Facing the Dragon: China Policy in a New Era
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Contemporary China: a Book List
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY: Woodrow Wilson School, Politics Department, East Asian Studies Program CONTEMPORARY CHINA: A BOOK LIST by Lubna Malik and Lynn White Winter 2007-2008 Edition This list is available on the web at: http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinabib.pdf which can be viewed and printed with an Adobe Acrobat Reader. Variation of font sizes may cause pagination to differ slightly in the web and paper editions. No list of books can be totally up-to-date. Please surf to find further items. Also consult http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinawebs.doc for clicable URLs. This list of items in English has several purposes: --to help advise students' course essays, junior papers, policy workshops, and senior theses about contemporary China; --to supplement the required reading lists of courses on "Chinese Development" and "Chinese Politics," for which students may find books to review in this list; --to provide graduate students with a list that may suggest books for paper topics and may slightly help their study for exams in Chinese politics; a few of the compiler's favorite books are starred on the list, but not much should be made of this because such books may be old or the subjects may not meet present interests; --to supplement a bibliography of all Asian serials in the Princeton Libraries that was compiled long ago by Frances Chen and Maureen Donovan; many of these are now available on the web,e.g., from “J-Stor”; --to suggest to book selectors in the Princeton libraries items that are suitable for acquisition; to provide a computerized list on which researchers can search for keywords of interests; and to provide a resource that many teachers at various other universities have also used. -
George W. Bush, Idealist
George W. Bush, Idealist MICHAEL J. MAZARR* As I write this, the war to liberate the Iraqi people from the brutal regime of Saddam Hussein is under way. It is a war to prevent Hussein’s Iraq from be- coming a veritable factory of weapons of mass terror and destruction, and a war to deprive the world’s terrorist organizations of a friend and sponsor. It is many things to many people: justified, callous, unilateral, long-overdue, hopeful, perilous. But one thing it is not is representative of a world view conditioned by classical realism. There are many ways to understand the complexion of George W. Bush’s foreign policy and the group that runs it. One of them is through the lens of traditional frameworks for thinking about international relations. It is easy to forget, now, that the early conventional wisdom held that President Bush and his foreign policy team in fact embraced realism as their guiding philosophy. Virtually every Bush foreign policy appointee uttered the term at some point during the administration’s first year. ‘I am a realist,’ said Bush’s National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice. ‘Power matters.’1 An interviewer returned from a conversation with Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld to divulge that ‘he has no code words or doctrine to describe his outlook, other than what he termed “old-fashioned” realism.’2 Candidate Bush himself, in his first major foreign policy speech (delivered in 1999), said that ‘a President must be a clear-eyed realist.’3 In practice, however, the Bush administration’s assumptions, doctrines and policies stem generally from a very different world view from that proposed by classical realism. -
A New Historiography of the Origins of the Cold War
SOSHUM Jurnal Sosial dan Humaniora [Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities] Volume 9, Number 2, 2019 p-ISSN. 2088-2262 e-ISSN. 2580-5622 ojs.pnb.ac.id/index.php/SOSHUM/ A New Historiography of the Origins of the Cold War Adewunmi J. Falode 1 and Moses J. Yakubu 2 1 Department of History & International Studies, Lagos State University, Nigeria 2 Department of History & International Studies, University of Benin, Edo, Nigeria Lasu, Ojo Campus Ojo Local Government, 102101, Lagos, Nigeria E-mail: [email protected] Article Info ABSTRACT ________________ ___________________________________________________________________ History Articles The Cold War that occurred between 1945 and 1991 was both an Received: international political and historical event. As an international political event, Jan 2019 the Cold War laid bare the fissures, animosities, mistrusts, misconceptions Accepted: June 2019 and the high-stakes brinksmanship that has been part of the international Published: political system since the birth of the modern nation-state in 1648. As a July 2019 historical event, the Cold War and its end marked an important epoch in ________________ human social, economic and political development. The beginning of the Keywords: Cold War marked the introduction of a new form of social and political Cold War, Historiography, experiment in human relations with the international arena as its laboratory. Structuralist School, Its end signalled the end of a potent social and political force that is still Revisionist School, st Orthodox School shaping the course of the political relations among states in the 21 century. ____________________ The historiography of the Cold War has been shrouded in controversy. -
