Political Preferences 19/2018

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Political Preferences 19/2018 Political Preferences 19/2018 Katowice 2018 Scientific Council: Roman Bäcker, Prof. (Nicolaus Copernicus University, Poland); Tadeusz Godlewski, Prof. (Kazimierz Wielki University, Poland); Iwona Jakubowska-Branicka, Prof. (University of Warsaw, Poland); Slavomir Magál, Assoc. prof. (University of Ss. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Slovakia); Jana Galera Matúšova, Assoc. prof. (University of Ss.Cyril and Methodius, Slovakia); Dusan Pavlu, Prof. (Charles University in Prague, Czech Republic); Libor Pavera, Assoc. prof. (Higher School of Hospitality Management, Czech Republic); Dana Petranová, Assoc. prof. (University of Ss. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Slovakia); Olga Prokopenko, Assoc. prof. (Sumski National University, Ukraine); Miro Haček, Prof. (University of Ljubljana, Slovenia); Fulco Lanchester, Prof. (Sapienza University of Rome, Italy); Sergey G. Korkonosenko, Assoc. prof. (Saint Petersburg State University, Russia); Ruxandra Boicu, Assoc. prof. (University of Bucharest, Romania); Robert Ladrech, Prof. (Keele University, England; College of Europe in Bruges, Belgium); Teresa Sasińska-Klas, Prof. (Jagiellonian University, Poland); Jerzy Sielski, Assoc. prof. (Jan Długosz University in Częstochowa, Poland); Roman Chytilek, Assoc. prof. (Masaryk University, Czech Republic); Efe Sevin, PhD (Kadir Has University, Turkey); Marcjanna Augustyn, PhD (University of Hull, England) Editorial Team: Agnieszka Turska-Kawa, Assoc. prof. (Chief Editor) Dagmara Głuszek-Szafraniec, PhD (Journal Secretary), Maciej Marmola, MA (Journal Secretary), Damian Guzek, PhD (Editor for International Cooperation), Paweł Sarna, PhD (Polish Language Editor), Ewelina Tyc, PhD (Polish Language Editor), Marta Obrębska, PhD (English Language Editor), Anna Huth, MA (English Language Editor) Theme Editors: Wojciech Sokół, Assoc. prof. (party and electoral systems), Sabina Grabowska, Assoc. prof. (political institutions), Danuta Plecka, Assoc. prof. (political ideas), Magdalena Musiał-Karg, Assoc. prof. (new technologies in politics), Łukasz Tomczak, Assoc. prof. (ideologies and party programs), Zbigniew Widera, Assoc. prof. (media marketing), Tomasz Słomka, Assoc. prof. (constitution and its functions, executive system in Poland), Robert Alberski, Assoc. prof. (parties and political movements), Waldemar Wojtasik, Assoc. prof. (political manipulations), Rafał Glajcar, Assoc. prof. (political institutions), Katarzyna Czornik, PhD (international relations), Beata Słobodzian, PhD (local government, territorial system), Karolina Tybuchowska-Hartlińska, PhD (political participation, elections), Joanna Kozierska, PhD (electoral alliances and coalition governments), Agnieszka Łukasik-Turecka, PhD (political communication), Dominka Kasprowicz, PhD (political populism and radicalism), Bożena Zasępa, PhD (social policy), Jacek Sokołowski, PhD (law making analysis) Cover project: Jarosław Wichura Desktop Publishing: Maciej Marmola Reviewers: María José Pérez del Pozo, Prof. (Complutense University of Madrid, Spain), Paweł Laidler, Assoc. prof. (Jagiellonian University in Cracow, Poland), Bartłomiej Łódzki, Assoc. prof. (University of Wroclaw, Poland), Jacek Wojnicki, Prof. (University of Warsaw, Poland), Magdalena Kozub-Karkut, PhD (Jagiellonian University in Cracow, Poland), Małgorzata Podolak, Assoc. prof. (Maria Curie Skłodowska University in Lublin, Poland); Maciej Drzonek, Assoc. prof. (University of Szczecin, Poland); Urszula Doliwa, Assoc. prof. (University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn, Polska) © Institute of Political Science and Journalism at the University of Silesia and the Center for Innovation, Technology Transfer and Development Foundation of the University of Silesia, Katowice 2018. Journal is published by the Institute of Political Science and Journalism at the University of Silesia and the Center for Innovation, Technology Transfer and Development Foundation of the University of Silesia. Patronage for the project is exercised by Electoral Research Committee - Polish Political Science Association. ISSN: 2449-9064 Political Preferences continues the tradition of journal called Preferencje Polityczne (ISSN: 2083-327X) which was published from 2010 to 2015. All text are licensed under the Creative Commons BY 4.0 (CC BY 4.0). CONTENTS Toma Burean (Babeș-Bolyai University, Romania) Policy and Voting Preferences of Romanian Migrants 2000-2016.................................................5 Wojciech Rafałowski (University of Warsaw, Poland) Values versus Interests Dynamics of Parliamentary Campaigns................................................... 