A Moral Right to Dissent? the Case of Civil Disobedience

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A Moral Right to Dissent? the Case of Civil Disobedience A MORAL RIGHT TO DISSENT? THE CASE OF CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE A thesis submitted to the faculty of San Francisco State University In partial fulfillment of The Requirements for The Degree ?W\L -02T5 Master of Arts in Philosophy By Juan Sebastian Ospina San Francisco, California May 2016 CERTIFICATION OF APPROVAL I certify that I have read A Moral Right to Dissent? The case of civil disobedience by Juan Sebastian Ospina, and that in my opinion this work meets the criteria for approving a thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree Master of Arts in Philosophy at San Francisco State University. Kevin Toh, Ph.D. Associate Professor, Philosophy Department Shelley Wilcox, Ph.D. Professor, Assistant Chair, Philosophy Department A MORAL RIGHT TO DISSENT? THE CASE OF CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE Juan Sebastian Ospina San Francisco, California May 2016 Joseph Raz has argued that in liberal states there is no moral right to disobedience. Raz claims that all states ought to be what he calls “liberal states,” which do not require a moral right to civil disobedience. Broadly, my focus in this paper is on describing how civil disobedience can be understood as a moral right to be included in the framework of political rights recognized in liberal states. I try to demonstrate that Raz’s argument proceeds from a limited understanding of political rights and political actions, and suggest that his conclusion is invalid or extremely exaggerated. I advance a tentative argument about the importance of this moral right to the political process of deliberative democracies, and of its inclusion in limited form among political participation rights. I certify that the Abstract is a correct representation of the content of this thesis. *!— cz.. iktu. Chair, Thesis Committee Date TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I........................................................................................... 3 I I.......................................................................................... 9 II I........................................................................................ 23 References ....................................................................... 25 1 In both theoretical and practical conversations about rights, disagreements arise around issues ranging from the particular rights that a positive legal system can create and protect, to what rights can be claimed in the context of the morality inherent in the principles of a liberal constitutional democracy. Two things are crucial to note within this broad debate. First, and most centrally, political rights to participation can be and often are controversial within a concrete political regime. Second, aspects of these political rights that are based in the moral aspects of our personal or community life are hotly contested. Thus, the assertion that “all citizens have a right to vote” because a law or statute creates that political right is certainly easier to substantiate than that “all citizens have a moral right to civil disobedience.” Even though democratic debates tend to focus more on political than on moral rights, the two are explicitly related in public discussions of the issues that concern citizens and officials. Moral rights often arise in ordinary assessments of the breach of law for moral or political reasons or of an official’s conduct in public life. The interaction between political rights and the moral right to civil disobedience raises contested questions: assuming that civil disobedience can be justified in a democracy, can an act of political dissent be predicated on the existence of a moral 2 right to disobey the law for political or moral reasons? How does a political right to participation entail a moral right to civil disobedience in a democratic state? Joseph Raz has argued that in liberal states there is no moral right to disobedience.1 Raz claims that all states ought to be what he calls “liberal states,” which do not require a moral right to civil disobedience. In “illiberal states,” citizens have such a right. Raz emphasizes that if this right exists under certain circumstances in liberal states, it can only be explained as a legal inadequacy: the state has failed to set the correct limits on lawful political participation.2 The purpose of this paper is to counterbalance Raz’s position, raise objections to his view of the nature of civil disobedience, and explore alternative accounts of the existence of this moral right. Broadly, my focus in this paper is on describing how civil disobedience can be understood as a moral right to be included in the framework of political rights recognized in liberal states. In this paper I examine in detail Raz’s argument against the existence of a moral right to civil disobedience in liberal states. I then demonstrate that this argument Joseph Raz, “A Right to Dissent? I. Civil Disobedience” in The Authority o f Law: Essays on Law and Morality (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 276. 2 Ibid., 276. 