubt char Americans of Korean descent became organized and mobilized nationally for rhe first time over a polirical iniriarive in 2007. An interesting finding among the two cases is that of the Sansei, third generation J apanese-Americans, who were more enchusiascic in the Redr,-ss issue while younger Kori:an-Americans such as Annabel Park cook the iniciative in the Comfort Women Movement. The face chat both Frank Abe and Park have bet: n in rhe filmmaking industry could suggest chat che younger gencrarion had both the energy and the skill s co mobilize che public over a cause. That may concrasc with their preced ing geru~rations, who may have jusc emigrated from chcir home countries and were preoccupied with finding a stable livelihood in chei r new homeland. Because che older generation had laid a scable fou ndation throug h their sacrifices. younger generations may have had che luxury as well as co be inclined to pursue ch eir n:monal identity and express cheir ancestral heritage. Further snidies mai• reveal rhac Korean -Ame rican society has finally reached chis stage in the firsc decade of the rwenc y-firsc century, as che Japanese-American society had done so before chem in th.e 1970s. Although Korean-Americans do nor have elected national legislators, chey reached rhe same desc inacion as the J apanese-Americans in char boch ukimately formulated their colleccive will and influenced American politicians wit h cheir voting power. In chis sense, it is fair co conclude that the participants of the Comfort Women Mov,ement acted rationally in order co receive their political gain, and they were well integrated in their situation. The next question would be che future development of the Comfort Women Movement and the Korean-American community's activities in American policies. Japanese-Americans eventually became self-confident when they succeeded in che Redress Movement. William Hohri vigorously appraised chis by saying, "we arc placing the issues of exclusion and decenc ion squarely before the .bar of justice and the bar of history." His chapter tide "Redress as a Movement towards Enfranchisement" also implies chat Japanese-Americans would move forward Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access 102 Wha it 1./;t S11-tmgt11 i11 \'flashington, D .C.? co empowering their political voice in the United Stares (Daniels et al. 1986, 199). This will likely be remembered as what Morri.s (2000) described as che "cransformarive evenc." This would be the same for the Korean-American community as well. Korean-American leaders did noc end their political initiatives wirh H . Res. l2 I. Dong-suk Kim and the KA YC worked on what was called "Come from rhl' Sh~rlnws· C"'mfort Women,'' which opened :it rhe Kupferberg Holocaust Resource Center and Archives in New York on August 15, 201 1, Korean Independence Day. Kim also cried co arrange meer.ings between Korean comfort women survivors and Holocaust survivors in rhe Uniced Scates. Working with Jewish-Americans appeared co be raising the possibility of providing an educational program char included rhe comfort women issue in American public schools. On the ocher hand, Park cook anocher direction. Following the July 2007 passage, she subsequently parcicipat<:-d in the "9500 Libc:rcy" project, which advocarcs rights of immigranrs, particularly Mt'xican immigrants in Northern Virginia. lo Ir remains ro be seen whee her Korean-Americans would pursue cheir cause in the near fucurt' or work across erhnic lines over a common cause in political fr<:t'dom ,ind civil lihertits. \X/hik· prnpon('ntS or 1-1 . Res. 121 daimc:d char chey wt r«: not looking co discurb geopolim:al dynamics. geopoliciml shockwavcs continued co reverberate. With the Dutch Parliament's prompt initiative in responst ro che passage of 1-1 . Res. 12 1. tht faitopenn U ni(m Parliament ;1 lso puss('J irs own r<:solucion on rhc comfort women issue in December 2007 (K<:um 2007, ''EU Parliamenc Passes Rcsolulion on Comfort \X/omen" 2007). Mor<:over, the South Korean Conscicu ciona.l Coore decided on August 30, 2() 11 chat ir is unconstiturion,tl for the South K(irean gov<:rnmenc to not rursue nll Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access EUNJIINC I IM rhe Japanese-Americans' Redress Movement did not direcdy impact foreign rela cions including the U.S.-Japan relationship because che scope of compensabilicy was limited within the United States. However, the leg:,cy of the &-dress Movemenc cannot be underestim;ited. The Redress Movement lit a torch in the history of Asian-American social movements. As sraced in rhe beg inning , Washington. D.C. is in a league of ics own on foreign policy nod incernacionnl affairs. Many heads of st aces, la wmakers, auJ inrernacional affairs professionals, aware of chis reality, have repearedly visited, worked, or even lived in chis cown. However, ir is noc only chey or che K Street lawyers representing chem that lead to key shifts in U.S. foreign policy. 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Englewood Cliffs, NJ : Prencice-Ha.11. Turner, R. H. ed. 1967. Robert E. Park on Social Conrrol and Collective Behavior. Chicago , IL: The Universicy of Chicago Press. Views and News. 201 l. hrtp://www.view:snnews.com0 Washington Coalition for Comfort Women Issues. 2011 . htrp://www.comforr women.org. Yamazaki, J . W . 2006. J apanese Apologies for \X/orld War JI : A Rherorical Study. London: Routledge. 9500 Liberty, 2011. lmp://www.youtube.<0m/9500Libercy. Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access EIINJIIN,(; LIM l07 ENDNOTES 1 Kun. O.-S. 2009. Interview with the auchor. The video dip ,s .voilablc "'• http;//you,ube.com/wa«h?v=v dOwrAjM Q. ' Kiin., D .•S, 2009. Interview wirh the author. Kim. D.~S. 20 l f:' E, m:til in{ervicw with the author. ' Kim, O.-S. 2009. lmcrview with the author. Huh, 1.-H. 2007. ln Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:21:09AM via free access