Religious Freedom in Egypt Samuel Tadros

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Religious Freedom in Egypt Samuel Tadros No. 2487 November 9, 2010 Religious Freedom in Egypt Samuel Tadros Abstract: The Egyptian government has played a major role in creating and maintaining a religiously intolerant environment in Egypt that is hostile to non-Muslims and Talking Points any Muslims who deviate from government-endorsed reli- • Egypt’s ongoing cycle of religious intolerance gious norms and traditions. This intolerant environment is driven by four forces in Egyptian society: that stifles independent thinking and religious liberty is the the regime, the religious establishment, natural breeding ground for Islamist extremists. The U.S. Islamists, and society at large. should encourage the Egyptian government to address this • Of these four, the regime is the key to stop- root cause of Islamist extremism by establishing and pro- ping the cycle of intolerance because of the tecting true religious freedom at home. natural capabilities of the state and its authoritarian nature and because the state plays a major role in perpetuating the cycle of intolerance. Religious liberty, Islamist extremism, and terrorism are closely interrelated. Therefore, the struggle for reli- • By enacting and enforcing laws that protect gious freedom is at the heart of the current war against the rights of religious minorities and the right terrorism, and the U.S. government should treat it as of independent religious thought, the regime can break this destructive cycle and foster such, particularly in Egypt, a country that is strategi- an environment that is resistant to Islamic cally important to the United States. extremism. With a population of 83 million and located at • Religious freedom must be a part of any real the center of the Middle East, Egypt has long domi- defense against Islamic extremism that both nated its Arabic-speaking neighbors politically and maintains people’s freedoms and diminishes culturally. While military defeat in 1967, economic religious radicalism and Islamist terrorism. decline, and political stagnation have eroded some of its influence, Egypt remains an influential coun- try in the region due to the realities of geography, size, and history. Religious freedom in Egypt—or, more precisely, This paper, in its entirety, can be found at: the lack thereof—turns on the interrelationship of http://report.heritage.org/bg2487 four forces in Egypt: the regime, the religious estab- Produced by the Asian Studies Center lishment, the Islamists, and society at large. Each Published by The Heritage Foundation 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE entity has its own internal considerations and goals Washington, DC 20002–4999 (202) 546-4400 • heritage.org Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress. No. 2487 November 9, 2010 that help to diminish religious freedom, but the tory. Government activity in areas of religion in dynamic relationship between them creates the Egypt’s post-Ottoman era has been associated with ongoing cycle of intolerance. Given the nature of two phenomena that have had lasting effects on the this dynamic, any attempt to deal with religious understanding of religious freedom: the mind-set freedom issues in Egypt must start at the state level. created by the Ottoman millet system and modern The U.S. government should use every available nationalism. avenue to encourage the Egyptian government to From the 16th century through the 19th century, enact and enforce laws that protect the religious the Ottoman Empire organized and modernized the freedom of all Egyptians. millet system. While the system was quite tolerant Religious freedom must be part of any real for its times, it was based on a notion of each reli- defense against Islamist extremism and terrorism gious group as a nation. Each religious group was that maintains people’s freedoms. given autonomy in its own affairs, but the side effect was that these groups were viewed as both alien and The Religious Environment in Egypt constituting a collective identity. With such a men- Egypt’s population is predominantly Sunni Mus- tality, new religious groups were viewed with suspi- lim. Exact numbers are impossible to ascertain cion as they deviated and broke away from the because such statistics are a state secret. This secrecy organized and recognized sects. The emergence of is reminiscent of a police state, which Egypt remains modern nationalism in Egypt exacerbated this per- in many respects, but the secrecy also serves the ception. Egyptian nationalism, first emerging in the state’s interest in deflating the numbers of religious 1919 revolution against the British occupation, was minorities. According to the latest official census based on the concept of national unity—the unity figures (1986), Christians account for less than 6 of Muslims and Christians, the unity of two distinct percent of the population. To stanch criticism, later groups that are united in the national project. Other censuses have simply not given any figure. The U.S. religious groups were suspect. State Department places the number at 8 percent to 1 The lack of a philosophical foundation for indi- 12 percent, while the U.S. Commission on Interna- vidualism resulted not only in the development of tional Religious Freedom (USCIRF) cites a range of 2 group identity, but also in the state adhering to this 10 percent to 15 percent. The government does group mentality regarding individual citizens. The not acknowledge the existence of non-Sunni Mus- organized religious communities were all too will- lim