And the Dynamics of Memory in American Foreign Policy After the Vietnam War
UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) ‘Whose Vietnam?’ - ‘Lessons learned’ and the dynamics of memory in American foreign policy after the Vietnam War Beukenhorst, H.B. Publication date 2012 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Beukenhorst, H. B. (2012). ‘Whose Vietnam?’ - ‘Lessons learned’ and the dynamics of memory in American foreign policy after the Vietnam War. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:25 Sep 2021 2. Haig’s Vietnam and the conflicts over El Salvador When Ronald Reagan took over the White House in 1981, he brought with him a particular memory of the Vietnam War largely based on the pivotal war experiences of his generation: World War Two and the Korean War. -
Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (Ii): the Battle Over "The People" and the Business Community in the Transition to Chinese Rule
HONG KONG'S ENDGAME AND THE RULE OF LAW (II): THE BATTLE OVER "THE PEOPLE" AND THE BUSINESS COMMUNITY IN THE TRANSITION TO CHINESE RULE JACQUES DELISLE* & KEVIN P. LANE- 1. INTRODUCTION Transitional Hong Kong's endgame formally came to a close with the territory's reversion to Chinese rule on July 1, 1997. How- ever, a legal and institutional order and a "rule of law" for Chi- nese-ruled Hong Kong remain works in progress. They will surely bear the mark of the conflicts that dominated the final years pre- ceding Hong Kong's legal transition from British colony to Chinese Special Administrative Region ("S.A.R."). Those endgame conflicts reflected a struggle among adherents to rival conceptions of a rule of law and a set of laws and institutions that would be adequate and acceptable for Hong Kong. They unfolded in large part through battles over the attitudes and allegiance of "the Hong Kong people" and Hong Kong's business community. Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule ("Endgame I") focused on the first aspect of this story. It examined the political struggle among members of two coherent, but not monolithic, camps, each bound together by a distinct vision of law and sover- t Special Series Reprint: Originally printed in 18 U. Pa. J. Int'l Econ. L. 811 (1997). Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Law School. This Article is the second part of a two-part series. The first part appeared as Hong Kong's End- game and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule, 18 U. -
Evelyn Goh, “Nixon, Kissinger, and the 'Soviet Card' in the US Opening T
H-Diplo Article Commentary: Kimball on Goh Evelyn Goh , “Nixon, Kissinger, and the ‘Soviet Card’ in the U.S. Opening to China, 1971- 1974”, Diplomatic History , Vol. 29, Issue 3 (June 2005): 475-502. Commentary by Jeffrey Kimball , Miami University of Ohio Published by H-Diplo on 28 October 2005 Evelyn Goh, a professor at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore, describes how and asks why Henry Kissinger increasingly emphasized the Soviet military threat to China’s security in his negotiations with Beijing between 1971 and 1973. Drawing from the archival record and the literature on U.S. relations with the People’s Republic of China during the Nixon presidency, she traces Kissinger’s evolving policy through three phases: parallel détente with a tilt toward China (1971 to early 1972); “formal symmetry” but “tacit alliance” (mid 1972 to early 1973); and strategic shifts, attempted secret alliance, and stymied normalization (mid 1973 to 1974). Her purpose is to “understand and assess the nature and value of the Soviet card to the Nixon administration in the development of Sino- American relations” (477), because, she asserts, histories of triangular diplomacy have given more attention to Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger’s playing of the China card vis-à-vis the Soviet Union than of the Soviet card vis-à-vis China. Goh argues that in pursuing rapprochement Nixon and Kissinger “sought to manage . Chinese expectations” about improved Sino-American relations and dissuade Beijing from thinking that the U.S. aim was really that of playing “the China card in order to persuade the Soviet Union to negotiate détente with the United States” (479, 489). -
By Ross Terrill