31 Marta Rzepecka (University of Rzeszów, Poland) Barack Obama’s Rhetorical Management of Public Opinion in the Context of Focusing Events53 Zuzanna Sielska (University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland) Albanian Minority questions in Macedonia: Selected Issues........................................................ 77 Mirosława Wielopolska-Szymura (University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland) International radio broadcasting – a case of Radio Poland – an external service of Polish public radio............................................................................................................................................... 91 3 Political Preferences Policy and Voting Preferences of Romanian Political Preferences 2018, vol. 19: 5-29. Migrants 2000-2016 DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.6726899 journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP Submitted: 05/06/2018 Accepted: 22/06/2018 Toma Burean Babeș-Bolyai University, Romania Abstract: In most studies of voting behavior, political preferences are explained at the level of the “country, election, electoral cohort or individual voter” (Franklin 2004). Notably absent from these studies is the impact of voters living abroad. Their importance is not to be neglected, especially in democratizing states. This research targets the predictions that lie behind the turnout and preferences of Romanian emigrants. Romanian Diaspora consistently votes for parties and candidates that promise reforms. This vote is associated with liberal economic policy preferences and support for minority groups. I test these hypotheses with elections results data from 2000 to 2016 coupled with data collected from Votulmeu.com an online Voting Advice Application from the 2012 parliamentary and 2014 presidential elections in Romania. Key words: emigrants, voting, policy preferences, Romania, Voting Advice Applications Introduction The results of the first round of the 2014 presidential elections in Romania suggested a comfortable win for the incumbent Prime Minister Victor Ponta, the president of the Social Democratic Party. After the first round, Ponta held a 10% lead over the Christian-Liberal Alliance ethnic German candidate Klaus Iohannis. The runoff campaign was marked by reports displayed on all TV channels showing the Romanian labor migrants not being able to vote abroad in the first round. Surprisingly, Klaus Iohannis, who obtained 54% of the votes, won the second round of elections. Romanian migrants queued at the Romanian embassies and consulates, massively mobilized via Facebook, and organized ad hoc street protests in front of voting stations when they were not able to cast their votes. They overtly supported Iohannis 5 Toma Burean for the second round of elections and reacted strongly against the Romanian government handling of external voting in the first round of elections. The importance of the impact of migrant political behavior and attitudes is not singular to Romania. In Nigeria, president Jonathan contemplates on allowing Diaspora to vote starting 2015 (Adichie 2014) but only after the Nigerian Diaspora collected signatures to permit their right to vote and organized several protests. In Scotland, at the 2014 referendum, up to 800,000 Scottish people living in England expressed discontent about not having the opportunity to express their preferences (Mycock 2014). In some rare cases, diasporas had a decisive effect on the national politics of countries of origin. In 2006, in Italy, Romano Prodi won a majority in the Senate with the help of the expats voting abroad. In the United States, the military overseas played an important role in providing support for the republican candidate George W. Bush while, at the same time, the civilian elections were poorly organized (Christie 2004). Long voiced concerns with question on when and why immigrants impact electoral politics have prompted some scholars to investigate how does emigration impacts the politics of the sending countries. This gap is troubling given the increasing number of emigrant populations that sometimes cast a decisive vote in electoral contests in the country of origin. To gain a