groups, which are deemed deviant versions of ing to adhere to this arrangement. Religious leaders Islam. Independent sources estimate that Shiites are were given full control of both heavenly rewards less than 1 percent of the population. and the earthly success of their coreligionists. Once Non-Muslim groups include Christians, 2,000 the Egyptian nationalist project collapsed and was Baha’is, and 120 elderly Jews, who are the remnants replaced by other identities—Arab nationalism and of a once thriving Jewish community that num- Islamism—it was only a matter of time before the bered in the tens of thousands. Christians are gen- dynamics between religious groups turned sour erally referred to as Copts, and a majority of them and the state became suspicious of religious minor- belong to the indigenous Orthodox Church. Size- ities and deviations. able minorities belong to the Catholic Church and Concern for religious freedom in Egypt has long various Protestant sects. been focused on the plight of minorities, especially The story of Egypt’s tense relationship with the Christians. In reality, Muslims have been the great- concept of religious freedom is deeply rooted in his- est victims of the lack of religious freedom. While 1. U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, “Egypt,” in International Religious Freedom Report 2009, October 26, 2009, at http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2009/127346.htm (September 16, 2010). 2. U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, Annual Report 2010, May 2010, p. 230, at http://www.uscirf.gov/ images/ar2010/egypt2010.pdf (September 16, 2010). page 2 No. 2487 November 9, 2010 persecution of religious minorities is more severe The Egyptian Regime. Western observers often and noticeable, the Muslims’ lack of ability to think describe the Egyptian regime as secular, in contrast separately about religion and to enjoy the freedom to the Islamists, who challenge the regime, and the to believe, practice, and worship according to their Islamists’ definition of the regime. However, this own conscience has resulted not only in suppres- description ignores the regime’s underlying com- sion, but also in a controlled religious environment plexities. Egypt’s rulers are neither Turkey’s Mustafa that has proven a fertile ground for Islamists. Kemal Atatürk nor Tunisia’s Habib Bourguiba, both The basic Egyptian understanding of religious of whom shared a modern, secular vision modeled freedom is limited, often understood as simply free- on the French example. dom to worship, albeit under significant con- While Egypt’s rulers have fought the Islamists straints. An understanding of religious freedom as and challenged the religious establishment on vari- the right of all faiths to bring religiously based val- ous issues, they have not held a secular viewpoint or _________________________________________ attempted to limit the role that religion plays in Egypt. They focused on taking control of religion, The basic Egyptian understanding of religious which they viewed as a dangerous weapon in the freedom is limited, often understood as simply freedom to worship, albeit under significant hands of their enemies. Egypt’s three modern rulers constraints. have pursued this policy with varying degrees of ____________________________________________ success using methods ranging from the stick to the carrot. Human rights organizations have described ues to the public square is virtually nonexistent. the result: “As religion has been increasingly This is partly a matter of priorities. A religious per- exploited as a tool for state administration, the state son who is not permitted to build a place to worship has begun to acquire some theocratic features.”3 is unlikely to be concerned with the right of adop- Gamal Abdel Nasser ended the dual court sys- tion, something accepted by Christianity but tem in Egypt when he closed the religious courts. rejected by Islam,
Recommended publications
  • Digital Feminism in the Arab Gulf
    MIT Center for Intnl Studies | Starr Forum: Digital Feminism in the Arab Gulf MICHELLE I'm Michelle English, and on behalf of the MIT Center for International Studies, welcome you to ENGLISH: today's Starr Forum. Before we get started, I'd like to mention that this is our last planned event for the fall. However, we do have many, many events planned for the spring. So if you haven't already, please take time to sign up to get our event notices. Today's talk on digital feminism in the Arab Gulf states is co-sponsored by the MIT Women's and Gender Studies program, the MIT History department, and the MIT Press bookstore. In typical fashion, our talk will conclude with Q&A with the audience. And for those asking questions, please line up behind the microphones. We ask that you to be considerate of time and others who want to ask questions. And please also identify yourself and your affiliation before asking your question. Our featured speaker is Mona Eltahawy, an award winning columnist and international public speaker on Arab and Muslim issues and global feminism. She is based in Cairo and New York City. Her commentaries have appeared in multiple publications and she is a regular guest analyst on television and radio shows. During the Egypt Revolution in 2011, she appeared on most major media outlets, leading the feminist website Jezebel to describe her as the woman explaining Egypt to the West. In November 2011, Egyptian riot police beat her, breaking her left arm and right hand, and sexually assaulted her, and she was detained for 12 hours by the Interior Ministry and Military Intelligence.
