Dugald Stewart and the Scottish Enlightenment

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Dugald Stewart and the Scottish Enlightenment THE PRIMACY OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY: DUGALD STEWART AND THE SCOTTISH ENLIGHTENMENT By Jennifer Maree Tannoch-Bland, B.A., Hons.1A School of Humanities, Faculty of Arts Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2000 Abstract Dugald Stewart was an influential teacher and philosopher during the final years of the Scottish Enlightenment. Until recently he has been seen as merely a significant expositor of Thomas Reid’s common sense philosophy. This thesis does not attempt to assess the novelty of Stewart’s writings in relation to his Scottish predecessors such as Reid: rather, it offers a detailed historical study of aspects of his work, placing them in the political and cultural context of the period following the French Revolution. Two questions stimulated this thesis. First, what prompted Stewart, a moral philosopher who was not an experimental philosopher, to write a major work on methodology? Second, why was there a gap of twenty-two years between the first volume of his Elements of the Philosophy of the Human Mind (1792) and the second (1814), which contained his methodological treatise? I aim to answer these questions by offering a contextual intellectual history of some important aspects of Stewart’s work. The thesis argues that Stewart faced a new problem: he had to deal with attacks on moral philosophy – the core subject of the Edinburgh University curriculum – some of which were produced by institutional and political factors affecting the Scottish universities, others by the rising authority of the experimental physical sciences. I consider a selection of Stewart’s writings in the light of this problem. In 1804 Stewart’s own student, Francis Jeffrey, gave public voice to the charge that the science of mind (which constituted the central part of Scottish common sense philosophy) was outdated, unscientific and useless. Thereafter, Stewart was engaged in what he saw as an urgent task – the defence of the very status of philosophy and the role of the philosopher. The thesis considers some of his major works (and other writings) from this perspective: Philosophical Essays (1810) contained his first direct retort to Jeffrey; Stewart’s treatment of methodology in Elements of the Philosophy of the Human Mind, Volume 2 (1814) and his section on intellectual character in Volume 3 (1827) are viewed as two significant components of his attempt to reassert the primacy of moral philosophy and the role of the moral philosopher. CONTENTS Page Acknowledgements i Statement of originality ii Abbreviations iii Chapter 1 Introduction 1 Chapter 2 Stewart and the Scottish Enlightenment 30 Chapter 3 Authority of moral philosophy 63 Chapter 4 Politicisation of philosophy 88 Chapter 5 The Stewart-Jeffrey debate 117 Chapter 6 Experimental responses 136 Chapter 7 The methodologist 152 Chapter 8 Re-fashioning the moral philosopher 190 Chapter 9 Conclusion 219 Appendix 223 Stewart's Works 225 Primary and Nineteenth-Century Bibliography 228 Secondary Bibliography 238 i Acknowledgements My first thanks must go to my supervisor Associate Professor Richard Yeo for his intellectual generosity and calm guidance. Dr Dieter Freundlieb was painstaking in a final reading and in early engagement with my work on Stewart's methodology, for which I thank him. I also benefited from my association with members of Griffith University's School of Humanities. Thanks also are due to the Australian Government for the generous Australian Postgraduate Award With Stipend which sustained me throughout the course of my studies, to Griffith University for a HECS Scholarship for the duration, and to the Faculty of Arts for a research allowance which assisted me to undertake research in Edinburgh, Canberra and Sydney, and to present a conference paper in Auckland. I am grateful also to the Australasian Association for History, Philosophy and Social Studies of Science for a student bursary, which assisted with conference expenses. As well, Griffith's School of Humanities provided me with teaching work, invaluable for both the remuneration and the academic experience. In Edinburgh my research was greatly assisted by knowledgeable staff at Special Collections, Edinburgh University Library, and at the National Library of Scotland. Closer to home, I wish to thank Griffith University Library Staff for their consistently cheerful and competent assistance, and Staff at University of Queensland Library who ensured that Stewart’s volumes were kept current and on the shelves for me. I take this opportunity to acknowledge the special roles played by Dr Patricia Dobrez of the Australian Catholic University and Dr Livio Dobrez of the Australian National University who, in the early days of Bond University, played a major role in stimulating my interest in intellectual life. Final thanks go to my family for their unreserved support of my decision to study for a doctorate, especially