complete understanding of the impact of emigrants on national politics and particularly to answer a question whether they are a distinct electoral block, researchers must address certain puzzles. These include a comparison of emigrant and non-emigrant political participation; whether emigrants vote differently than the citizens that did not emigrate; institutional constraints on voting; determinants of emigrant voter turnout; and whether emigrants have different issues that determine their voting preferences than those that did not leave their country. Admittedly, this stream of research is facing the challenge of scarce data resources. This paper begins to fill this gap by investigating the political behavior of the emigrant population of one of the most important European countries with recent emigration – Romania. As a first step the paper
Recommended publications
  • BALKANS Briefing
    BALKANS Briefing Skopje/Brussels, 27 July 2001 MACEDONIA: STILL SLIDING This ICG briefing paper continues the analysis of the Macedonian crisis begun in the ICG’s two most recent reports from Skopje: Balkans Reports No. 109, The Macedonian Question: Reform or Rebellion (5 April 2001) and No. 113, Macedonia: The Last Chance for Peace (20 June 2001). It analyses what has happened during the past five weeks, anticipates what may happen next, and describes the dilemma the international community faces if it is to improve the prospects of averting an open ethnic war. I. OVERVIEW almost nothing else separates the two sides, who have agreed on “95 per cent of those things that were to be negotiated”.1 Despite the ceasefire announced on 26 July 2001, and the promised resumption of political talks in Yet this is not how the matter appears inside the Tetovo on 27 July, Macedonia is still locked in country. Ethnic Macedonians believe the republic- crisis and threatened by war. Neither ethnic wide use of Albanian – as proposed by the Macedonian nor ethnic Albanian leaders have been international mediators – would pose a threat to converted to belief in a ‘civic’ settlement that their national identity that cannot be justified, would strengthen democracy by improving given that only one third to one quarter of the minority conditions, without weakening the population speaks the language. They are also integrity of the state. Ethnic Macedonians fear that convinced that all Albanians would refuse to civic reforms will transform the country communicate in Macedonian. Given that almost no exclusively to its, and their, detriment, while ethnic ethnic Macedonians can speak Albanian, they also Albanians are sceptical that any reforms can really fear that bilingualism would become necessary for be made to work in their favour.
    [Show full text]
  • Fighting Corruption with Con Tricks: Romania's Assault On
    FIGHTING CORRUPTION WITH CON TRICKS: ROMANIA’S ASSAULT ON THE RULE OF LAW David Clark FIGHTING CORRUPTION WITH CON TRICKS FIGHTING CORRUPTION WITH CON TRICKS: ROMANIA’S ASSAULT ON THE RULE OF LAW 2 FIGHTING CORRUPTION WITH CON TRICKS Executive Summary Democracy in Europe is facing its greatest challenge since the fall of the Berlin Wall. The threat comes not only from the rise of political movements that openly reject liberal democratic values, including the governing parties of Hungary and Poland, but also from the risk of creeping authoritarianism caused by a gradual decline in standards of governance and the weakening of important democratic underpinnings, such as the rule of law. Romania is a country of particular concern. Although it has earned international praise for its recent efforts to stamp out corruption, a detailed examination of Romania’s anti-corruption activities shows that they often provide convenient cover for acts of political score settling and serious human rights violations. The methods used show a considerable degree of continuity with the practices and attitudes of the communist era. The strong correlation between those targeted for prosecution and the interests of those in power is indicative of politicised justice. Cases have often been accompanied by campaigns of public vilification designed to maximise their political impact. Far from being above politics, Romania’s National Anti-corruption Directorate (DNA) is an active participant in its partisan struggles. Although the rule of law requires the justice system to work independently of government, there is clear evidence of collusion between prosecutors and the executive in Romania.