3 proceeds from a limited understanding of political rights and political actions, and suggest that his conclusion is invalid or extremely exaggerated. I advance a tentative argument about the importance of this moral right to the political process of deliberative democracies, and of its inclusion in limited form among political participation rights. In conclusion, I argue that in order to conceive of such a right, we must consider how to accommodate claims that are rooted in philosophical evidence of the political value of personal convictions to challenge and oppose unfair and unjust laws, even when the state as a whole can be perceived as reasonable, democratic, and just. I. The question that Raz raises in his essay “A Right to Dissent? I. Civil Disobedience” is not whether civil disobedience or other forms of lawbreaking are justified, but whether there is a moral right to such disobedience.3 In the discussion that follows, I will examine and outline Raz’s thesis that no moral right to civil disobedience exists.4 Raz defines civil disobedience as a “politically motivated breach of law designed either to contribute directly to a change of a law or of a public policy or to express one’s protest against, and dissociation from, a law or a public policy.”5 3 Ibid., 264. 4 Ibid., 276. 5 Ibid., 263. 4 Raz’s view, then, is that civil disobedience is an exceptional political act by which the agent primarily attempts to change an unfair public policy or law. He argues that civil disobedience can aim to be either effective or expressive (or both). Effective disobedience is justified as a tactic that directly contemplates a change in law or policy; expressive disobedience includes breaches of law, which can be ineffective but are justified as a conscientious means of expressing the agent’s opposition to a law or public policy. Raz accepts that agents who engage in such acts of civil disobedience should not be punished. Raz’s definition of civil disobedience is wider than other standard, liberal accounts of civil disobedience.6 Raz defines civil disobedience as a motivated political act that breaches the law in order to protest against or change directly a law or a public policy.7 With this broad definition, however, Raz does not provide the specific conditions or motives that would justify engagement in civil disobedience.8 For Raz such a line of reasoning would imply an endorsement of the existence of a general moral right to civil disobedience, which he does not accept. 6 For instance, John Rawls defines civil disobedience as a “public, non violent and conscientious act contrary to law usually done with the intent to bring about a change in the policies or laws of the government.” John Rawls, “The Justification of Civil Disobedience,” in Samuel Freeman (Editor), Collected Papers. John Rawls (Cambridge: Harvard University Press:i999), 181. 7 Raz, “A Right to Dissent?”, 263. 8 His analysis of disobedience deals with three kinds of law-breaking cases: (i) revolutionary disobedience, (ii) civil disobedience, and (iii) conscientious objection. Ibid., 264. 5 Raz believes that, to a certain extent, the attempts of many theorists to list conditions that justify civil disobedience have resulted from confusion between the justification conditions of civil disobedience and the existence o f a moral right to civil disobedience. What is relevant in Raz’s account is the importance of drawing that distinction: it is one thing to assert that civil disobedience in some circumstances is the “right” action, and another, quite different thing to claim that one has a moral right to civil disobedience. In short, according to Raz, there are two basic claims being made in the discussion about civil disobedience: (Ci) civil disobedience is a permissible political act, and (C2) there is a moral right to civil disobedience. Assuming a distinction between the two claims, Raz accepts the correctness of claim (Ci) but rejects claim (C2). Raz draws another important distinction regarding the kind of political regimes in which a moral right to civil disobedience exists. All states, according to Raz, can be divided into two categories: states where the “liberal principle” is legally recognized and states where it is not. The liberal principle establishes that every person has a right to political participation.9 States that accept the liberal principle are called “liberal states”; by contrast, states in which there is no recognition of the liberal principle are called “illiberal states.” Raz concludes that in liberal states there is no 9 Ibid.,
Recommended publications
  • Tol, Xeer, and Somalinimo: Recognizing Somali And
    Tol , Xeer , and Somalinimo : Recognizing Somali and Mushunguli Refugees as Agents in the Integration Process A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Vinodh Kutty IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY David M. Lipset July 2010 © Vinodh Kutty 2010 Acknowledgements A doctoral dissertation is never completed without the help of many individuals. And to all of them, I owe a deep debt of gratitude. Funding for this project was provided by two block grants from the Department of Anthropology at the University of Minnesota and by two Children and Families Fellowship grants from the Annie E. Casey Foundation. These grants allowed me to travel to the United Kingdom and Kenya to conduct research and observe the trajectory of the refugee resettlement process from refugee camp to processing for immigration and then to resettlement to host country. The members of my dissertation committee, David Lipset, my advisor, Timothy Dunnigan, Frank Miller, and Bruce Downing all provided invaluable support and assistance. Indeed, I sometimes felt that my advisor, David Lipset, would not have been able to write this dissertation without my assistance! Timothy Dunnigan challenged me to honor the Somali community I worked with and for that I am grateful because that made the dissertation so much better. Frank Miller asked very thoughtful questions and always encouraged me and Bruce Downing provided me with detailed feedback to ensure that my writing was clear, succinct and organized. I also have others to thank. To my colleagues at the Office of Multicultural Services at Hennepin County, I want to say “Thank You Very Much!” They all provided me with the inspiration to look at the refugee resettlement process more critically and dared me to suggest ways to improve it.