my generous son Colby who was materially affected by the decision, to the many friends who continue to enrich my life, and especially to Catherine Gordon for her fierce support and sense of humour. ii Statement of Originality This work has not previously been submitted for a degree or diploma in any university. To the best of my knowledge and belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made in the thesis itself. Signed : . Jennifer Tannoch-Bland iii Abbreviations AUP Aberdeen University Press BAAS British Association for the Advancement of Science CUP Cambridge University Press DNB Dictionary of National Biography ER Edinburgh Review EUL Edinburgh University Library EUP Edinburgh University Press NLS National Library of Scotland OUP Oxford University Press PUP Princeton University Press UCP University of Chicago Press I-XI Vols I – XI of Stewart’s Collected Works (1854-60) 1 Chapter 1 Introduction 2 In histories of the Scottish Enlightenment, Dugald Stewart (1753-1828) is usually portrayed as its dying light, sometimes its ‘last major thinker’, or ‘the most important transmitter of the Scottish Enlightenment to the nineteenth century’ (Howe 1997:51; Oz-Salzberger 1995:107,317). He occupies a place in the line of Scottish philosophers from Francis Hutcheson, Henry Home (Lord Kames), David Hume, Thomas Reid, William Robertson, Adam Smith, Adam Ferguson and John Millar to Thomas Brown, Sir William Hamilton and James Ferrier. He is regarded as the ‘populariser’ of common sense philosophy,1 the articulate disciple of Thomas Reid, its founder.2 He is also recognised as the first comprehensive chronicler of European philosophy for a British audience, and the first historian of the Scottish Enlightenment (Corsi 1988; Haakonssen 1994; Wood 1993). Although I am studying Stewart as a major representative of the Scottish common sense school of philosophy, I do not attempt a full biography or intellectual history of his works. My focus is more on Stewart’s perception of the current status of moral philosophy than on his entire intellectual career. The thesis is not an appraisal of his philosophy, or a detailed assesssment of his relationship to Reid’s prior work.3 It aims to offer some explanation for the anomalies that emerge when we read Stewart in light of the standard presentation of him; and, more positively, to seek an intepretation of his published texts that understands them as public acts. One key to understanding Stewart’s work on methodology and his later reflections on intellectual character is that they were written in an attempt to reassert the authority of moral philosophy and to defend the role of the moral philosopher in the light of the growing prestige of the experimental sciences. This opens up the possibility of talking about the public role of the moral philosopher in this period, as embodied in Stewart’s case. Through studying Stewart’s works in particular historical situations, the thesis raises the significance of the challenge to the intellectual authority of moral philosophy from the physical 1 Arthur Kenyon Rogers (1923:12), Norman Daniels (1974:120), Anand C. Chitnis (1976:175) and Bruce Lenman (1981:95) use the term ‘populariser’ in the sense that Stewart reached a wide public and was the chief disseminator of the Scottish common sense philosophy. Neither they nor I claim that he reached a popular, in the sense of mass, or low-brow audience. 2 Selwyn Grave records that ‘the philosophy of common sense became “Scottish philosophy” and schooled several generations of Scotsmen’. Its history in Scotland ‘began at Aberdeen with Thomas Reid’s teaching at King’s College and his papers to the Aberdeen Philosophical Society’. As well, through Victor Cousin’s influence on French education, it became ‘part of the “official” philosophy of France’. It was also established in America, and impressed philosophers of some distinction in Italy and Belgium (Grave 1960:1-10). 3 sciences, and analyses Stewart’s re-affirmation of the cultural role of the moral philosopher in the Scottish context. Eminence, obscurity and influence Stewart held the Chair of Mathematics at Edinburgh University from 1775 to 1785. More importantly, he held the Chair of Moral Philosophy for 25 years from 1785 to 1810. He designed and taught the first separate course in political economy in Britain, at Edinburgh University, from 1800 to 1809. Stewart was known as the most popular lecturer of his day, with students crowding his classes in unprecedented numbers, overflowing into the gallery. He ‘regularly attracted even larger numbers’ than his predecessor in the Chair of Moral Philosophy, Adam Ferguson (Sher 1990:123).4 Through his lectures he influenced a generation of students who were to become men of position in Great Britain, among them the founders of the Edinburgh Review (Fontana 1985; Winch 1983) and others who became influential in London political and social circles. Several pupils left testimonials to the beneficial impact their professor had made on their lives (Bourne & Taylor 1994; Napier 1879).