    [Show full text]
  • Us Media Darlings: Arab and Muslim Women Activists, Exceptionalism and the “Rescue Narrative”
    US MEDIA DARLINGS: ARAB AND MUSLIM WOMEN ACTIVISTS, EXCEPTIONALISM AND THE “RESCUE NARRATIVE” Ahlam Muhtaseb Abstract: Using critical textual analysis based on the postcolonial school of thought, this essay analyzed a ten-minute segment, called “Women of the Revolution,” on the ABC news program This Week, anchored at that time by Christiane Amanpour, for its portray- als of Arab and Muslim women. The analysis showed that Arab and Muslim women were portrayed positively only when they fit a “media-darling” trope of Western-educated Arab or Muslim women, or those who looked and acted similar to Western women, especially if they ascribed to a Western view of feminism. Those women also were seen as the excep- tion to the “repressive” culture that characterizes the Arab and Muslim worlds, according to the Orientalist stereotype. The implications of this analysis indicate that, in spite of the visibility and progress of many Arab and Muslim women in their countries and indigenous cultures, they are still framed within old recycled molds in US mainstream media, even if these seem positive at face value. Keywords: Arab/Muslim women, media darling, exceptionalism, rescue narrative, victimhood, Orientalism, postcolonialism • This paper would not have been possible without the meticulous copy editing of Dr. Lawrence Frey, Professor of Communication at the University of Colorado Boulder. This essay is inspired by a short conversation that I had with an administrative assistant I had known and worked with closely since 2003. The conversation took place during the peak of the January 25, 2011 Egyptian protests, during what became known as the “Arab Spring.” I asked her if she had been watching unfolding events in the Arab world, and she said, “Yes,” expressing strongly how shocked she was to see that there were so many “strong” women involved.
    [Show full text]
  • Intragroup Discourse on Intragroup Protections in Muslim-Majority Countries, 89 Chi.-Kent L
    Chicago-Kent Law Review Volume 89 Issue 2 Symposium on Intragroup Dissent and Article 6 Its Legal Implications April 2014 Intragroup Discourse on Intragroup Protections in Muslim- Majority Countries Asma T. Uddin Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Dispute Resolution and Arbitration Commons, and the Religion Law Commons Recommended Citation Asma T. Uddin, Intragroup Discourse on Intragroup Protections in Muslim-Majority Countries, 89 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 641 (2014). Available at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview/vol89/iss2/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chicago-Kent Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. INTRAGROUP DISCOURSE ON INTRAGROUP PROTECTIONS IN MUSLIM-MAJORITY COUNTRIES ASMA T. UDDIN* INTRODUCTION Many Muslim-majority countries do not provide adequate protection for dissent of any sorts—religious, social, or political. In the realm of reli- gious dissent, these countries persecute not just non-Muslims, but in fact, the persecution is harshest and most frequent against Muslims who dissent from the state’s interpretation of Islam. The results are profound: regular incidents of arson, murder, and harassment, and on a broader scale, spiritu- al and intellectual stagnation. In looking for ways to protect dissent generally, the starting point is to protect intragroup dissent, with the “group” defined as the Muslim com- munity.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Do They Hate Us? the Real War on Women Is in the Middle East
    UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05790121 Date: 10/30/2015 RELEASE IN PART B6 From: Anne-Marie Slaughter < Sent: Monday, May 7, 2012 618 PM To: Subject: Re: Long but worth it -- Mona Eltahawy on "the war on women" in the Middle East She's gotten a lot of abuse but also some thoughtful responses from other Muslim women; I'll send you one of the best responses as soon as I get back to a computer. She may not be nuanced, but the facts are there and have to be faced -- applaud her for forcing the conversation. Many of the abusive responses she has received have also caused people to sit up and take notice. Had a great day at State today! Best, AM From: H [mailto:[email protected]] Sent: Monday, May 07, 2012 05:12 PM To: Anne-Marie Slaughter Subject: Re: Long but worth it -- Mona Eltahawy on "the war on women" in the Middle East Just read it and WOW--what kind of response is she getting? From: Anne-Marie Slaughter [mailto: Sent: Tuesday, May, 01, 2012 09:34 PM To: H Cc: Abedin, Huma <[email protected]>; Cheryl Mills <[email protected]> Subject: Long but worth it -- Mona Eltahawy on "the war on women" in the Middle East I hope you've seen this — it's the cover story of the new issue of Foreign Policy. It is certainly over-simplified in many ways, but she is forcing the issue in important ways. Great plane reading — hope also you read what I sent you on Syria.