    [Show full text]
  • Phil of Law 2014 Syllabus
    Princeton University Politics 563/Philosophy 526 Spring 2014 Philosophy of Law Robert P. George and Michael Smith This seminar will consider a range of issues in philosophy of law with particular emphasis on various dimensions of the relationship between law and morality. Requirements: Students are required to read each week's assignments carefully and participate regularly in seminar discussions. Each student must make a presentation to the seminar. Two written work options are available: (1) a long (7000 word) paper on any topic addressed in the seminar or (2) two shorter (3500), critical essays on issues we have explored. These may, but need not, be related to the topic of one’s presentation. Those readings marked with an asterisk (*) are on e-reserve. The following books (all available in paperback editions) are worth purchasing: Ronald Dworkin, Law’s Empire John Finnis, Natural Law and Natural Rights, 2nd edition Lon L. Fuller, The Morality of Law H.L.A. Hart, The Concept of Law, 2nd edition Joseph Raz, Practical Reason and Norms Week 1: Organizational Meeting *O. W. Holmes, “The Path of the Law,” in The Essential Holmes, ed. Richard Posner, pp. 160-77 *John Austin, “The Province of Jurisprudence Determined, “ in The Philosophy of Law, eds. F. Schauer, W. Sinnot-Armstrong, pp. 32-39 *Carl Llewellyn, “The Bramble Bush, a Realistic Jurisprudence, and the common Law Tradition,” in The Philosophy of Law, eds. F. Schauer, W. Sinnot-Armstrong, pp. 53-62 Week 2: Hart's Concept of Law H.L.A. Hart, The Concept of Law, chs. I-VI *Jonathan Cohen, "Critical Notice of Hart's The Concept of Law," in Mind, Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Hegel's Philosophy of Right As a Theory of Justice
    Copyrighted Material I egel’s Philosophy of Right as a H heory of ustice T J Although many contemporary philosophers have embraced Hegelian philosophy to a surprising degree—which may even help to bridge the gulf between the Analytic and Continental traditions—Hegel’s Elements of the Philosophy of Right has so far failed to exert the slightest influence on the current debates in political philosophy. Rather, in recent years—after the abrupt end of the Marxist phase and its reduction of modern right to a mere superstructure—philosophers returned on a broad front to the rationalist paradigm of the Kantian tradition, which es- sentially dominates the debate from Rawls to Habermas; and however hard these two authors in particular try to embed their Kantian concepts of justice in a realistic, almost social-scientific approach, the theoretical model of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right plays no decisive part in their thought. Nor has the situation changed much in response to the countermovement in political philosophy that came into being through the somewhat arti- ficial grouping of theoreticians as diverse as Charles Taylor, Michael Walzer, or Alasdair MacIntyre under the heading of “communitarianism.” Despite a strong tendency to award a privileged position to ethics as opposed to a formalistic prin- ciple of morality, or to communal values as opposed to arbi- trary individual freedom, no real attempt has been made in these circles to render Hegel’s Philosophy of Right fruitful for the discourse of political philosophy. Indeed, the fact that authors Copyrighted Material chapter 1 such as Michael Walzer, Alasdair MacIntyre, or Joseph Raz are trying to keep the greatest possible distance from the political philosophy of Hegel has acquired an almost symptomatic sig- nificance by now.
