LANGUAGE – a Set of Sounds, Combinations of Sounds, and Symbols That Are Used for Communication
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The Languages of Amazonia Patience Epps University of Texas at Austin
Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America Volume 11 Article 1 Issue 1 Volume 11, Issue 1 6-2013 The Languages of Amazonia Patience Epps University of Texas at Austin Andrés Pablo Salanova University of Ottawa Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti Part of the Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Epps, Patience and Salanova, Andrés Pablo (2013). "The Languages of Amazonia," Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America: Vol. 11: Iss. 1, Article 1, 1-28. Available at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti/vol11/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Trinity. It has been accepted for inclusion in Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Trinity. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Epps and Salanova: The Languages of Amazonia ARTICLE The Languages of Amazonia Patience Epps University of Texas at Austin Andrés Pablo Salanova University of Ottawa Introduction Amazonia is a linguistic treasure-trove. In this region, defined roughly as the area of the Amazon and Orinoco basins, the diversity of languages is immense, with some 300 indigenous languages corresponding to over 50 distinct ‘genealogical’ units (see Rodrigues 2000) – language families or language isolates for which no relationship to any other has yet been conclusively demonstrated; as distinct, for example, as Japanese and Spanish, or German and Basque (see section 12 below). Yet our knowledge of these languages has long been minimal, so much so that the region was described only a decade ago as a “linguistic black box" (Grinevald 1998:127). -
The Status of the Least Documented Language Families in the World
Vol. 4 (2010), pp. 177-212 http://nflrc.hawaii.edu/ldc/ http://hdl.handle.net/10125/4478 The status of the least documented language families in the world Harald Hammarström Radboud Universiteit, Nijmegen and Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig This paper aims to list all known language families that are not yet extinct and all of whose member languages are very poorly documented, i.e., less than a sketch grammar’s worth of data has been collected. It explains what constitutes a valid family, what amount and kinds of documentary data are sufficient, when a language is considered extinct, and more. It is hoped that the survey will be useful in setting priorities for documenta- tion fieldwork, in particular for those documentation efforts whose underlying goal is to understand linguistic diversity. 1. InTroducTIon. There are several legitimate reasons for pursuing language documen- tation (cf. Krauss 2007 for a fuller discussion).1 Perhaps the most important reason is for the benefit of the speaker community itself (see Voort 2007 for some clear examples). Another reason is that it contributes to linguistic theory: if we understand the limits and distribution of diversity of the world’s languages, we can formulate and provide evidence for statements about the nature of language (Brenzinger 2007; Hyman 2003; Evans 2009; Harrison 2007). From the latter perspective, it is especially interesting to document lan- guages that are the most divergent from ones that are well-documented—in other words, those that belong to unrelated families. I have conducted a survey of the documentation of the language families of the world, and in this paper, I will list the least-documented ones. -
THE INDO-EUROPEAN FAMILY — the LINGUISTIC EVIDENCE by Brian D
THE INDO-EUROPEAN FAMILY — THE LINGUISTIC EVIDENCE by Brian D. Joseph, The Ohio State University 0. Introduction A stunning result of linguistic research in the 19th century was the recognition that some languages show correspondences of form that cannot be due to chance convergences, to borrowing among the languages involved, or to universal characteristics of human language, and that such correspondences therefore can only be the result of the languages in question having sprung from a common source language in the past. Such languages are said to be “related” (more specifically, “genetically related”, though “genetic” here does not have any connection to the term referring to a biological genetic relationship) and to belong to a “language family”. It can therefore be convenient to model such linguistic genetic relationships via a “family tree”, showing the genealogy of the languages claimed to be related. For example, in the model below, all the languages B through I in the tree are related as members of the same family; if they were not related, they would not all descend from the same original language A. In such a schema, A is the “proto-language”, the starting point for the family, and B, C, and D are “offspring” (often referred to as “daughter languages”); B, C, and D are thus “siblings” (often referred to as “sister languages”), and each represents a separate “branch” of the family tree. B and C, in turn, are starting points for other offspring languages, E, F, and G, and H and I, respectively. Thus B stands in the same relationship to E, F, and G as A does to B, C, and D. -
Spanish and P'urhepecha: Mutual Influences in an Ongoing Case of Language Contact in Central Western Mexico
SPANISH AND P’URHEPECHA: MUTUAL INFLUENCES IN AN ONGOING CASE OF LANGUAGE CONTACT IN CENTRAL WESTERN MEXICO Martha Mendoza* * Associate Professor of Linguistics & Spanish. Florida Atlantic University Correo electrónico: [email protected] * Mendoza, Martha. “Spanish and P’urhepecha: Mutual Influences in an Ongoing Case of Lan- guage Contact in Central Western Mexico”. Thesaurus 58(2016): 156-179. Web. 156 n.o 58, octubre 2016 - abril 2017 Abstract Spanish in Mexico is in contact with numerous indigenous languages still spoken in its territory. Such is the case of P’urhepecha in the state of Michoacán, a language isolate part of the sixty eight indigenous language groups remaining in the country today, with as many as 125 000 speakers. Both Spanish and P’urhepecha have been influenced by each other’s presence through centuries of close contact. Over time, Spanish has been modified mostly with respect to its lexicon, while P’urhepecha has experienced both lexical and grammatical influences. Examples of the lexical in- fluence of P’urhepecha on the Spanish of Michoacán are nouns likehuarache ‘san- dal’, tacuche ‘suit’, and corunda ‘tamale’. Examples of the massive lexical influence of Spanish on P’urhepecha are words such as pensarini ‘think’ < Spanish pensar, butella ‘bottle’, mesa ‘table’, telebisioni ‘television’, etc. To this date, however, the contact between Spanish and P’urhepecha has not yet been sufficiently investigat- ed. Thus, the present study provides an overview of the history and current state of the contact between these two -
Can Grammar Define Similarity of Human Natural Languages?