    [Show full text]
  • Anti-Corruption Policies Revisited Computer Assiste
    EU Grant Agreement number: 290529 Project acronym: ANTICORRP Project title: Anti-Corruption Policies Revisited Work Package: WP 6 Media and corruption Title of deliverable: D 6.1 Extensive content analysis study on the coverage of stories on corruption Computer Assisted Content Analysis of the print press coverage of corruption In Romania Due date of deliverable: 30 June, 2016 Actual submission date: 30 June, 2016 Authors: Natalia Milewski , Valentina Dimulescu (SAR) Organization name of lead beneficiary for this deliverable: UNIPG, UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI PERUGIA Project co-funded by the European Commission within the Seventh Framework Programme Dissemination level PU Public X PP Restricted to other programme participants (including the Commission Services) RE Restricted to a group specified by the consortium (including the Commission Services) Co Confidential, only for members of the consortium (including the Commission Services) The information and views set out in this publication are those of the author(s) only and do not reflect any collective opinion of the ANTICORRP consortium, nor do they reflect the official opinion of the European Commission. Neither the European Commission nor any person acting on behalf of the European Commission is responsible for the use which might be made of the following information. 1 CONTENTS 1. The Analysed Media p. 3 2. Most used keywords p.4 3. Most frequent words p.5 4. Word associations p. 13 5. Evolution over time p. 25 6. Differences among the observed newspapers p. 29 7. Remarks on the influence that the political, judicial and socio-cultural systems have on p. 33 the manner in which corruption is portrayed in Romanian media 8.
    [Show full text]
  • UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order Online
    UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order online Table of Contents Acknowledgments Introduction Glossary 1. Executive Summary The 1999 Offensive The Chain of Command The War Crimes Tribunal Abuses by the KLA Role of the International Community 2. Background Introduction Brief History of the Kosovo Conflict Kosovo in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Kosovo in the 1990s The 1998 Armed Conflict Conclusion 3. Forces of the Conflict Forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Yugoslav Army Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs Paramilitaries Chain of Command and Superior Responsibility Stucture and Strategy of the KLA Appendix: Post-War Promotions of Serbian Police and Yugoslav Army Members 4. march–june 1999: An Overview The Geography of Abuses The Killings Death Toll,the Missing and Body Removal Targeted Killings Rape and Sexual Assault Forced Expulsions Arbitrary Arrests and Detentions Destruction of Civilian Property and Mosques Contamination of Water Wells Robbery and Extortion Detentions and Compulsory Labor 1 Human Shields Landmines 5. Drenica Region Izbica Rezala Poklek Staro Cikatovo The April 30 Offensive Vrbovac Stutica Baks The Cirez Mosque The Shavarina Mine Detention and Interrogation in Glogovac Detention and Compusory Labor Glogovac Town Killing of Civilians Detention and Abuse Forced Expulsion 6. Djakovica Municipality Djakovica City Phase One—March 24 to April 2 Phase Two—March 7 to March 13 The Withdrawal Meja Motives: Five Policeman Killed Perpetrators Korenica 7. Istok Municipality Dubrava Prison The Prison The NATO Bombing The Massacre The Exhumations Perpetrators 8. Lipljan Municipality Slovinje Perpetrators 9. Orahovac Municipality Pusto Selo 10. Pec Municipality Pec City The “Cleansing” Looting and Burning A Final Killing Rape Cuska Background The Killings The Attacks in Pavljan and Zahac The Perpetrators Ljubenic 11.
    [Show full text]
  • Snapshot Report
    SNAPSHOT REPORT OF THE RESEARCH PROJECT: REFUGEELAW.MK “REFUGEES AND MIGRATION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE BALKAN ROUTE – NORTH MACEDONIA’S DISCOURSE DURING 2020 EARLY GENERAL ELECTIONS” Alumni 6 students Mentors 3 Months of historical SNAPSHOT REPORT OF THE RESEARCH REPORT PROJECT: SNAPSHOT 4 overview and context Months research period on daily basis 5 Discourse study areas: 3 public, media and political Focus groups 6 Sources (news, posts, shows, press conferences, events, statements, debates, rallies, articles, columns, 1433 interviews, video records). Comprehensive study to be published in November 2020 1 “REFUGEES AND MIGRATION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE BALKAN ROUTE –NORTH MACEDONIA’S DISCOURSE DURING 2020 EARLY GENERAL ELECTIONS” DISCOURSE DURING 2020 EARLY IN THE CONTEXT OF THE BALKAN MACEDONIA’S ROUTE –NORTH “REFUGEES AND MIGRATION SNAPSHOT REPORT of the research project: “Refugees and Migration in the context of the Balkan Route –North Macedonia’s discourse during 2020 early general elections” BACKGROUND The project aimed at identifying and analyzing the public, political and media discourse in North Macedonia on issues related to refugees and migration flows in the context of the Balkan route prior and in the course of the political campaign for early parliamentary elections in 2020. The EU’s non-decision in October 2019 for North Macedonia and Albania has triggered an enormous amount of discon- tent in the country and the setting convoluted by early spring due to COVID-19 outbreak when elections were postponed. The already grave political situation was additionally triggered by the enhanced refugee and migration flows, spurring the public, political and media discourse with nationalism, xenophobia and hate speech.