    [Show full text]
  • Culture Jamming
    Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank Vincent de Jong for introducing me to the intricacy of the easyCity action, and for taking the time to answer my questions along my exploration of the case. I also want to thank Robin van t’ Haar for his surprising, and unique, contribution to my investigations of the easyCity action. Rozalinda Borcila, the insights you have shared with me have been a crucial reminder of my own privilieged position – your reflections, I hope, also became a marker in what I have written. Also, I would like to thank others that somehow made my fieldwork possible, and influenced my ‘learning’ of activism and culture jamming. Of these I would especially like to thank Nina Haukeland for introducing me to the politics of activism, Kirsti Hyldmo for reminding me of the realities of exploitation, Åse Brandvold for a skilled introduction to the thoughts and tools of culture jamming, and Maria Astrup for showing me the pleasures and powers of aesthetics. Also, I would like to thank the Norwegian Adbusters Network, and the editorial groups of Vreng. To my main advisor Professor Kristian Stokke, I would like to thank you for the excellent support you have given me throughout my master studies. Your insights have been of grate value, and I cannot thank you enough for continually challenging me. Also, the feedback from Olve Krange, my second advisor, was crucial at the early stage of developing the thesis, to defining its object of inquiry, and finally when writing my conclusion. I would also like to express my appreciation to Professor Oddrun Sæther for an excellent introduction to the field of cultural studies, to Professor Matt Sparke at the University of Washington for demonstrating the intriguing complexities of political geography, and to PhD candidate Stephen Young, for proof reading and fruitful inputs at the final stage of writing.
    [Show full text]
  • The Concept of Law Revisited
    Michigan Law Review Volume 94 Issue 6 1996 The Concept of Law Revisited Leslie Green Osgoode Hall Law School, York University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the Public Law and Legal Theory Commons Recommended Citation Leslie Green, The Concept of Law Revisited, 94 MICH. L. REV. 1687 (1996). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol94/iss6/15 This Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. IBE CONCEPT OF LAW REVISITED Leslie Green* THE CONCEPT OF LAW. Second Edition. By H.L.A. Hart. With a Postscript edited by Penelope A. Bulloch and Joseph Raz. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1994. Pp. xii, 315. $26. Law is a social construction. It is a historically contingent fea­ ture of certain societies, one whose emergence is signaled by the rise of a systematic form of social control and elite domination. In one way it supersedes custom, in another it rests on it, for law is a system of primary social rules that direct and appraise behavior, together with secondary social rules that identify, change, and en­ force the primary rules. Law may be beneficial, but only in some contexts and always at a price, at the risk of grave injustice; our appropriate attitude to it is therefore one of caution rather than celebration.
    [Show full text]
  • APA Newsletters
    APA Newsletters Volume 06, Number 2 Spring 2007 NEWSLETTER ON PHILOSOPHY AND LAW FROM THE EDITOR, STEVEN SCALET ARTICLES BRIAN H. BIX “Joseph Raz and Conceptual Analysis” JULES L. COLEMAN “Law and Political Morality” TIMOTHY ENDICOTT “Interpretation, Jurisdiction, and the Authority of Law” KENNETH EINAR HIMMA “Revisiting Raz: Inclusive Positivism and the Concept of Authority” LIAM MURPHY “Razian Concepts” STEPHEN PERRY “Two Problems of Political Authority” © 2007 by The American Philosophical Association ISSN: 1067-9464 APA NEWSLETTER ON Philosophy and Law Steven Scalet, Editor Spring 2007 Volume 06, Number 2 relating to such theories. In particular, I will look at the role of conceptual analysis in legal theory, focusing on some recent FROM THE EDITOR work by Joseph Raz.1 I. Overview Edition in Tribute to Joseph Raz It was a commonplace in the history of jurisprudence to focus on the inquiry, what is law? It is worth taking a few moments Joseph Raz is professor at Columbia University Law School to consider the question more closely. and research faculty at Oxford University. His writings influence generations of scholars and his many students are now among First and foremost, there is a potential confusion (heightened 2 the leading scholars in philosophy of law. in English more than in other major languages ), as “law,” even if focused on matters jurisprudential (and not speaking of physical For this edition of the Newsletter we invited leading political laws, the laws of games, social conventions, etc.), can refer to and legal philosophers to analyze some aspect of Professor a number of different, if related, matters: most prominently, Raz’s ideas.