Agenda, Volume 8, Number 1, 2001, pages 79-83 REVIEWS The Way We Live Ross Terrill, The Australians: The Way We Live Now, Doubleday, Sydney, 2000 Reviewed by Michael Keating his book is an interesting and lively interpretation of the Australian people and our nation as we embark upon our second century. Terrill is frankly Toptimistic about Australia; apparently more so than when the first edition of this book was published in 1987. He finds ‘an Australia not without dignity and self-assurance.’ Terrill is ‘confident that Australia can hack it in a competitive world.’ He sees ‘nationalism as having matured. A leap has been made to reliance on technology and globalisation. Race has become a less vexatious issue. Australia is a more plutocratic society and (a little) more hard-nosed towards laggards.’ ‘The nation savours prosperity, stands tall in Southeast Asia, and tries to embrace globalisation without letting go of the Aussie way of life.’ Terrill argues that Australian nationalism has strengthened in the late twentieth century, but the meaning of this nationalism has become more opaque, as nationalism now offers varying points of entry for different people. For some it represents pride in Australia’s commercial success. For others it is pride in Australian achievement in the arts. Increasingly Australians are being recognised internationally, and not just for uniquely Australian productions, but also for the development of themes that resonate internationally. We have now reached the point where Terrill argues that cosmopolitanism is -
It's Raining Money It's Raining Money
2009_1_26.qxp 1/6/2009 5:54 PM Page 1 January 26, 2009 49145 $3.95 Goldberg: The New Deal’s Undeserved Reputation IT’S RAINING MONEY $3.95 04 Mark Steyn on the Obama Era 0 09128 49145 5 www.nationalreview.com base.qxp 1/5/2009 2:11 PM Page 1 15 ) 1 *% N &)3 GI toc.qxp 1/7/2009 1:51 PM Page 1 Contents JANUARY 26, 2009 | VOLUME LXI, NO. 1 | www.nationalreview.com GOLDBERG: The Shrine of FDR . p. 18 COVER STORY Page 26 Twelve Zeroes BOOKS, ARTS & MANNERS In Washington, some strange new Zimbabwean 40 WHERE THE BUCK STOPS by John R. Bolton unit seems to have been Presidential Command: introduced between the Power, Leadership, and the Making of Foreign Policy election and the inauguration: from Richard Nixon to No matter how many zeroes George W. Bush, by Peter W. Rodman you stick on the end, the next guy will always add a 45 FDR RECONSIDERED by Jonathan H. Adler couple more. Mark Steyn New Deal or Raw Deal? How FDR’s Economic Legacy Has Damaged THOMAS REIS America, by Burton Folsom Jr. ARTICLES 47 GOING GREAT GUNS 18 THE SHRINE OF FDR by Jonah Goldberg by Robert VerBruggen Why the Left worships there. Gun Control on Trial: Inside the Supreme Court 20 COURTS VS. LAW by Ramesh Ponnuru Battle over the Second Why you shouldn’t want an activist judiciary. Amendment, by Brian Doherty 22 AND GLOBAL WARMING TOO! by Jim Manzi Sorry, a gas tax won’t solve all our problems. -
H-Diplo ARTICLE REVIEW 984 9 October 2020
H-Diplo ARTICLE REVIEW 984 9 October 2020 James G. Hershberg. “Soviet-Brazilian Relations and the Cuban Missile Crisis.” Journal of Cold War Studies 22:1 (Winter 2020): 175-209. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00930. https://hdiplo.org/to/AR984 Editor: Diane Labrosse | Commissioning Editor: Michael E. Neagle | Production Editor: George Fujii Review by Felipe Loureiro, University of São Paulo f there is one single event that represented the dangers and perils of the Cold War, it was the US-Soviet confrontation over the deployment of Soviet ballistic missiles in Cuba in October 1962, which is best known as the Cuban Missile Crisis. The world had never been closer to a thermonuclear war than during that tense thirteen-day standoff between U.S.I President John F. Kennedy and Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev. For decades, the Cuban Missile Crisis was studied as a classic example of a U.S.-Soviet bilateral confrontation, with Fidel Castro’s Havana playing at most a supporting role. Over the last two decades however, scholars have globalized and decentralized the crisis, showing that countries and societies of all parts of the world were not only strongly impacted by it, but also influenced, in multiple and sometimes key ways, how the superpowers’ standoff played out.1 As the geographic theater of the story, Latin America stood out as one of the main regions where the U.S.-Soviet stalemate produced major social and political impacts. Scholars have explored how President Kennedy’s 23 October public announcement about the existence of Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba sent shockwaves across the continent, prompting different reactions from state and non-state actors, including government crackdowns against local Communists and leftist groups, as well as a multilateral initiative for the establishment of a nuclear free zone in the hemisphere, which culminated years later with the signing of the Treaty of Tlatelolco in 1967.2 Latin American countries also played direct roles in the crisis itself. -
JUDITH SHAPIRO [email protected] EDUCATION Ph.D. (1999) American University (International Relations / International Environm