    [Show full text]
  • Mission Essential Harvest
    MISSION ESSENTIAL HARVEST Islam Yusufi (Presented at Szeged Roundtable on Small Arms, 14-15 September 2001, Szeged, Hungary) Operation Essential Harvest is consisted of collection of weapons and ammunition from so called NLA voluntarily handed in to NATO's forces, named as a Task Force Harvest. The other tasks include, transportation and disposal of weapons which are surrendered; and, Transportation and destruction of ammunition that is turned in as a part of broader process giving an end to the conflict in Macedonia. Evolution ATO Secretary General on 14 June 2001 received a letter from the President of the NNRepublic of Macedonia, requesting NATO’s assistance in the implementation of the Plan and Program for overcoming the crisis in Macedonia. NATO responded to the President’s request and produced a draft plan for the collection of weapons from the armed insurgents, named Operation "ESSENTIAL HARVEST". The North Atlantic Council approved the plan on 29 June 2001 and NATO’s Secretary General was able to submit an early proposal to the President of Macedonia for weapons collection. At that time NATO and the President agreed to a set of four pre-conditions to be met for the 30- day mission to take place: 1. a political agreement signed by the main Parliamentary leaders; 2. a status of forces agreement (SOFA) with the Republic of Macedonia and agreed conditions for the Task Force; 3. an agreed plan for weapons collection, including an explicit agreement by the ethnic Albanian armed groups to disarm; and 4. an enduring cease-fire. Framework Agreement, concluded in Ohrid and signed in Skopje on 13 August 2001, by the four leaders of political parties, members of broader coalition, in its introduction under the title Cessation of Hostilities, stipulates the following: "The parties underline the importance of the commitments of July 5, 2001.
    [Show full text]
  • Doru Pop Patriarchal Discourses and Anti-Feminine Attitudes in Romanian Political and Media Cultures
    Caietele Echinox, vol. 30, 2016 : Repenser le politique… 303 Doru Pop Patriarchal Discourses and Anti-Feminine Attitudes in Romanian Political and Media Cultures ABSTRACT The official statistics made public by This paper has three main research objectives. The the national institutions and the European first is to analyze the main types of representations research barometers confirm a fact other- and roles attributed to women in the Romanian wise clear for those living in our society: political sphere. The second is to describe the social Romania today is still a predominantly roles ascribed to women in various fields of visual patriarchal society, where multiple gender culture. By overviewing several discourses used in gaps are creating huge inequalities between fields like media, advertising and cinema, this men and women. This male dominant analysis searches for clues in the inner mechanisms of contemporary Romanian social dynamics. The society is also macho-ist, in the sense that it final and overall objective is to provide a map of the cultivates a type of masculinity which is representations of women in both public and private arrogant and aggressive, displaying violent space in Romania today. The research focus is to and rude behavior as a sign of dominance. sum-up the main elements of what could be called One of the most important gender the “Romanian imaginary” with respect to the disparities is at the level of decision making, representations of femininity, womanhood and, manifested in the radically different political generally, the relationship between males and roles attributed to males and females at females. Finally, this relationship between men to various levels of administration, both national women is used as an indicator and as an explanatory tool for understanding the more profound mech- and regional.
