Transformation of Religion in Africa

Chapter Two Transformation of religion in Africa Some decades ago John Mbiti (1969: 1) wrote, “Africans are notoriously religious.” Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say that religion is active and alive in Africa (Ellis & Ter Haar 2004). But what exactly is that religion? How religious are the religions? What Mbiti had in mind was that the African worldview is not (yet) compartmentalised, that religion in Africa is not a separate domain but a dimension that runs through all other domains. The trouble is that when everything is religious, ultimately nothing is. It cannot be denied that secularism is growing in Africa and that it has always been there (Metogo 1997; Shorter & Onyancha 1997). Early anthropologists already referred to the materialism and pragmatism of the African worldview (Evans Pritchard 1937). Maybe a better question would be, not how religious are Africans, but how are they religious? One thing is clear: there is a plurality of religions and growing interaction between them, and as a result quite a lot of religious dynamics and change (Olupona & Nyang 1993). 2.1 Survival and revival of African Religions It is said that dialogue with African Religions, African Traditional Religions or African Indigenous Religions is not very important in our time, as these religions will disappear in the process of economic globalisation and cultural homogenisation.85 Judging by present-day global trends it does not seem to be the case. African Religions are alive as never before In the first place there is the survival of African Indigenous Religions as more or less independent traditions among some 20 percent of Africa’s inhabitants. 85 The proper name for these religions is subject to debate. In general I prefer the name ‘Indigenous Religions’, because ‘traditional’ suggests that they are something of the past. It is, however, not always possible to avoid the other names. Another debating point is whether one should speak about African Religions in the singular or in the plural. I use the plural, because there are major differences between religious traditions in Africa. There is undeni- ably a basic pattern, but it is shared with all primal religions or religions without scriptures and is not uniquely African. 60 Chapter Two Some ethnic groups resisted conversion to any of the world religions and remain so-called ‘untouched people’ up to the present. A Dutch missionary, who worked in Sukumaland, Northwest Tanzania where I did most of my field- work, recorded a conversation with an old man (mzee) in his diary. The old man said (Wijsen 1993: 7): “Padre, you trouble yourself for nothing. I will never agree to join your religion. All people have their own religion. The Germans were here and they had their own religion. The British came; they also had their own religion. The Protestants at Ng’wagala also have their own religion. The Ba-Swahili [Muslims] of Shanwa have their own religion. You Padres also have your own religion. And we black people also have our own religions. Our religion is the one of Masamva [ancestral spirits]. All religions are good.” “All people have their own religion” and “all religions are good”. The old man’s attitude is shared by most people in Sukumaland, and in other parts of Africa as well. Even in places where modernisation is far advanced the indigenous religions survive. Secondly indigenous religiosity persists beneath the surface of Islam and Christianity, on an individual or institutional level, in folk religiosity and African Instituted Churches. This leads Kwame Bediako (1992) to speak, not about “Primal Religions and Christianity”, but about “Primal Religions within Christianity”. We deal with syncretism and dual religious allegiance in section 6.1. Thirdly, there is a process of de-conversion or revival of African Indigenous Religions (Hackett 1991). In response to globalisation there is a worldwide search for alternatives in indigenous spiritualities. Many Africans feel a need to break free from the world market and return to the way of their ancestors (Odozor 1999).86 This is apparent not only in the call for an African renais- sance (section 10.1) but also in neo-traditional cults (section 6.3). African alternatives to globalisation At grassroots level there is resurgence of cultural identity among many indigenous people. In many parts of Africa the informal or second economy remains an important alternative to the world market. Between 60 and 70 percent of Africa’s economic activities are conducted in what is called the grey or informal sector. African farmers are mostly subsistence farmers with a strong sense of freedom and independence (Hyden 1980). Most Africans use traditional medicine in the form of herbs, amulets and rituals, alone or alongside modern medicine. In areas where modernisation is 86 In section 10.1 we will show that there is not (only) a resurgence of indigenous religion but a production of it. In the process of globalisation, local traditions are not (only) redis- covered, but to a large extent (also) invented (Robertson 1995: 35)..

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