    [Show full text]
  • Women's Rights: Forbidden Subject
    1 WOMEN’S RIGHTS: FORBIDDEN SUBJECT © Pexel.com CONTENTSI Introduction 3 1. Covering women’s rights can kill 4 Miroslava Breach and Gauri Lankesh, journalists who provoked 4 Murdered with impunity 7 2. A range of abuses to silence journalists 8 The figures 8 Elena Milashina – price on her head 9 Online threats 10 3. Leading predators 12 Radical Islamists 12 Pro-life 14 Organized crime 15 4. Authoritarian regimes 17 Judicial harassment in Iran 17 Government blackout 19 Still off limits despite legislative progress 21 5. Shut up or resist 25 Exile when the pressure is too much 25 Resistant voices 26 Interview with Le Monde reporter Annick Cojean 28 Recommendations 30 © RSF © NINTRODUCTIONN “Never forget that a political, economic or religious crisis would suffice to call women’s rights into question,” Simone de Beauvoir wrote in The Second Sex. Contemporary developments unfortunately prove her right. In the United States, outraged protests against President Donald Trump’s sexist remarks erupted in early 2017. In Poland, a bill banning abortion, permitted in certain circumstances since 1993, was submitted to parliament in 2016. In Iraq, a bill endangering women’s rights that included lowering the legal age for marriage was presented to the parliament in Baghdad the same year. Covering women’s issues does not come without danger. A female editor was murdered for denouncing a sexist policy. A reporter was imprisoned for interviewing 3 a rape victim. A woman reporter was physically attacked for defending access to tampons, while a female blogger was threatened online for criticizing a video game.
    [Show full text]
  • The Changes of Women's Space Caused by the Revolution of 2011 in Egypt
    The changes of women’s space caused by the revolution of 2011 in Egypt Nijmegen, July 2011 Anouk Soomers The changes of women’s space caused by the revolution of 2011 in Egypt Women: A queen? A sex object? A submissive women? A house wife? A wife? A sister? A mother? A women? A human? A citizen? Bachelor thesis Human Geography By: Anouk Soomers Nijmegen, 30-6-2011 For: Radboud University Nijmegen Student number: s4072669 Supervisor: Olivier Kramsch II A Birth After such a long, long labor, so tired, weary, painful, the scans assured us that this time, this time the pregnancy was not false. And hours after the birth on a Tuesday, on 25 January 2011, was born Egypt, was born millions of people, millions of new men, new women. Yet some remain still drifting, numb, lifeless, unconscious, unknowing, stillborn, —orphan detainees blindly loyal to the old agenda, the party, the sterile pharaoh who still looms in stone. Still, Egypt, alive now though fragile, alive now though now banned, alive now though forbidden, drew that first ragged breath burning into its lungs, and Egypt let loose that first raw cry so wild and free the strongest rock began to fracture at the sound, crumble, and then melt, as if ancient stone statues of the kings were filmy sheets of wax, melting, pooling, vanishing in the desert air. Egyptian feminist writer Mona Helmy. (Helmy, 2011) III Foreword: I am pleased to present my bachelor thesis about women’s space in Egypt. This thesis project is the result of fieldwork with interviews in Cairo and a literature study.