Recommended publications
  • Durham Research Online
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Durham Research Online Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 25 June 2008 Version of attached file: Published Version Peer-review status of attached file: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Eddy, M. D. (2003) ’The University of Edinburgh natural history class lists 1782-1800.’, Archives of natural history., 30 (1). pp. 97-117. Further information on publisher’s website: http://www.shnh.org Publisher’s copyright statement: Additional information: The Archives of Natural History is published by the Society for the History of Natural History. Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 — Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 http://dro.dur.ac.uk Archives of natural history 30 (1): 97–117. 2003. © M. D. Eddy 2003 The University of Edinburgh natural history class lists 1782–1800 M. D. EDDY University of Durham, Department of Philosophy, Durham, DH1 3JP. ABSTRACT: In 1779 Revd Dr John Walker was appointed to be the University of Edinburgh’s Professor of Natural History.
    [Show full text]
  • Mathematics Is a Gentleman's Art: Analysis and Synthesis in American College Geometry Teaching, 1790-1840 Amy K
    Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Retrospective Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 2000 Mathematics is a gentleman's art: Analysis and synthesis in American college geometry teaching, 1790-1840 Amy K. Ackerberg-Hastings Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/rtd Part of the Higher Education and Teaching Commons, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine Commons, and the Science and Mathematics Education Commons Recommended Citation Ackerberg-Hastings, Amy K., "Mathematics is a gentleman's art: Analysis and synthesis in American college geometry teaching, 1790-1840 " (2000). Retrospective Theses and Dissertations. 12669. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/rtd/12669 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Retrospective Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margwis, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. in the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted.
    [Show full text]
  • The Development of the Theory of Money from Adam Smith to David Ricardo Jacob H
    The Development of the Theory of Money from Adam Smith to David Ricardo Jacob H. Hollander Quarterly Journal of Economics, volume 25, (1910-11) pp. 429-470 More than a generation separated the appearance of Adam Smith's "Wealth of Nations" in 1776 from the publication of David Ricardo's "High Price of Bullion" in 1810. Memorable as these years were with events in the industrial life of England, they witnessed but little change in the prevailing body of economic thought. The "Wealth of Nations," despite Hume's lament that the two stately quartos required too much thought and reflection to be popular, reached a tenth edition in 1799.(1) In the political world, Grenville in 1800 could remind Pitt of their common conviction as to "the soundness of Adam Smith's principles of political economy.''(2) In academic circles, Dugald Stewart was Adam Smith's successor in office and in spirit in the University of Edinburgh, attracting from 1800 on a notable group of gifted students to his eloquent exposition of the "Wealth of Nations.''(3) In the intellectual field, young men like Francis Horner, Lord Webb, James Mill, and Thomas Chalmers were supplementing legal and theological studies by critical reading of Adam Smith's text. There was some minor dissent from certain of Adam Smith's conclusions:(4) Dugald Stewart seems to have been less of the docile expositor and more of the independent critic than he would have us believe. James Anderson stood out vigorously for the utility of corn law bounties. Jeremy Bentham filed a cogent brief against the impolicy of usury laws.
    [Show full text]
  • John Playfair (1748-1819)
    EARLY DISCOVERERS XV A FORGOTTEN PIONEER OF THE GLACIAL THEORY JOHN PLAYFAIR (1748-1819) By LoUIs SEYLAZ (Lausanne) IT is surprising that the first idea of a glacial epoch during which the Alpine glaciers spread over the centre of Europe was put forward by a man who had not been outside Great Britain and had never seen either the Alps or a glacier. The son of a Scottish clergyman, John Playfair began his career by studying theology; but he later developed an overwhelming interest in science. In 1785 he became Professor of Mathematics in the University of Edinburgh, and in 1805 he gave up his chair of Mathe­ matics for that of Natural Philosophy. After the death of the celebrated geologist James Hutton, Playfair, who had been his pupil and later became his colleague at the University of Edinburgh, was given the task of making known Hutton's ideas, and this he did in Illustrations of the Huttonian theory, Edinburgh, 1802, a work which brought him great fame in the world of learned men and which is still considered to be the basis of modern geology. But while the exposition of Hutton's theories only takes up 140 pages of the book, Playfair devotes 388 pages of notes to the completion and the explanation of those theories. In 1779 Volume 1 of Voyages dans les Alpes, by Horace-Benedict de Saussure, had appeared at Neuchatel. In it the author makes a study of the geological terrain around Geneva. After pointing out the fact that the whole country, not only the banks of the Lake of Geneva but also the slopes of the Saleve and the sides of the Jura which face the Alps, are scattered with fragments of rocks, he states that "the majority of these stones are of granite ..