    [Show full text]
  • INFOPOLITIC Romanian Politics
    INFOPOLITIC Romanian Politics 22 March Multimedia Foundation for Local Democracy IMPORTANT DEVELOPMENTS 1. PUBLIC SAFETY. The Government intensifies safety controls and vows that no infected milk or dairy products have reached the public. 2. SCHENGEN. The Government vows to continue working towards Romania’s accession to the Schengen Area and to the Euro Zone, but makes increasing European funds absorption rate its foremost priority. 3. JOBS. Prime Minister Victor Ponta assured the public that the Government is looking to adopt legislation that will ensure laid-off employees receive their due compensation packages. 4. GOVERNMENT: The RAAPPS will auction state-owned properties, in a major bid of the Government to increase the transparency of the institution and the efficiency of the management of state-owned real-estate. 5. POLITICAL DYNAMICS. The PDL elects Vasile Blaga as its new president, while incumbent President of Romania, Traian Basescu, threatens split from former party. THE ROMANIAN GOVERNMENT HAS TAKEN ALL NECESSARY MEASURES TO ENSURE THE SAFETY OF MILK AND DAIRY PRODUCTS In response to the incidents where aflatoxine was discovered in milk products, the Government immediately took decisive action in order to ensure public safety and to prevent an economic scare in regards to dairy or milk products. According to the provisions of the national legislation, it is the operator’s duty to withdraw from the shelves products that do not meet safety standards. Precautionary withdrawals of merchandise have already taken effect. Prime Minister Victor Ponta made it clear that no breach of the law will be tolerated and that the eventual culprits will be sanctioned.
    [Show full text]
  • Media Monitoring
    MEDIA MONITORING GRAPHIC REPORT SEPTEMBER – DECEMBER 2013 METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK PERIOD 1 September –31 December2013 MONITORED MEDIA 8 TV Stations News broadcasts of Antena 1, PROTV, Realitatea, TVR1 Newspapers Adevarul, Evenimentul Zilei, Jurnalul National, Romania Libera PUBLICATIONS SELECTION All publications related to political topics, such as state institutions, political parties and political leaders NUMBER OF ANALYZED PUBLICATIONS 3’375 MAIN INDICATORS Date of the publication, month, media, mentioned institutions, political parties, leaders, subject (who has expressed the opinion) and object (to whom the opinion has been expressed) 2 MOST MENTIONED POLITICIANS Victor‐Viorel Ponta 1084 Traian Băsescu 833 Crin Antonescu 520 Liviu Nicolae Dragnea 204 Sorin Oprescu 140 Valeriu Ştefan Zgonea 128 Dan Voiculescu 110 Eugen Gheorghe Nicolăescu 92 George Becali 84 Daniel Chițoiu 78 Ramona‐Nicole Mănescu 73 Elena Udrea 72 Varujan Vosganian 56 Dan‐Coman Şova 56 Daniel Constantin 50 Adrian Năstase 50 Radu Stroe 48 Emil Boc 46 Laura Codruța Kovesi 46 The data is represented in information units Monica Macovei 44 September-December 2013 3 MOST MENTIONED POLITICIANS as a % of publications in the respective media September-December 2013 4 MOST MENTIONED POLITICIANS as a % of publications in the respective media September-December 2013 5 EXPRESSED ATTITUDES TOWARDS TRAIAN BĂSESCU 140 0 Media Rating -3.8 120 ‐1 100 ‐2 80 ‐3 60 ‐4 40 ‐5 20 ‐6 0 ‐7 September October November December Positive Negative Media Rating 6 EXPRESSED ATTITUDES TOWARDS VICTOR-VIOREL
    [Show full text]
  • Nicknames of Romanian Politicians After 1989
    Nicknames of Romanian Politicians after 1989 Daiana FELECAN, Oliviu FELECAN Key-words: nicknames, political discourse, pragmalinguistics, semantics, sociolinguistics 1. Preliminaries 1.1. Politicians’ nicknames – strategies of argumentum ad hominem1 The present-day world of Romanian politics takes the shape of a theatre of operations from a warring area, a Gaza Strip whose property deed is continually claimed by parties found at either ends of the political spectrum. These parties insult one another publicly, suspect and tell on one another to the National Anticorruption Directorate. They even listen in on their private conversations and discredit each other by means of compromising films. All the aforementioned events, alongside many others, unfold before the alert yet blind eyes and under the allegedly fair consideration of a system of justice that is overwhelmed by the multitude of penal cases pending before courts of law, with ever-postponed trial dates. Nicknames have become means of attack, picked by belligerent interlocutors from the arsenal at hand. They are prolonged-release antidotes used to destroy opponents and their effect is visible in the long run, as nicknames become part of users’ collective memory. When this happens, speakers associate a nicknamed individual with the verbal tag considered emblematic of the nickname bearer. Contemporary Romanian society appears to be increasingly oblivious of the principles that underlie its foundation (politeness, promoting respect in interpersonal relationships and acknowledging the distribution of social roles). As a result, the psychological and linguistic profile of Romanian society was altered along with the institution of democracy after 1989. The consequences of hastily adopting a recently imported configuration, unspecific to a community that is respectful of traditional values yet anxious to follow the pace of globalisation and Americanisation at once and at any cost, are also salient in one of the most prolific language compartments, i.e.
