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The Construction and Deconstruction of National Identity in the Trinidad

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The Construction and Deconstruction of National Identity in the Trinidad PLAYING MAS': THE CONSTRUCTION AND DECONSTRUCTION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY IN THE TRINIDAD CARNIVAL By PATRICIA A DE FREITAS. B.A.• M.ED.• M.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy McMaster University © Copyright by Patricia A De Freitas. September 1994 i DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (1994) MCMASTER UNIVERSITY (Anthropology) Hamilton, Ontario TITLE: Playing Mas': The Construction And Deconstruction Of National Identity In The Trinidad Carnival AUTHOR: Patricia de Freitas, B.A. (Loyola Marymount, Los Angeles) M.Ed.(Loyola Marymount, Los Angeles) M.A. (McMaster University) SUPERVISOR: Dr. William Rodman NUMBER OF PAGES: 349, vii ii ABSTRACT Annually, between the Christian seasons of Christmas and Lent, Trinidadians devote themselves to island-wide Carnival activities. A season in itself, the Carnival period culminates in a two-day street celebration marked by music, dancing and masquerade performances. For many Trinidadians, Carnival is the quintessential expression of Trinidadian-ness. On one level, this thesis is an ethnographic "enactment" of one particular Carnival celebration in the circumscribed space and time of Port of Spain 1992. On another, this study explores the historical, systemic, political and hermeneutical linkages between Trinidad's "national" identity, its culture and its annual Carnival. I argue that Trinidad's Carnival is more properly understood, not as a rite of reversal, but as a performance which constitutes and expresses the Trinidadian Self. For many Trinidadians, Carnival time is not the-world-turned-upside-down, but the-world­ turned-right-side-up. An embedded argument in my thesis is a critique of discourses of identity which assume the oppositional categories of a unified Self over and against a distinctive Other. This distinction is found not only in the specific case of Trinidad's Carnival, but in all analyses of cultural identity, and in the anthropological endeavour itself. I show how the modem Carnival, as the dominant "national" icon of Trinidadian identity, subverts the very ideal of a "national" identity it is meant to create and reinforce. Based on fourteen months of fieldwork in Trinidad, I present multiple views and experiences of the Trinidad Carnival. These representations are situated within the theoretical frameworks provided by both academic Euro-American anthropology and the multiple discourses honed in Trinidadian rumshops, yards, homes, media depictions and academia. Carnival is examined in order to open up new spaces for the re-articulation of identity and a reconstituted politics of difference. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is paradoxically both my own, and not my own. I am its fmal author, a bricoleur who has simply pulled together countless strands ofexperience, both my own and those shared with me by others, to weave a new performance of Carnival. This text, then, is the result of countless co-producers who contributed inspiration, laughter, ideas, time, support, encouragement, criticism, and finances to its creation. My field research in Trinidad would have been impossible without the graciousness and openness of so many Trinidadians who willingly shared their time, ideas, and their world ofCarnival meanings and practices. I thank the mas' producers and participants, the staffs at the National Carnival Commission, Ministry of Culture and media houses, the dozens of Trinidadians who shared with me their ideas and feelings about Carnival, and the networks offamily, friends and acquaintances who provided both emotional and logistic support, as well as access to important contacts for my work. I am also thankful to members of my thesis supervisory committee. Dr. Bill Rodman, the supervisor of my graduate programme, has provided me with intellectual guidance and encouragement over the years, and has enthusiastically directed and supported both my research and writing. He offered me a fine balance of guidance and intellectual freedom, encouraging me to find and trust my own voice. Dr. Ellen Badone has shown great interest in my work, always readily available to answer my questions, share insights, suggest references and provide encouragement. Ellen brought a keen and critical eye to two drafts of my text, making many helpful suggestions and connections along the way. Drs. Wayne Warry and Gary Warner also carefully read my text, providing very helpful comments and unwavering support throughout my graduate programme. Together, the members of my committee have made the writing ofthis thesis a positive and rewarding experience for me. My field research was financially supported by McMaster