    [Show full text]
  • STEWART, DUGALD, 1753-1828. Dugald Stewart Letter to Olinthus Gregory, 1804
    STEWART, DUGALD, 1753-1828. Dugald Stewart Letter to Olinthus Gregory, 1804 Emory University Pitts Theology Library 1531 Dickey Drive, Suite 560 Atlanta, GA 30322 404-727-4166 Descriptive Summary Creator: Stewart, Dugald, 1753-1828. Title: Dugald Stewart Letter to Olinthus Gregory, 1804 Call Number: Manuscript Collection No. 266 Extent: 0.01 cubic ft. (1 folder) Abstract: Consists of one handwritten letter addressed to Mr. Olinthus Gregory in Woolwich, from Dugald Stewart in Edinburgh. Language: Materials entirely in English. Administrative Information Restrictions on Access Unrestricted access. Terms Governing Use and Reproduction All requests subject to limitations noted in departmental policies on reproduction. Citation [after identification of item(s)], Dugald Stewart Letter to Olinthus Gregory, Archives and Manuscript Dept., Pitts Theology Library, Emory University. Processing Processed by Courtney Williams, 2003. Collection Description Biographical Note Dugald Stewart was born on November 22, 1753 in Edinburgh, Scotland. At the age of 13, he studied at the University of Edinburgh where his father was the chair of the mathematics department. He eventually taught in the mathematics department with his father, then took over as chair after his father’s death. In 1785, he was made the professor of moral philosophy at the University of Edinburgh. Emory Libraries provides copies of its finding aids for use only in research and private study. Copies supplied may not be copied for others or otherwise distributed without prior consent of the holding repository. Dugald Stewart Letter to Olinthus Gregory, 1804 Manuscript Collection No. 266 Stewart’s chief concern was to formulate a philosophy of the mind through the use of the inductive method of Sr.
    [Show full text]
  • Writing the Global: the Scottish Enlightenment As Literary Practice
    Writing the Global: The Scottish Enlightenment as Literary Practice Yusuke Wakazawa PhD University of York English and Related Literature September 2018 2 Abstract This thesis presents the Scottish Enlightenment as a literary practice in which Scottish thinkers deploy diverse forms of writing---for example, philosophical treatise, essay, autobiography, letter, journal, and history---to shape their ideas and interact with readers. After the unsuccessful publication of A Treatise of Human Nature (1739-40), David Hume turns to write essays on moral philosophy, politics and commerce, and criticism. I argue that other representatives of the Scottish Enlightenment such as Adam Smith, Adam Ferguson, and William Robertson also display a comparable attention to the choice and use of literary forms. I read the works of the Scottish Enlightenment as texts of eighteenth-century literature rather than a context for that literature. Since I argue that literary culture is an essential component of the Scottish Enlightenment, I include James Boswell and Tobias Smollett as its members. In diverse literary forms, Scottish writers refer to geographical difference, and imagine the globe as heterogenous and interconnected. These writers do not treat geography as a distinctive field of inquiry. Instead, geographical reference is a feature of diverse scholarly genres. I suggest that literary experiments in the Scottish Enlightenment can be read as responding to the circulation of information, people, and things beyond Europe. Scottish writers are interested in the diversity of human beings, and pay attention to the process through which different groups of people in distant regions encounter each other and exchange their sentiments as well as products.
    [Show full text]
  • The Literary and Historical Origins of the Burns Myth
    , A. M. Kinghorn THE LITERARY AND HISTORICAL ORIGINS OF THE BURNS MYTH ON JANUARY 25, 1959, we arrived at the two hundredth birthday of Robert Burns, whose literary life-span has far exceeded his own modest expectations. In his own time he sought fame as a poet and writer of Scottish songs for reasons partly per­ sonal and partly patriotic, and the story of his brief appearance in the Edinburgh limelight is well-known. In our own age the name of Burns is still a familiar one throughout the civilized world, and his songs have been rendered into more than a score of foreign languages, including Afrikaans, Hebrew, Hindustani and, let it be added, English. We occasionally hear of an unrewarding comparison being made between Burns and Shakespeare, sometimes to the disadvantage of the latter, and making the point that Burns is supreme among the poets as a symbol of national character. In the words of the late Edwin Muir, Burns "is a myth evolved by the popular imagination, a communal poetic creation. He is a Protean figure; we can all shape him to our own likeness, for a myth is endlessly adaptable."1 This is why people all over the world celebrate "Burns Nicht" on January 25 and not "Byron Night" on January 22, "Poe Nite" on January 19 or "Schiller Nacht" (in 1959 another two-hundredth anniversary) on November 10. I think that Burns himself would be surprised to know that his name is still a familiar one, even though the reasons for this survival have generally but a remote connection with poetry as artifact.
