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JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS VOLtTh1E 24, NUMBER 2 JUNE 1996 EDITED BY WILLIAM S-Y. WANG MATTHEW Y. CHEN TSU-LIN MEl CHIN-CHUAN CHENG ALAIN PEYRAUBE CHU-REN HUANG ZHONGWEI SHEN SHU-XIANG LYU JAMES H-Y. TAl OVID J.L. TZENG PALATALIZATION OF OLD CHINESE VELARS* Axel Schuessler Wartburg College ABSTRACT Qicyun system (QYS) palatal initials which are suspected of an Old Chinese (OC) velar origin arc of two types: (1) Type I palatals occur in certain syllables with front vowels which are subject to the chongniu phenomenon: palatalized OC velars are in complemetary distribution with chongniu division ("grade") 4 syllables. Therefore, such palatals can be reconstructed as ordinary velars in OC, followed by whatever gave rise to QYS div. 4 chongniu medial and/or vocalism, e.g. 1i zhi. < OC *ke. (2) Type II is the QYS initial tshj which goes back to some initial cluster involving a velar and *I, with any vowel, e.g. Ill cbuiin < OC •k'lun (?). I. INTRODUCTION Words which arc reconstructed in the Qieyun system (QYS) with initial palatals such as tSj, tshj and fj (Karlgrcn as amended by Li 1971) arc generally thought to derive from, or be phonetically close to, Old Chinese (OC) initial dental stop consonants because they alternate in phonetic series quite regularly with the QYS initial dentals t, th, d, and the supradcntals tj- \hj. 9j. For example, il!t QYS ZjWJ is used as a phonetic clement in the word tAl) 11', hence these two initials have at some time probably been close phonetically. Therefore, Karlgren reconstructed OC •d]ang for the fonner, and OC *tAng for the latter, while Li disregarded non-contrasting features and set up OC *djang and •tang respectively. 198 JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS, Vol. 24, No. 2 There arc two types of phonetic series, however, in which OYS palatals alternate not with dcntals, but with velar initials. (I) In Type I, QYS palatals mingle with velars, regardless of manner of articulation in a front vowel environment, e.g. ~ tSje vs. it gjeB 3 GSR 864 jlj tSjliu 'to sec' vs. kieu 'to cut' ~ lizje vs. @ giei GSR 873 The most conspicuous phonetic series of this Type I arc Gl (GSR no. 3771368), If; (GSR no. 552), :if- (553), ~ (864), .R (865), and .EE (867), ~ (873), ~ (1164), and it (330). This Type I will be discussed in section 2 of this paper. (2) In Type II palatalization, the palatal is only the surd aspirated QYS tshj alternating with velar initials and/or QYS ji and others which point to an OC *I in the initial; furthermore, this palatalization occurs with all vowels. This Type II will be discussed below in section 3 of this paper. 2. TYPE I PALATALIZATION The velar origin of QYS palatal initials in phonetic series in which one finds also items with initial velars is confirmed by the earliest layer in southern Chinese dialects where velars are preserved in such words as e.g. Min and Hakka JtiA ~ 'branch' for QYS UjeA (Norman 1988: 211-212; Bodman 1980: 181-88). Loans also reflect vclars, e.g. the Sino-Japanese reading ki for ~ tsje 'branch' (Pulleyblank 1962: 105-107). Hence most investigators, except Karlgrcn, have assumed in these cases an OC velar source for these QYS palatals. Dong Tonghe ( 1948: I 5-17) has reconstructed here OC palatalized velars *k etc., parallel to the palatalized dental stops •f. etc. of Karlgren. Pulleyblank has explained the palatalization as resulting from a "close y" medial while the "more open i" prevented palatalization of velars, but not of dcntals (1962: lOO). He therefore eliminated Dong's set of palato-velars by reconstructing OC simple velar stops: *ky· > ts-. Li Fang-kuei (1976), amending his earlier reconstructions (1971), believed that an OC medial configuration •-rj- was responsible for the later palatalization: ~ tsje < •krji. However. Baxter has pointed out a serious problem PALATALIZATION OF OLD CHINESE VELARS 199 with Li's hypothesis: elsewhere, his medial •-r- causes retroflection rather than palatalization, e.g. •trj- > ti·· Thus, according to Baxter, •-rj- prevented palatalization, whereas velars palatalized before -j- and front vowels "under conditions that remain to be fully investigated" (1980: 5, and similarly 1992: 210- 213). This tentative explanation for velar palatalization is the exact opposite of Li's. Pulleyblank has made the insightful observation that "cases of palatalization of velars are abundant in just those rhymes where there is the distinction between Division m and Division IV, i.e. where the head vowel is c or i" (1962: 98}. Regarding the distinction between Div. Ill and Div. IV (or simply div. 3 and div. 4}, he refers to the chongniu doublets in the rime tables. In a number of rimes some otherwise homophonous words are placed into div. 3, others into div. 4, e.g. '-f bjlln8 3 (Karlgren MC bilin:} and if bjiltnc 4 (Karlgren billn-). In his rendition of MC, Li distinguished between a div. 3 medial -j- which, in the case of chongniu doublets, I will refer to as "div. 3/3" (i.e. div. 3 contrasting with div. 3/4) and a div. 3/4 medial -ji-, i.e. a syllable that looks like a div. 3 one, but is placed in div. 4 -- the latter being different in tum from "pure Div. IV" or "div. 4" medial -i-). Li, however, did not project this distinct.ion back into OC; thus his OC reconstruction is similar to Karlgren's in this respect. Baxter (1992: 213) believes, on the other band, that the origin of the QYS chongniu distinctions is the