American Journal of Applied Sciences Original Research Paper Can Grammar Define Similarity of Human Natural Languages? 1Vladimir Nikolaevich Polyakov, 2Ivan Sergeevich Anisimov and 3Elena Andreevna Makarova 1NUST, “MISIS”, Moscow, Russia 2“Yandex”, LLC, Moscow, Russia 3Institute of Linguistics of RAS, Moscow, Russia Article history Abstract: The aim of the present study is to show that similarity of human Received: 11-06-2016 natural languages can be conveyed not only by phonetic data, but also by Revised: 03-10-2016 grammar. The paper regards the largest typological database WALS and its Accepted: 05-09-2016 possibilities in the sphere of genealogic relationship of languages. Using the method of two-objective optimization and data mining, which is new Corresponding Author: Vladimir Nikolaevich Polyakov for linguistic studies, we show that grammatical (structural) data, as well as NUST “MISIS”, Moscow, phonetic data, can deliver information on the similarity of languages. Russia Language isolates and micro-families do not have genealogic relatives Email: [email protected] based on phonetic information, but they do have genealogic relatives based on grammar information. Keywords: WALS, Two-Objective Optimization, Data Mining, Language Isolates, Micro-Families, Similarity, Grammar Introduction became the source of information. WALS, being the result of work of 55 specialists, was the first feature atlas on a The main source of information for the present study world-wide scale, which made it possible to compare is World Atlas of Language Structures-WALS unrelated languages all over the world. (Haspelmath et al ., 2005). It is the world’s biggest The present study uses the data WALS in an attempt database describing structural properties of languages. -
The Ten Tonemes of Ticuna, an Amazonian Oddity
January 2018 – Talk abstract for AMAZÓNICAS VII The ten tonemes of Ticuna, an Amazonian oddity Ticuna is a language isolate spoken by an approximate 50,000 ethnic Ticunas in Western Amazonia, across the borders of Peru, Colombia and Brazil. The language’s unusually rich toneme inventory, consisting of 10 contrastive units in stressed syllables and 5 in unstressed syllables, makes it exceptional from both a typological and an areal point of view. Except for epenthetic syllables, each and every Ticuna syllable is lexically attached one toneme – which in specific morphosyntactic contexts may automatically alternate with some other toneme. No complex sandhi-like realization rules apply: each toneme, whether lexical or morphosyntactically conditioned, is always realized as its corresponding tone in the syllable it belongs to. A relatively straightforward phonological analysis of firsthand data from the San Martín de Amacayacu (SMA; Colombia) variety collected in 2015-2017 yields the following toneme inventory: Toneme inventory in stressed syllables in unstressed syllables 36 pitch 5 pitch 52 — 4 — 34 — 3 — 43 — 1 — 33 — creaky voice phonation1 31 — 22 — 21 — terminal creaky voice phonation1 initial creaky voice — TABLE 1 | SMA Ticuna toneme inventory (N.B.: 6 = highest F0; 1 = lowest F0) A comparably rich analysis probably holds for other Ticuna varieties, among others Caballococha and Cushillococha (Peru) Ticuna (Anderson, 1959, 1962; Skilton, pers. com.). In today’s SMA Ticuna at the very least, there seems to be no way to account for minimal pairs (such as those presented in APPENDIX, TABLE 2) with a more economic toneme inventory (such as Montes, 1995’s pioneering three-toneme analysis based on SMA Ticuna data collected from 1984 onwards). -
A Grammatical Description of Warao Imperatives: Formal Brevity and Morphological Complexity
65 Cadernos de Etnolingüística A grammatical description of Warao imperatives: Formal brevity and morphological complexity Allegra Robertsona and Konrad Rybkab aUniversity of California, Berkeley, bMusée du quai Branly - Jacques Chirac Abstract Warao is a morphologically complex language isolate, spoken in Guyana and Venezuela. This paper focuses on the critically endangered Guyanese dialect. First-hand data are used to provide a descriptive analysis of Warao imperative constructions, identify their grammatical features and illocutionary forces, and clarify relevant distinctions concerning telicity. The Warao imperative mood is composed of canonical (2nd singular and 2nd plural) and non-canonical (1st person and 3rd person) imperatives, which are expressed by a set of person-specific verbal suffixes. Both canonical and non-canonical imperatives are negated by the same standard negator. These imperatives commonly express instructions, requests, invitations, warnings, prohibitions, and optatives. As compared to verb forms in other moods, Warao imperatives are syntactically and formally simple; however, the imperative suffixes attach to the morphologically complex Warao verb, thus adding complexity to the compositional meaning of the imperative. In addition to bearing numerous other affixes, the Warao imperatives are often marked as telic. The common marking of telicity in the imperative has led to the reassessment of previous analyses by Osborn (1959) and Romero-Figueroa (2003). The ways in which Warao imperatives adhere to and differ from cross-linguistic trends are also explored. This paper draws on Speech Act Theory, as well as Dixon’s Basic Linguistic Theory more broadly. Keywords: Warao, imperative, morphology, telicity, indigenous language documentation 1 Introduction Imperative constructions are a typologically interesting category of language for several reasons, including their tendency toward simplicity of form. -