    [Show full text]
  • Former Fellows Biographical Index Part
    Former Fellows of The Royal Society of Edinburgh 1783 – 2002 Biographical Index Part Two ISBN 0 902198 84 X Published July 2006 © The Royal Society of Edinburgh 22-26 George Street, Edinburgh, EH2 2PQ BIOGRAPHICAL INDEX OF FORMER FELLOWS OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF EDINBURGH 1783 – 2002 PART II K-Z C D Waterston and A Macmillan Shearer This is a print-out of the biographical index of over 4000 former Fellows of the Royal Society of Edinburgh as held on the Society’s computer system in October 2005. It lists former Fellows from the foundation of the Society in 1783 to October 2002. Most are deceased Fellows up to and including the list given in the RSE Directory 2003 (Session 2002-3) but some former Fellows who left the Society by resignation or were removed from the roll are still living. HISTORY OF THE PROJECT Information on the Fellowship has been kept by the Society in many ways – unpublished sources include Council and Committee Minutes, Card Indices, and correspondence; published sources such as Transactions, Proceedings, Year Books, Billets, Candidates Lists, etc. All have been examined by the compilers, who have found the Minutes, particularly Committee Minutes, to be of variable quality, and it is to be regretted that the Society’s holdings of published billets and candidates lists are incomplete. The late Professor Neil Campbell prepared from these sources a loose-leaf list of some 1500 Ordinary Fellows elected during the Society’s first hundred years. He listed name and forenames, title where applicable and national honours, profession or discipline, position held, some information on membership of the other societies, dates of birth, election to the Society and death or resignation from the Society and reference to a printed biography.
    [Show full text]
  • Objective Beauty and Subjective Dissent in Leibniz’S Aesthetics
    Zlom1_2018_Sestava 1 23.3.18 11:39 Stránka 67 Carlos Portales OBJECTIVE BEAUTY AND SUBJECTIVE DISSENT IN LEIBNIZ’S AESTHETICS CARLOS PORTALES According to the classical view, beauty is grounded on the universe’s objective harmony, defined by the formula of unity in variety. Concurrently, nature’s beauty is univocal and independent of subjective judgement. In this paper I will argue that, although Leibniz’s view coincides with this formula, his philosophy offers an explanation for subjective dissent in aesthetic judgements about nature. I will show that the acceptance of divergences on aesthetic value are the result of a conception of harmony that includes qualitative variety and dissonance. I. INTRODUCTION Leibniz’s aesthetics fall within the Pythagorean tradition in so far as he agrees that the beauty of the universe is an objective value grounded on the harmony of the cosmos. In this view, harmony is a property of systems, defined as unity in variety, which is univocal and indifferent to subjective judgement. In this paper I argue that, despite Leibniz’s complete adherence to this formula, his interpretation explains and justifies the subjective dissent in aesthetic judgements. I show that the possibility of valid divergences regarding the aesthetic value of nature is the result of a Leibnizian conception of the universe’s harmony, which includes qualitative variety and dissonance. The secondary objective of this paper is to present some aspects of the underrepresented views of Leibniz on beauty and aesthetics in general. Even though aesthetics as a discipline was baptized by a Leibnizian philosopher – namely, Alexander Baumgarten –, few papers and book chapters explain Leibniz’s own views on the topic.