    [Show full text]
  • Getting to Know Journalist Mona Eltahawy Politan World Citizen
    has made her a target. She’s was seven they moved to their daughter to leave home behind men and caring for had repeated warnings the UK, living in and around for school. Fortunately for passels of children. It was from Egypt’s State Security London and Glasgow. At 15 her, their open-mindedness “just like the men and women department in response to the family moved again for extended to her field of study. in Saudi.” This became an- her articles critical of their opportunity, this time settling “I never thought for a second other pivotal moment for her. WOMEN government. She has been in Saudi Arabia. It was a I could study medicine,” “It was in Israel that I learned banned from Saudi press. transition she describes as she says, though she had to become a liberal secular Her critics have used the no less than “shocking.” the grades for it. It was after Muslim,” she recalls. media to argue with her in “My mom suddenly matriculating that her feminist print, and she’s fought back couldn’t drive. Women were ideas took root. Time to Re-Assess publicly. When first contacted covered in black from head “Someone had brought all Eltahawy’s yearning for over email about her experi- to toe. We were the walking these feminist journals that equality did not equate with a WIDE ences, Eltahawy replied: I embodiment of sin.” It was a introduced me to all these desire to live without men. At hate Saudi Arabia so much turning point to realise that ideas, God bless them,” she university she fell in love, but it’s turned into love.
    [Show full text]
  • Arab Spring': Major Victories Or Failures for Human Rights? Hayat Alvi
    Journal of International Women's Studies Volume 16 | Issue 3 Article 19 Jul-2015 Women's Rights Movements in the 'Arab Spring': Major Victories or Failures for Human Rights? Hayat Alvi Follow this and additional works at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws Part of the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Alvi, Hayat (2015). Women's Rights Movements in the 'Arab Spring': Major Victories or Failures for Human Rights?. Journal of International Women's Studies, 16(3), 294-318. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol16/iss3/19 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. This journal and its contents may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. ©2015 Journal of International Women’s Studies. Women’s Rights Movements in the ‘Arab Spring’: Major Victories or Failures for Human Rights? By Hayat Alvi1 Abstract With the 2011 “Arab Spring”, the issue of women’s empowerment has emerged as a parallel movement in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). What are the implications of the women’s empowerment movements in the MENA for improved political representation and rights? Do these developments contribute to long-term socio-political, legal, judicial, and economic reforms that would improve overall human rights, and especially women’s rights in the MENA? This paper is a comparative survey of women’s empowerment and rights, especially in terms of general human rights principles, as well as in terms of political representation in post- revolution Tunisia and Egypt.
    [Show full text]
  • Reconceptualizing Sexual Harassment in Egypt: a Longitudinal Assessment of El-Taharrush El-Ginsy in Arabic Online Forums and Anti-Sexual Harassment Activism
    Kohl: A Journal for Body and Gender Research Vol. 1, No. 1 (Summer 2015) Reconceptualizing Sexual Harassment in Egypt: A Longitudinal Assessment of el-Taharrush el-Ginsy in Arabic Online Forums and Anti-Sexual Harassment Activism Angie Abdelmonem Abstract: This paper examines shifting conceptualizations of sexual harassment, or el-taḥarrush el-ginsy, in Egypt. Through longitudinal data from online Arabic discussion boards and blog sites, as well as insights from interviews and participant observation of anti-sexual harassment organizations, it explores the range of meanings evident in the use of the term taḥarrush. A comparative approach was employed to assess changes in Egyptian discourses with those taking place across the region. Online data was collected using the search terms “taḥarrush ginsy” and “taḥarrush.” Google served as the primary search engine to locate discussion and blog posts from the years 2000-2012. Through this method, 233 unique posts were identified focused on el-taḥarrush el-ginsy. The data showed overwhelming public concern in the region about the molestation and rape of children until 2006. In October 2006, a shift occurred in Egyptian posts, tied to the Eid mob sexual harassment that took place in downtown Cairo. From that point on, taḥarrush in Egypt signified the sexual harassment of women in public space. Prior to the Eid mob sexual harassment event, the Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights had begun a campaign to end everyday sexual harassment in the streets, which it called taḥarrush. Following the 2011 Egyptian Revolution, this activism continued with independent initiatives focused on community-based work, such as HarassMap.