A Model for Indigenous Language Revival
A Model for Indigenous Language Revival Brad Montgomery-Anderson 1. Introduction If present trends continue, the majority of Native American languages will no longer be spoken by the end of this century. The process of extinction often happens so subtly and rapidly that the community is unaware of the imminent danger of language death. A language is endangered when children no longer learn it and is dead when the last elderly speaker passes away. Faced with this irreparable loss, some communities are determined to bring back their languages. Language Revival is the creation of a living language community where such a community has ceased to exist. Over the past two decades, language revitalization has become increasingly visible to the public eye as many communities try to reverse the steady erosion of their heritage language. Linguists and language activists, however, have not paid as much attention to the idea of bringing back a language after the language has already died. The data on language endangerment indicates that many Native American languages are moving from a language revitalization scenario to a language revival scenario. It is therefore time to discuss the distinct methods and processes involved in language revival. This paper will offer such a model. In the first section, I will establish the differences between revitalization and revival, and in the second section, I will use the features unique to moribund and dead languages to outline a three-step model for reviving such languages. 23 24 Brad Montgomery-Anderson 2. Typology of Language Viability In order to determine what exactly revival means, it is first necessary to define the terms living language and dead language. -
Languages of the World--Native America
REPOR TRESUMES ED 010 352 46 LANGUAGES OF THE WORLD-NATIVE AMERICA FASCICLE ONE. BY- VOEGELIN, C. F. VOEGELIN, FLORENCE N. INDIANA UNIV., BLOOMINGTON REPORT NUMBER NDEA-VI-63-5 PUB DATE JUN64 CONTRACT MC-SAE-9486 EDRS PRICENF-$0.27 HC-C6.20 155P. ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS, 6(6)/1-149, JUNE 1964 DESCRIPTORS- *AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES, *LANGUAGES, BLOOMINGTON, INDIANA, ARCHIVES OF LANGUAGES OF THE WORLD THE NATIVE LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS OF THE NEW WORLD"ARE DISCUSSED.PROVIDED ARE COMPREHENSIVE LISTINGS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF THE LANGUAGES OF AMERICAN INDIANSNORTH OF MEXICO ANDOF THOSE ABORIGINAL TO LATIN AMERICA..(THIS REPOR4 IS PART OF A SEkIES, ED 010 350 TO ED 010 367.)(JK) $. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH,EDUCATION nib Office ofEduc.442n MD WELNicitt weenment Lasbeenreproduced a l l e a l O exactly r o n o odianeting es receivromed f the Sabi donot rfrocestarity it. Pondsof viewor position raimentofficial opinions or pritcy. Offkce ofEducation rithrppologicalLinguistics Volume 6 Number 6 ,Tune 1964 LANGUAGES OF TEM'WORLD: NATIVE AMER/CAFASCICLEN. A Publication of this ARC IVES OF LANGUAGESor 111-E w oRLD Anthropology Doparignont Indiana, University ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS is designed primarily, butnot exclusively, for the immediate publication of data-oriented papers for which attestation is available in the form oftape recordings on deposit in the Archives of Languages of the World. This does not imply that contributors will bere- stricted to scholars working in the Archives at Indiana University; in fact,one motivation for the publication -
Contribution to the UNESCO Encyclopedia of Life Support Systems (EOLSS) 6.20B.10.3