result of an OC medial •-rj· > div. 313 -j-, vs. •-ji- > div. 3/4 -ji- (OC •-j- >simple div. 3 -j-). As a working hypothesis and point of departure for the present investiga­ tion we shall use Pulleyblank's observation (above) that palatalization occurs in syllables with 0C front vowels and which are of the same type that make the chongniu distinctions. The conditions under which OC velars palatalized become apparent when we look at words from these palatalizing phonetic series, but limit ourselves at first to open syllable ones, which happen to be the most numerous. The examples in the table on the next page are taken from GSR. A complete inventory of graphs of the various syllable types can easily be looked up in Sisheng yunpu (SSYP). I will son the words by initial, tone. and QYS division (313 vs. 3/4), as well as palatalization. The QYS tones are: pingsheng or even tone (or tone A, 200 JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS, Vol. 24, No. 2 unmarked), shnngsheng or rising tone (marked as II), and qusbeng or falling /depaning tone (marked as c). lnitiaUtone Div. 3/3 Div. 3/4 Palatalized k- ping kji 3 fJt Ill tSje 1l 4:t tlf tSjliu flj 8 8 k- shang kji 3 J1." tsi ~ • t$jeB f{ j'! fJl flEtJi (t$jeB, kjieB 4 tJl) tSjell ,kjieB 4 tR k- qu kjiC 3 •• t$jeC 1:t s,;ecm sjeC, kjiec 4 K (irreg.) g- shang gjcB3 a:~ fiBtJl ijcB ~ g- qu gjcC 3 3l zic~~&m dfiC }f. g- ping gji3~·· gjie 4 tt ~ IX flf t1£ kh- ping kh- shang khjie11 4~IX kh- _q_u khjjeC4~lX 1)- l}jeC 3 ll ... com- nfje~~ < oc•-e mon in all tones ntjllu 1! tli JA tiM < OC •-ai nzjiiu8JJ! qjiaic 4 ~ ii IJ < OC •-ets PAI...ATAL.IZATION Or OLD CHINESE VELARS 201 The table shows that div. 3/4 syllables and palatalized syllables arc ·in complementary distribution. The more complete SSYP (p. 312;339) confinns this: we find empty boxes exactly where this pattern of palatalization suggested by our table predicts them. We can therefore conclude that OC velar initial stops and nllSIII of QYS div. 3/4 syllables palatalized when they were immediately followed by the vowel i (either descended from an original OC •i, or an i in a secondary configuration such as ·ie from OC •-c). Palatalization did not occur, however, (a) with initiaiJc.h.; (b) with initial g· in open syllables with the even tone (pingsheng); div. 3/3 syllables do not palatalize anyway. The situation is irregular after initial velar nasal + rime -jillic < ·(t)s. 2.1 Exceptions The exceptions to this pattern tum out to be mostly doublets of dictionary readings, e.g. a rare Jiyun reading ltji 4 is given for. li and ~ whose regular QYS fonns are kiei; a Jiyun doublet l)jie 4 is given for~ J]iei. That such doublets might be due to dialect influence is illustrated by the readings for the graph tR , QYS both t§je8 and lc.jieB 4. South Coblin (p.c.) kindly supplies the following discussion on the readings of tR in early documents: The QYS lexica give for tR (Poncirus lrifoliata, a type of common Chi­ nese citrus) an irregular reading lc.jic8 4 alongside the regular reading t§jeB, with no indication of differences in use or meaning. However, in medieval northwest dialect materials the situation is clearer and easier to interpret. In the Yiqiejing yinyi - 1JJ it ir II of Huilin 8 * the QYS reading dje8 for tR occurs exclusively in the sense Poncirus trifoliata. Both examples of this use there arc toponyms, i.e. Zhiyuan tRIll and Zhiyuansi ~ Ill~ . On the other hand, the reading kjie8 4 has two different functions in Huilin's work. First, it appears once in the rare, literary plant name jiju tR tA (Hovenia dulcis). All remaining examples are in transcriptions of Sanskrit words, where in most cases it renders the syllables lc.i or ke.
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  • Ideophones in Middle Chinese

    Ideophones in Middle Chinese

    KU LEUVEN FACULTY OF ARTS BLIJDE INKOMSTSTRAAT 21 BOX 3301 3000 LEUVEN, BELGIË ! Ideophones in Middle Chinese: A Typological Study of a Tang Dynasty Poetic Corpus Thomas'Van'Hoey' ' Presented(in(fulfilment(of(the(requirements(for(the(degree(of(( Master(of(Arts(in(Linguistics( ( Supervisor:(prof.(dr.(Jean=Christophe(Verstraete((promotor)( ( ( Academic(year(2014=2015 149(431(characters Abstract (English) Ideophones in Middle Chinese: A Typological Study of a Tang Dynasty Poetic Corpus Thomas Van Hoey This M.A. thesis investigates ideophones in Tang dynasty (618-907 AD) Middle Chinese (Sinitic, Sino- Tibetan) from a typological perspective. Ideophones are defined as a set of words that are phonologically and morphologically marked and depict some form of sensory image (Dingemanse 2011b). Middle Chinese has a large body of ideophones, whose domains range from the depiction of sound, movement, visual and other external senses to the depiction of internal senses (cf. Dingemanse 2012a). There is some work on modern variants of Sinitic languages (cf. Mok 2001; Bodomo 2006; de Sousa 2008; de Sousa 2011; Meng 2012; Wu 2014), but so far, there is no encompassing study of ideophones of a stage in the historical development of Sinitic languages. The purpose of this study is to develop a descriptive model for ideophones in Middle Chinese, which is compatible with what we know about them cross-linguistically. The main research question of this study is “what are the phonological, morphological, semantic and syntactic features of ideophones in Middle Chinese?” This question is studied in terms of three parameters, viz. the parameters of form, of meaning and of use.