    [Show full text]
  • Download This Presentation (PDF)
    Discovering Knowledge from Massive Networks and Science Data – Next Frontier for HPC Alok Choudhary John G. Searle Professor Dept. of Electrical Engineering and Computer Science and Professor, Kellogg School of Management Northwestern University [email protected] DOE – CSGF July 2012 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Data-Data Everywhere Biomedical Data Information Assurance Network Intrusion Detection Homeland Security Geo-spatial intelligence 2 Business BIG DATA, High-End Analytics, Engineering Science “Data intensive” vs “Data Driven” Data Intensive (DI) Data Driven (DD) • Operations are driven (and • Depends on the defined) by data perspective – Massive transactions – Processor, memory, – BIG analytics • Top-down query (well-defined application, storage? operations) • Bottom up discovery • An application can be (unpredictable time-to-result) data intensive without – BIG data processing – Predictive computing (necessarily) being • Usage model further I/O intensive differentiates these – Single App, users – Large number, sharing, historical/temporal Very few large-scale applications of practical importance are NOT Data Intensive 4 The Data Driven Discovery Ecosystem Transactional: Data Generation Data reduction Data Act, Refine Historical : Data Management Feedback Processing/Organization Data Query Relational: Discovery/Predictive Modeling (A) Historical data Learning Models Trigger/questions Predict Supercomputers (Current): Illustration of Simulation Dataset Sizes Application On-Line Data Off-Line Data FLASH: Buoyancy-Driven Turbulent
    [Show full text]
  • A Feminist Analysis of Western Discourse
    MORE THAN HEADSCARVES AND HYMENS: A FEMINIST ANALYSIS OF WESTERN DISCOURSE SURROUNDING MUSLIM WOMEN A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE MASTER OF ARTS BY MICHELLE COLPEAN ADVISOR: DR. KRISTEN MCCAULIFF BALL STATE UNIVERSITY MUNCIE, INDIANA JULY 2014 MORE THAN HEADSCARVES ii ABSTRACT THESIS: More than Headscarves and Hymens: A Feminist Analysis of Western Discourse Surrounding Muslim Women STUDENT: Michelle L. Colpean DEGREE: Master of Arts COLLEGE: Communication, Information, and Media DATE: July 2014 PAGES: 61 This thesis analyzes Western discourse surrounding Muslim women by examining Mona Eltahawy’s Foreign Policy article entitled, “Why Do They Hate Us?” as well as its subsequent media responses. Through a feminist analysis of these texts, I examine the emergent themes of hybrid identity and a public discussion of colonialism and tie them to scholarship within critical rhetoric, feminism, postcolonialism, and post-9/11 media narratives. I argue that while there appears to have been some progress in granting agency and validity to these women in public discourses, there is still progress needed, particularly in the construction of feminist critical rhetorical scholarship. MORE THAN HEADSCARVES iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to extend my gratitude to the many people who helped directly with this project to those who have lent their support along the way. First and foremost, I am so fortunate to have had the opportunity to work with Dr. Kristen McCauliff as both a student and advisee during my time at Ball State. Her faith in me as a writer consistently provided the extra motivation I needed, and her wise words of writing advice shaped my skill set to be able to complete my manuscript.
    [Show full text]
  • Mona Eltahawy Is an Award-Winning Columnist and an International Public Speaker on Arab and Muslim Issues
    © Dirk Eusterbrock Mona Eltahawy is an award-winning columnist and an international public speaker on Arab and Muslim issues. She is based in New York. She is a columnist for Canada's Toronto Star, Israel's The Jerusalem Report and Denmark's Politiken. Her opinion pieces have been published frequently in The Washington Post and the International Herald Tribune and she has appeared as a guest analyst in several media outlets. Before she moved to the U.S. in 2000, Ms Eltahawy was a news reporter in the Middle East for many years, including in Cairo and Jerusalem as a Reuters correspondent and she reported for various media from Egypt, Israel, Palestine, Libya, Syria, Saudi Arabia and China. Ms Eltahawy was the first Egyptian journalist to live and to work for a western news agency in Israel. Her public speaking has taken her around the world, including to the first TEDWomen where she spoke about the virtues of confusion in breaking stereotypes of Muslim women. In 2010 the Anna Lindh Foundation awarded her its Special Prize for Outstanding Contribution to Journalism and the Estlow International Center for Journalism and New Media at the University of Denver gave her its Anvil of Freedom Award. In 2009, the European Union awarded her its Samir Kassir Prize for Freedom of the Press for her opinion writing and Search for Common Ground named her a winner of its Eliav-Sartawi Award for Middle Eastern Journalism. Ms. Eltahawy is a lecturer and researcher on the growing importance of social media in the Arab world. She has taught as an adjunct at the New School in New York, the University of Oklahoma and the U.N.-mandated University for Peace in Costa Rica.
    [Show full text]