    [Show full text]
  • Mobbing, Suppression of Dissent/Discontent, Whistleblowing, and Social Medicine
    University of Wollongong Research Online Faculty of Arts - Papers (Archive) Faculty of Arts, Social Sciences & Humanities 1-1-2012 Mobbing, suppression of dissent/discontent, whistleblowing, and social medicine Brian Martin University of Wollongong, [email protected] Florencia Pena Sanit Martin University of Wollongong, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/artspapers Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Martin, Brian and Pena Sanit Martin, Florencia, Mobbing, suppression of dissent/discontent, whistleblowing, and social medicine 2012, 205-209. https://ro.uow.edu.au/artspapers/1569 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] EDITORIAL Mobbing, Suppression of Dissent/Discontent, Whistleblowing, and Social Medicine Brian Martin, Florencia Peña Saint Martin Humans can be ruthless in attacking each other – extremely difficult, often with serious health conse- even without any physical violence. Individuals can quences, emotional, physical and mental. Most re- be targets, sometimes inside organizations, some- search on mobbing deals with these sorts of attacks times in domestic or public arenas. In workplaces, within workplaces, but mobbing can also occur in for example, individuals can be singled out for at- other arenas. Some researchers call this “workplace tack because they are different or because they are a bullying”: this is like bullying between children, threat to or unwanted by those with power. Those except it involves adults. However, “bullying” often who are attacked often suffer enormously, with se- implies that one person, the bully, is harassing an- vere effects on their health and well-being.
    [Show full text]
  • Socially Mediated Visibility: Friendship and Dissent in Authoritarian Azerbaijan
    International Journal of Communication 12(2018), 1310–1331 1932–8036/20180005 Socially Mediated Visibility: Friendship and Dissent in Authoritarian Azerbaijan KATY E. PEARCE1 University of Washington, USA JESSICA VITAK University of Maryland, USA KRISTEN BARTA University of Washington, USA Socially mediated visibility refers to technical features of social media platforms and the strategic actions of individuals or groups to manage the content and associations visible on social media channels, as well as inferences and consequences resulting from that visibility. As a root affordance, the visibility of content and associations shared in mediated settings can vary, with users typically retaining only partial control over visibility. Understanding how social and technical factors affect visibility plays a critical role in managing one’s online self-presentation. This qualitative study of young dissident Azerbaijanis (N = 29) considers the management strategies as well as the risks and benefits associated with increased visibility when sharing marginalized political views through social media. Socially mediated visibility helps dissidents advocate and connect with like-minded others, but also increases the likelihood that their dissent is visible to those who may disagree with it and can punish them for it. This study considers the effect of the visibility of dissent on peer relationships. Keywords: visibility, Azerbaijan, social media, dissident, affordances, authoritarianism Social media afford users opportunities to broadcast information to small and large audiences, find information, and connect and interact with others who have shared interests. Social media activity is simultaneously mass and interpersonal—or “masspersonal communication” (O’Sullivan & Carr, 2017)— Katy E. Pearce: [email protected] Jessica Vitak: [email protected] Kristen Barta: [email protected] Date submitted: 2017‒02‒08 1 The authors would like to thank the editors and reviewers for their feedback.
    [Show full text]
  • Positivism and the Inseparability of Law and Morals
    \\server05\productn\N\NYU\83-4\NYU403.txt unknown Seq: 1 25-SEP-08 12:20 POSITIVISM AND THE INSEPARABILITY OF LAW AND MORALS LESLIE GREEN* H.L.A. Hart made a famous claim that legal positivism somehow involves a “sepa- ration of law and morals.” This Article seeks to clarify and assess this claim, con- tending that Hart’s separability thesis should not be confused with the social thesis, the sources thesis, or a methodological thesis about jurisprudence. In contrast, Hart’s separability thesis denies the existence of any necessary conceptual connec- tions between law and morality. That thesis, however, is false: There are many necessary connections between law and morality, some of them conceptually signif- icant. Among them is an important negative connection: Law is, of its nature, morally fallible and morally risky. Lon Fuller emphasized what he called the “internal morality of law,” the “morality that makes law possible.” This Article argues that Hart’s most important message is that there is also an immorality that law makes possible. Law’s nature is seen not only in its internal virtues, in legality, but also in its internal vices, in legalism. INTRODUCTION H.L.A. Hart’s Holmes Lecture gave new expression to the old idea that legal systems comprise positive law only, a thesis usually labeled “legal positivism.” Hart did this in two ways. First, he disen- tangled the idea from the independent and distracting projects of the imperative theory of law, the analytic study of legal language, and non-cognitivist moral philosophies. Hart’s second move was to offer a fresh characterization of the thesis.