Contribution to the UNESCO encyclopedia of life support systems (EOLSS) 6.20B.10.3 DOCUMENTING ENDANGERED LANGUAGES AND LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE Matthias Brenzinger Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Japan Tjeerd de Graaf Slavic Research Center, Hokkaido University, Japan and Frisian Academy, the Netherlands Keywords: endangered languages, ethnolinguistics, language documentation, language endangerment, language maintenance, language policy, language revitalization, language shift, mother tongue education Contents 1. Introduction 2. Language Endangerment and Endangered Languages 2.1 Extent and Types of Language Endangerment 2.2 Selected Case Studies of Endangered Languages 2.2.1 /Xam, a Physical and Cultural Genocide in South Africa 2.2.2 Ainu in Japan 2.2.3 Nivkh in the Russian Federation 2.2.4 North Frisian in Germany 2.2.5 Amazigh (Berber) Languages in Northern Africa 3. Language Documentation 3.1 Why study Endangered Languages 3.2 Documenting Endangered Languages 3.3 Assessing Language Vitality and Endangerment 3.4 Language Maintenance and Revitalization 4 Concluding Remarks Acknowledgments Bibliography Biographical Sketches Summary Several scholars predict that up to 90% of the world’s languages may well be replaced by dominant languages by the end of the 21st century, which would reduce the present number of almost 7,000 languages to less than 700. This review article attempts to describe processes that are underlying this severe threat to the majority of the languages currently spoken. However, the central focus of discussion will be on aspects related to the documentation and maintenance of the world’s linguistic diversity. The main causes of language endangerment are presented here in a brief overview of the world’s language situation. -
Findings from the Catalogue of Endangered Languages (“Elcat”)
New Knowledge: Findings from the Catalogue of Endangered Languages (“ELCat”) Lyle Campbell, Raina Heaton, Nala Lee, Eve Okura, Sean Simpson, Kaori Ueki, John Van Way Goal: To report on findings from The Catalogue of Endangered Languages (ELCat) to date – on new knowledge produced by the Catalogue. We ask, did you know? (1) Over 3,000 languages are endangered (3176, 46%). (2) 639 languages are extinct – 227 of known extinct languages became extinct recently, since 1960 (35.5% of all extinct languages, 9.2% of all languages). (3) Whole language families are extinct – all the languages of 100 families are gone, from the c.420 language families – 24% of the linguistic diversity of the world has been lost. Need for The Catalogue of Endangered Languages: The endangered languages crisis is one of the most important problems facing humanity today, posing moral, practical, and scientific issues of enormous proportions. ELCat goals: to provide a definitive, authoritative, and up-to-date resource on the endangered languages of the world. Produce new knowledge. Provide resources for communities whose languages are in danger. Supply information missing in other sources. Correct errors (misidentification of languages, missing languages, languages that are not real or distinct from other languages, classifications of languages). Update and correct information (number of speakers, location, etc); Provide degree of endangerment scale, and documentation index. Provide this information in an accessible, updatable, sustainable form. Promote public awareness, foster support, increase resources, and inform the public and scholars alike. Catalogue of Endangered Languages Project Supported by a National Science Foundation grant (collaborative University of Hawai‘i Mānoa and Eastern Michigan University), website constructed by Google.org at www.endangeredlanguages.com. -
In Search of Language Contact Between Jarawa and Aka-Bea: the Languages of South Andaman1
Acta Orientalia 2011: 72, 1–40. Copyright © 2011 Printed in India – all rights reserved ACTA ORIENTALIA ISSN 0001-6483 In search of language contact between Jarawa and Aka-Bea: The languages of South Andaman1 Anvita Abbi and Pramod Kumar Cairns Institute, Cairns, Australia & Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi Abstract The paper brings forth a preliminary report on the comparative data available on the extinct language Aka-Bea (Man 1923) and the endangered language Jarawa spoken in the south and the central parts of the Andaman Islands. Speakers of Aka-Bea, a South Andaman language of the Great Andamanese family and the speakers of Jarawa, the language of a distinct language family (Abbi 2006, 2009, Blevins 2008) lived adjacent to each other, i.e. in the southern region of the Great Andaman Islands in the past. Both had been hunter-gatherers and never had any contact with each other (Portman 1899, 1990). The Jarawas have been known for living in isolation for thousands of years, coming in contact with the outside world only recently in 1998. It is, then surprising to discover traces of some language-contact in the past between the two communities. Not a large database, but a few examples of lexical similarities between Aka-Bea and Jarawa are 1 The initial version of this paper was presented in The First Conference on ASJP and Language Prehistory (ALP-I), on 18 September 2010, Max Planck Institute of Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig, Germany. We thank Alexandra Aikhnevald for helpful comments on an earlier version of the paper. 2 Anvita Abbi & Pramod Kumar investigated here.