University. I thank the School of Graduate Studies at McMaster for its financial assistance during my fieldwork and throughout my graduate programme. I am also grateful to the administrative staff, faculty members and graduate students of the McMaster Anthropology department who have all contributed to this text through their questions, suggestions, encoUragement and support. I acknowledge especially George Ah-Thew and Cheryl Jackson ofMcMaster who helped me with the formatting of this text. Last, but not least, I gratefully acknowledge the support of my family and friends from whom I have received insights, love and understanding as I manoeuvred the new and wonderful world of anthropology. It is impossible to mention them all by name, but I must acknowledge the special influence of my deceased parents Ena and Herbert, the encouragement of my aunts Vivian, Amelia, Beryl and Rose, and the help of my friends Pat, Mary, Annie, Ainsley, Susie, Maria, Pam, Janet, Barbara, Michel and Roger. To Dianne and David lowe my greatest debt. They provided me with a home, a quiet space, and emotional and material support both to begin and bring this thesis to completion. iv Port of Spain (Trinidad & Tobago) v sr:r~ Port of Spain vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Introduction 1 Part I Chapter One 33 Chapter Two 43 Chapter Three 51 Chapter Four 75 Chapter Five 100 Part II Prologue 129 Chapter Six 131 Chapter Seven 189 Chapter Eight 246 Chapter Nine (Conclusion) 273 Epilogue 299 End Notes 301 Appendix A 316 Appendix B 319 Appendix C 321 Appendix D(i) 322 Appendix D(li) 323 References 324 vii INTRODUCTION The Quest I remember the evening in the early 1970's when the Virgin Mary became a plumed Goddess, St. Joseph a Roman soldier, and Jesus, a Wild Indian. It was Carnival Saturday in Trinidad, and we had gathered at a Catholic Church in a Port ofSpain suburb for the evening Mass. The Church was decorated in Carnival paraphernalia - feathers, masks, banners - and the statues wore colourful costumes and headpieces. The priest himself, a "white" Irish expatriate, wore Carnivalized multi-coloured vestments and swayed to the hymns led by an adolescent "folk" choir accompanied by drums and guitars. The final hymn was composed especially for the occasion, new lyrics set to the melody of that year's "hottest" calypso. I can still recall the range of reactions to this daring merger of sacred and profane, ritual and play, local and foreign categories: shock, anger, confusion, bemusement, yet enthusiastic acceptance by the majority. After the Mass, I heard an elderly woman saying approvingly to a companion, "We reach!". This phrase is ambiguously used by Trinidadians, denoting either approval (we have finally arrived at our goal) or disapproval (we have sunk to the lowest). The woman's beaming 1 2 face betrayed approval. Carnival had been legitimized in church, and by identification, so, too, had she and all Trinidadians. Conversely, the Catholic Church itself had "reached" as Mary, Joseph and the Sacred Heart, baptized in their Carnival costumes, had now become the quintessential Trinidadians, celebrating mas'(s)l in Trinidadian "style". Disguised statues were considered blasphemous by most Church members, particularly the hierarchy, and as far as I know, this experiment occurred only on that one occasion and in that particular Church. The event was paradigmatic, however, an obvious attempt at "localization" by a foreign-born clergy man at a time when things "foreign and white" were under severe scrutiny. To be properly understood, however, this experiment must be seen in the context of a much wider movement of "indigenization" which was sweeping across the island in the 1960's and 1970's. Indigenization was a powerful critique of the existing social arrangements, perceived as continuing colonial patterns of dominance/oppression in spite of political Independence from Britain, and an attempt at achieving both "real independence" and more equitable arrangements among Trinidadians themselves. The theoretical quest that underlies this ethnography is to comprehend the linkages between Carnival and Trinidadian identity, and more specifically, to examine the construction, performance and negotiation ofthe Trinidadian Selfin the annual pre-lenten 2 festival • An embedded argument, however, is a critique of discourses of identity which assume the unified Self - distinctive Other categories, not only in the specific case of Trinidad's Carnival, but in all analyses of cultural identity, and in the anthropological 3 endeavour itself. I will show how the modem Carnival, as the dominant "national" icon ofTrinidadian identity, subverts the very ideal ofa "national" identity it is meant to create and reinforce. On another level, my account represents an ethnographic "enactment" of one particular celebration, the Port of Spain Carnival of 1992, by a "native"
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