    [Show full text]
  • Locke-Stewart-Mill: Philosophy of Science at Dartmouth College, 1771
    INTERNATIONAL STUDIES IN THE PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE, VOL. 15, NO. 2, 2001 Locke–Stewart–Mill: philosophy of science at Dartmouth College, 1771–1854 DAVID K. NARTONIS Boston, USA American colleges began to teach Locke’s philosophy of science early in the 18th century. Many religious people, however, rejected the theological implications of Locke’s philosophy and in 1769 Princeton College initiated a popular reaction against it. That year, a new president dropped Locke’s text from the curriculum and replaced it with a book by Scottish professor, Thomas Reid (1710–1796). Teaching from Reid’s book, the new president attempted to reverse Locke’s effect on the American view of science by insisting that the study of nature is an essentially religious enterprise, consisting entirely of the collection, classi cation, and generalization of facts, with no room for conjectural theories (Bozeman, 1977, pp. 5, 7, 23–28, 45, 54–61; Laudan, 1970, pp. 103–131). This reactionary movement, often called Baconianism after the 17th century English philosopher, Francis Bacon, spread from Princeton to a large sector of American Protestantism and has had a long life in religious movements such as Fundamentalism and Creation Science (Noll, 1985, 1995). Because this long-lived reaction against Locke enjoyed wide popularity in the early national period, it might be thought that Princeton was typical of American colleges at the time. But, in fact, few colleges joined Princeton in rejecting Locke or adopting Reid. As an illustration of the way most American colleges dealt with Locke’s religious implications, this paper tells the story of the philosophy of science at Dartmouth College from its founding in 1771 until 1854.
    [Show full text]
  • The Development of the Theory of Money from Adam Smith to David Ricardo Jacob H
    The Development of the Theory of Money from Adam Smith to David Ricardo Jacob H. Hollander Quarterly Journal of Economics, volume 25, (1910-11) pp. 429-470 More than a generation separated the appearance of Adam Smith's "Wealth of Nations" in 1776 from the publication of David Ricardo's "High Price of Bullion" in 1810. Memorable as these years were with events in the industrial life of England, they witnessed but little change in the prevailing body of economic thought. The "Wealth of Nations," despite Hume's lament that the two stately quartos required too much thought and reflection to be popular, reached a tenth edition in 1799.(1) In the political world, Grenville in 1800 could remind Pitt of their common conviction as to "the soundness of Adam Smith's principles of political economy.''(2) In academic circles, Dugald Stewart was Adam Smith's successor in office and in spirit in the University of Edinburgh, attracting from 1800 on a notable group of gifted students to his eloquent exposition of the "Wealth of Nations.''(3) In the intellectual field, young men like Francis Horner, Lord Webb, James Mill, and Thomas Chalmers were supplementing legal and theological studies by critical reading of Adam Smith's text. There was some minor dissent from certain of Adam Smith's conclusions:(4) Dugald Stewart seems to have been less of the docile expositor and more of the independent critic than he would have us believe. James Anderson stood out vigorously for the utility of corn law bounties. Jeremy Bentham filed a cogent brief against the impolicy of usury laws.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Notes Introduction 1.Peter Mandler, Aristocratic Government in the Age of Reform: Whigs and Liberals, 1830–1852 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 14. 2.Roy Porter, English Society in the Eighteenth Century (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books, 1990), 112. 3. Byron, ‘Don Juan’, Canto 11; John Cannon, ‘New Lamps for Old: the End of Hanoverian England’ in The Whig Ascendancy: Colloquies on Hanoverian England, Cannon, ed. (London: Edward Arnold, 1988), 115. 4.Robert Stewart, Henry Brougham, 1778–1868: His Public Career (London: Bodley Head, 1985), 43–4, 120. 5.Donald Read, The English Provinces c. 1760–1960: A Study in Influence (London: Edward Arnold, 1964). 6.Brougham, ‘Rights and Duties of the People’, Edinburgh Review (November 1812):424, Dror Wahrman, Imagining the Middle Class: The Political Representation of Class in Britain c. 1780–1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 255. 7. J.C.D. Clark, English Society, 1660–1832: Religion, Ideology and Politics During the Ancien Regime (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 513. 8. T.A. Jenkins, The Liberal Ascendancy, 1830–86 (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1994), 19. 9. Jonathan Parry, The Rise and Fall of Liberal Government in Victorian Britain (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), 3–4. 10.Walter Bagehot, The English Constitution (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1966), 152. 11. Ibid., 28. 12.Richard Brent, Liberal Anglican Politics: Whiggery Religion and Reform, 1830–1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 28, 37, 39. 13. James Abercrombie to George Tierney, 1818, Tierney MSS. 14. Horner to Francis Jeffrey, 15 September 1806, Horner Papers 427. 15. Chester H. New, The Life of Henry Brougham to 1830 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961), 2–3; David Hackett Fisher, Albion’s Seed: Four British Folkways in America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 647–8.
    [Show full text]