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Copyrightthesis.Pdf (929.7Kb) THE EARTHLY STRUCTURES OF DIVINE IDEAS: INFLUENCES ON THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF GIOVANNI BOTERO A Thesis Submitted to the College of Graduate Studies and Research in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History and Classics University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon By Stephen Eastwood Bobroff © Copyright Stephen Eastwood Bobroff, 2003. All rights reserved. PERMISSIONU TO USE U In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Postgraduate degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the Libraries of this University may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this thesis in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor or professors who supervised my thesis work or, in their absence, by the Head of the Department or the Dean of the College in which my thesis work was done. It is understood that any copying or publication or use of this thesis or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Saskatchewan in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in my thesis. Requests for permission to copy or to make other use of material in this thesis in whole or part should be addressed to: Head of the Department of History and Classics University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon, Saskatchewan i Abstract Giovanni Botero’s (1544-1617) treatise the ReasonU of State U (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Botero’s economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodin’s (1530-1596) TheU Six Books of the Republic (1576),U in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodin’s own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the king’s ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodin’s RepublicU ,U Botero saw how economics ii could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In the ReasonU of State,U Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodin’s writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts. iii Acknowledgments In focusing this research and bringing it to completion, I must acknowledge the efforts of Dr. Thomas B. Deutscher, my thesis advisor, whose insight into the period of the Catholic Reformation and patience with an sometimes confounded student will be well remembered. Also, I wish to thank the members of my thesis committee for their time and effort. The committee includes, from the History Department, Dr. J. Michael Hayden (Emeritus), Dr. Gordon DesBrisay, and Dr. Peter Bietenholz (Emeritus), and, from the Department of Political Science, Dr. Allan MacLeod. While none of the following had an official part to play in this research, they deserve mention nonetheless for their support over the years. This includes Dr. Robert C. Grogin (Emeritus) and Dr. Clay E. Burlingham from the Department of History at the U of S. I would also like to thank my Graduate Studies colleague, Ryan Pedersen, with whom I was able to discuss ideas on the thesis. Finally, I must mention Linda Dietz, for her moral support and for her help in getting me work both as a Teacher’s Assistant and an envelope stuffer in the Department of History. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS PERMISSION TO USE........................................................................................................i ABSTRACT........................................................................................................................ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS................................................................................................iv TABLE OF CONTENTS........................................................................................................................v INTRODUCTION...............................................................................................................1 1. THE LIFE OF BOTERO.................................................................................................6 2. BOTERO’S STRUCTURE OF SOCIETY………………............................................25 3. THE SPANISH DOCTORS, THE JESUIT COLLEGES, AND THE FORMATION OF BOTERO’S WORLDVIEW…………………………………………………………49 4. BOTERO’S READING OF BODIN………………………………………………….82 4.1 Usury…………………………………………........................................................94 4.2 Where the Two Agree……………………………………………………………106 4.3 Where Botero only Sampled……………………………………………………..108 4.4 Where the Two Disagree………………………………………………………...113 CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………………121 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………125 v Introduction The roots of political economy as a field of study have commonly been understood to lay in the 18th century with the French Physiocrats and their leader François Quesnay, and then taken to blossom by their contemporary across the channel, Adam Smith. Smith argued against mercantilism, the system by which he understood the merchants of Europe to have lined their own pockets at the expense of the true potential wealth of their nations. He was responding to the poorly conceived policies for the management of the colonies in particular, instituted by a government unduly influenced by these merchants. Smith was a moral philosopher, and was interested in studying the accumulation and distribution of wealth, both of nations and individuals, as the structural symbol for how morally just a nation is, according to the classical liberal criteria so characteristic of Enlightenment thought. As original as these 18th century thinkers were, they were not the first to examine wealth as a feature of moral or political philosophy. Wealth and state finance had held a prominent position in the European mind since the discovery of the New World. Sixteenth Century Europe opened to the praises of Erasmus, who claimed that the 1 new century paved the way for an age of gold.TP PT His age of gold was one of independent thought, the free exchange of ideas, and both the spiritual and political emancipation of 1 TP PT Erasmus of Rotterdam, An Age of Gold, in TheU Portable Renaissance Reader,U James Bruce Ross and Mary Martin McLaughlin, eds. (New York, Penguin Books, 1983), p. 80. He writes: "But at the present moment I could almost wish to be young again, for no other reason but this, that I anticipate the near approach of a golden age, so clearly do we see the minds of princes, as if changed by inspiration, devoting all their energies to the pursuit of peace." 1 humanity. In place of his ideal age, however, there came an age of material gold, with all the warfare and avarice concomitant with it. Nowhere was this felt more than in the Kingdom of Spain, which had the greatest access to the gold and silver mines of the Americas. Consequently, it was felt in Spain quite notably in the church, which by this time had been ‘nationalized’ by the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, and used, to match conquest, as a unifying force in the kingdom and its colonies. However, post-discovery Spanish priests and theologians discovered moral problems inherent in the wars of conquest and, more than this, became exposed to a flock which had never been woolier. They thus saw the need to consider political authority and give guidance on the new wealth. Thomism flowed along the sinews of the Spanish church in the sixteenth century, and theologians would bring it and its Aristotelian roots to bear on the moral-economic problems characterizing the sixteenth-century soul. From this they redeveloped theories of natural law which had flowed in and out of history's times and places since the Greeks. In applying it to moral matters they concluded that each individual had certain God-given rights of self-preservation, and the self-governance needed to guarantee this. These rights were naturally related to economics, the means by which we may maintain life. However, the theologians
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