    [Show full text]
  • The Republic of Macedonia's 2016 Parliamentary Elections Handbook
    THE REPUBLIC OF Macedonia’s 2016 THE REPUBLIC OF PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS MacedOnia’s HANDBOOK 2016 ParliaMentary SECOND UPDATED EDITION electiOns HandbOOk Konrad Adenauer secOnd uPdated editiOn Stiftung Office in Macedonia Risto Ravanovski 8 1000 Skopje http://www.kas.de/mazedonien/mk www.idscs.org.mk Tel: +389 (2) 3217 075 Fax: +389 (2) 3217 076 POLITICS Е-mail: [email protected] Impressum Title: The Republic of Macedonia’s 2016 Parliamentary Elections THE REPUBLIC OF Handbook Macedonia’s 2016 Publisher: The Konrad Adenauer Stiftung in the Republic of Macedonia PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS Institute for Democracy “Societas Civilis” – Skopje HANDBOOK Author: Hristina Veljanova Hristina Veljanova Coordination: Davor Pasoski Johannes D. Rey Translation: Perica Sardzoski Proofreading: Haven Hightower Design and preparation: Vinsent Grafika The publication can be downloaded for free at: http://www.kas.de/mazedonien/mk http://www.idscs.org.mk Note: The stances exposed in this publication do not necessarily represent the positions of the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Institute for Democracy “Societas Civilis” – Skopje, but are personal views of the author. Contents: Democratic Union for Integration 68 1. Introduction to the 2016 Parliamentary Elections 6 Social Democratic Union of Macedonia 71 Preparations for snap parliamentary elections 12 Recent changes to the electoral legislation 14 Coalition for CHANGES and JUSTICE - THIRD BLOCK (Democratic Union, FRODEM, DEMOS and MORO-RP) 76 Party for Democratic Prosperity 77 2. History of the Parliamentary Elections in Macedonia (1990 - 2014) 18 Coalition “Alliance for the Albanians” 1990 parliamentary elections 19 (DR-DPA, Uniteti, NDP) 78 1994 parliamentary elections 21 Liberal Party 79 1998 parliamentary elections 23 Coalition VMRO for Macedonia 80 2002 parliamentary elections 24 Movement BESA 81 2006 parliamentary elections 26 Levica 82 2008 parliamentary elections 28 6.
    [Show full text]
  • North Macedonia
    BTI 2020 Country Report North Macedonia This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2020. It covers the period from February 1, 2017 to January 31, 2019. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of governance in 137 countries. More on the BTI at https://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2020 Country Report — North Macedonia. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2020. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Contact Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Strasse 256 33111 Gütersloh Germany Sabine Donner Phone +49 5241 81 81501 [email protected] Hauke Hartmann Phone +49 5241 81 81389 [email protected] Robert Schwarz Phone +49 5241 81 81402 [email protected] Sabine Steinkamp Phone +49 5241 81 81507 [email protected] BTI 2020 | North Macedonia 3 Key Indicators Population M 2.1 HDI 0.759 GDP p.c., PPP $ 16359 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 0.0 HDI rank of 189 82 Gini Index 35.6 Life expectancy years 75.6 UN Education Index 0.697 Poverty3 % 9.7 Urban population % 58.0 Gender inequality2 0.145 Aid per capita $ 72.0 Sources (as of December 2019): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2019 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2019. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.20 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary North Macedonia has a new government after 11 years of absolute political control by the right- wing conservative party, the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE) and its junior coalition partner, the ethnic Albanian Democratic Union for Integration (DUI).
    [Show full text]