    [Show full text]
  • Psychotherapy in Dissent Some of the Objections to the Rise and Rise of CBT Are Not Based on Fact
    DavidVealeFINAL.qxd 31/1/08 1:16 pm Page 1 Psychotherapy in dissent Some of the objections to the rise and rise of CBT are not based on fact. Equally, CBT itself is changing in line with research that advances our understanding of what needs to be integrated within its approach by David Veale I have borrowed the title of defence of the profession Access to Psychological ‘There should be greater this article from the book when it was under heavy Therapies programme (IAPT) patient choice between Psychiatry in Dissent criticism, and argued which has been vilified in different types of therapies published in 1976 by passionately for an evidence- some quarters. I have tried to offered in the NHS’ Professor Anthony Clare, who based approach. I write in a extract the common themes The National Institute for sadly died last year. The book similar vein to correct some of from the various articles and Health and Clinical was very influential in the myths and letters that have been Excellence (NICE) is helping me to decide to train misunderstandings about published in therapy today responsible for guiding the as a psychiatrist. In it, cognitive-behavioural therapy and in the media, and NHS. Its remit is to Professor Clare came to the (CBT) and the Increasing respond. recommend treatments that 4 therapy today February 2008 DavidVealeFINAL.qxd 31/1/08 1:16 pm Page 2 are cost effective and the process and quality of life practitioners so that they therapy for severe minimise the burden for the for the many people with can collect and evaluate depression1,2.
    [Show full text]
  • Three Themes from Raz
    Osgoode Hall Law School of York University Osgoode Digital Commons Articles & Book Chapters Faculty Scholarship 2005 Three Themes from Raz Leslie Green Osgoode Hall Law School of York University Source Publication: Oxford Journal of Legal Studies. Volume 25, Issue 3 (2005), p. 503-524. Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/scholarly_works This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Recommended Citation Green, Leslie. "Three Themes from Raz." Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 25.3 (2005): 503-524. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles & Book Chapters by an authorized administrator of Osgoode Digital Commons. Three Themes from Raz† Leslie Green* The robust interest in analytic jurisprudence among legal philosophers is testament to the broad and deep influence of Joseph Raz. To find another legal theorist who has not only produced an indispensable body of work, but who taught and encouraged so many jurisprudents of the next generation, one has to go back to his forebear, H.L.A. Hart. But Raz’s influence is not just a matter of passing on the torch. Raz controverted so many of Hart’s central ideas that legal positivism, and in some respects even legal philosophy, will never be the same again. That rules are social practices, that every legal system has one rule of recognition, that the validity of law may depend on moral principles, that rights protect important choices, that there is a duty in fairness to obey the law—the hard times on which each of these Hartian ideas has fallen are due in no small part to the power of Raz’s criticisms, and Raz’s competing views are themselves now the subject of many discussions among lawyers, philosophers and political theorists.
    [Show full text]
  • What Is Mobbing? Budget Cuts Are Not the Only Way Workers Are Forced from Jobs: Workplace Abuse
    What is Mobbing? Budget Cuts Are Not the Only Way Workers Are Forced from Jobs: Workplace Abuse “The mobbing syndrome is a malicious attempt to force a person out of the workplace through unjustified accusations, humiliation, general harassment, emotional abuse, and/or terror. “It is a ‘ganging up’ by the leader(s) - organization, superior, co-worker, or subordinate - who rallies others into systematic and frequent ‘mob-like’ behavior. “Because the organization ignores, condones, or even instigates the behavior, it can be said that the victim, seemingly helpless against the powerful and many, is indeed ‘mobbed.’ The result is always injury - physical or mental distress or illness and social misery and, most often, expulsion from the workplace.” -Mobbing: Emotional Abuse in the American Workplace, by Davenport, Schwartz, and Elliott, 1999. When a budget crisis hits a large institution, certain workers often seem to be treated as though they are“expendable,” and are often the first forced out. But this is not the only manner in which workers are driven out of the workplace. Mobbing has been recognized for many years in Europe, and it is also beginning to be identified as a serious workplace problem in the United States. The authors above go on to say, “Mobbing is an emotional assault. Through innuendo, rumors, and public discrediting, a hostile environment is created in which one individual gathers others to willingly, or unwillingly participate in continuous malevolent actions to force a person out of the workplace.” “These actions escalate into abusive and terrorizing behavior. The victim feels increasingly helpless when the organization does not put a stop to the behavior or may even plan or condone it..
    [Show full text]