JUDITH SHAPIRO [email protected] EDUCATION Ph.D. (1999) American University (International Relations / International Environmental Politics). M.A. (l979) University of California at Berkeley (Asian Studies). M.A. (l978) University of Illinois at Urbana (Comparative Literature). B.A. (l975) Princeton University (magna cum laude, Anthropology; Program in East Asian Studies; University Scholar). Certificat d'Etudes (l970) Universite de Grenoble, France. Current Academic Position: Director, Natural Resources and Sustainable Development MA, School of International Service, American University. Other Academic Affiliations and Courses Taught: American University, School of International Service. Environmental Security in Asia, Fall 2004. From Maoism to Market-Leninism, Fall 2003, Honors Seminar. Cross-cultural Communication, Fall 2002 (two sections), Spring 2003 (Honors), Fall 2003, Fall 2004, Spring 2007. “Global Environmental Politics in the Public Imagination,” Fall 2006. Washington Environmental Workshop/Advanced Studies and Research in Environmental Policy, Fall 2001 and every Spring 2002-2011. Contemplation and Political Change, Spring 2001, Spring 2002, Spring 2005, Spring 2006. Challenges of Political Transformation, Spring 2004. Beyond Sovereignty, Spring 2000, Fall 2000, Fall 2001 (two sections each semester). International Environmental Politics, Summer 1998. “China, Japan, and the US,” Fall 2006. Environment and Politics, Fall 2009-2013 (two sections), WRI Practicum to China and Peru, Spring 2013-2014, Environmental Politics of Asia, Spring 2012-2014. University of Aveiro, MA Program in Chinese Studies. Modern and Contemporary China, Winter 1998-99. Chinese Society and thesis supervision, Fall 1999. Thesis supervision, Sp. 2000 - Fall 2001. Southwest Agricultural University, Environmental Protection Department (Chongqing, China). International Environmental Issues, Fall 1998. University of Pennsylvania, Lauder Institute, Wharton School. AHistory of China and Southeast Asia,@ Fall 1994 and 1995, Spring 1996 and 1997. -
Modern History
MODERN HISTORY To what extent was Madame Mao responsible for the Cultural Revolution? Since the years after Madame Mao’s death there have been many accounts of her life trying to penetrate the shroud of mystery surrounding her life. There are many speculations on her motivations and the raison d'être of her actions during the Cultural Revolution. Some historians have argued that Jiang Qing acted on behalf of her husband, that she was forced into becoming the figurehead for the Cultural Revolution and that she had no choice in anything that she did. In February 1965, the Chairman dispatched Jiang Qing to Shanghai. Her mission was to lay the ideological powder-trail which, at the opportune moment, he would light, triggering the tortuous events that would plunge China into the fiery chaos of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.”1 Philip Short argues, “Mao acted in a devious and convoluted manner for the consideration of deniability.”2 He claims that had anything gone wrong with Mao’s plan he “would have blamed it on the excessive zeal of Jiang Qing, whose public role in cultural affairs would have made her a credible scapegoat.” 3 Even Madame Mao herself tries to absolve her responsibility for her involvement in the Cultural Revolution. “I was Chairman Mao's dog. What he said to bite, I bit.” 4 Other historians argue that the Cultural Revolution was the culmination of Madame Mao’s revenge against all those she felt had wronged her – party authorities that had slighted her or actors and actresses who had taken roles that she had coveted. -
Exe-Xi-Sis on Making China Great Again Xi Jinping's 19Th Party
Exe‐Xi‐sis on Making China Great Again Xi Jinping’s 19th Party Congress Report Stephen B. Herschler Oglethorpe University January 2018 Just after the 19th Party Congress in October, a second volume of Xi Jinping’s Thoughts was published, I quickly moved to order my own copy through Amazon. Weeks later, still no anticipated delivery date. If I am to believe the website Stalin’s Moustache, that’s because Chinese citizens are voraciously buying up books by and about Xi Jinping Thought. The recent 19th Party Congress may well require revising many previous publications. At the Congress, Xi Jinping followed Communist Party of China (CPC) tradition in presenting a Report – 报告 baogao ‐ to the 2,200‐odd delegates assembled and to the nearly 1.4 billion Chinese citizens more generally. One thing that broke with tradition was the sheer length of his speech: 3 ½ hours. The length results in part from the CPC’s comprehensive governance – implicating all facets of Chinese society. That’s lots of ground for a speech – and the Party – to cover. Xi clearly felt comfortable claiming the verbal space, using it to map out a path to Make China – as State and Nation – Great Again. Western press reports have picked up on the event as Xi’s fast‐track enshrinement among the pantheon of Great Chinese Communist leaders. Xi’s trademark ideology – Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Special Characteristics – championed in the Report, has already been ensconced in the Chinese Constitution. This is notable as his predecessors, Jiang and Hu, were inscribed only toward the end of their ten‐year tenures, not mid‐term.