Extremism & Counter-Extremism Overview Radicalization And
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Load more
Recommended publications
-
Policy Notes for the Trump Notes Administration the Washington Institute for Near East Policy ■ 2018 ■ Pn55
TRANSITION 2017 POLICYPOLICY NOTES FOR THE TRUMP NOTES ADMINISTRATION THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ 2018 ■ PN55 TUNISIAN FOREIGN FIGHTERS IN IRAQ AND SYRIA AARON Y. ZELIN Tunisia should really open its embassy in Raqqa, not Damascus. That’s where its people are. —ABU KHALED, AN ISLAMIC STATE SPY1 THE PAST FEW YEARS have seen rising interest in foreign fighting as a general phenomenon and in fighters joining jihadist groups in particular. Tunisians figure disproportionately among the foreign jihadist cohort, yet their ubiquity is somewhat confounding. Why Tunisians? This study aims to bring clarity to this question by examining Tunisia’s foreign fighter networks mobilized to Syria and Iraq since 2011, when insurgencies shook those two countries amid the broader Arab Spring uprisings. ©2018 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ NO. 30 ■ JANUARY 2017 AARON Y. ZELIN Along with seeking to determine what motivated Evolution of Tunisian Participation these individuals, it endeavors to reconcile estimated in the Iraq Jihad numbers of Tunisians who actually traveled, who were killed in theater, and who returned home. The find- Although the involvement of Tunisians in foreign jihad ings are based on a wide range of sources in multiple campaigns predates the 2003 Iraq war, that conflict languages as well as data sets created by the author inspired a new generation of recruits whose effects since 2011. Another way of framing the discussion will lasted into the aftermath of the Tunisian revolution. center on Tunisians who participated in the jihad fol- These individuals fought in groups such as Abu Musab lowing the 2003 U.S. -
Testimony of Thomas Joscelyn Senior Fellow, Foundation for Defense Of
Testimony of Thomas Joscelyn Senior Fellow, Foundation for Defense of Democracies Senior Editor, The Long War Journal Before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade United States Congress “Global al-Qaeda: Affiliates, Objectives, and Future Challenges” July 18, 2013 1 Chairman Poe, Ranking Member Sherman and members of the Committee, thank you for inviting me here today to discuss the threat posed by al Qaeda. We have been asked to “examine the nature of global al Qaeda today.” In particular, you asked us to answer the following questions: “What is [al Qaeda’s] makeup? Is there a useful delineation between al Qaeda’s core and its affiliates? If so, what is the relationship? Most importantly, what is the threat of al Qaeda to the United States today?” I provide my answers to each of these questions in the following sections. But first, I will summarize my conclusions: • More than a decade after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks there is no commonly accepted definition of al Qaeda. There is, in fact, widespread disagreement over what exactly al Qaeda is. • In my view, al Qaeda is best defined as a global international terrorist network, with a general command in Afghanistan and Pakistan and affiliates in several countries. Together, they form a robust network that, despite setbacks, contests for territory abroad and still poses a threat to U.S. interests both overseas and at home. • It does not make sense to draw a firm line between al Qaeda’s “core,” which is imprecisely defined, and the affiliates. -
Ansar Al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST)
Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST) Name: Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST) Type of Organization: Insurgent non-state actor religious social services provider terrorist transnational violent Ideologies and Affiliations: ISIS–affiliated group Islamist jihadist Qutbist Salafist Sunni takfiri Place of Origin: Tunisia Year of Origin: 2011 Founder(s): Seifallah Ben Hassine Places of Operation: Tunisia Overview Also Known As: Al-Qayrawan Media Foundation1 Partisans of Sharia in Tunisia7 Ansar al-Sharia2 Shabab al-Tawhid (ST)8 Ansar al-Shari’ah3 Supporters of Islamic Law9 Ansar al-Shari’a in Tunisia (AAS-T)4 Supporters of Islamic Law in Tunisia10 Ansar al-Shari’ah in Tunisia5 Supporters of Sharia in Tunisia11 Partisans of Islamic Law in Tunisia6 Executive Summary: Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST) was a Salafist group that was prominent in Tunisia from 2011 to 2013.12 AST sought to implement sharia (Islamic law) in the country and used violence in furtherance of that goal under the banner of hisbah (the duty to command moral acts and prohibit immoral ones).13 AST also actively engaged in dawa (Islamic missionary work), which took on many forms but were largely centered upon Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST) the provision of public services.14 Accordingly, AST found a receptive audience among Tunisians frustrated with the political instability and dire economic conditions that followed the 2011 Tunisian Revolution.15 The group received logistical support from al-Qaeda central, al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Ansar al-Sharia in Libya (ASL), and later, from ISIS.16 AST was designated as a terrorist group by the United States, the United Nations, and Tunisia, among others.17 AST was originally conceived in a Tunisian prison by 20 Islamist inmates in 2006, according to Aaron Zelin at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. -
Tunisia Fragil Democracy
German Council on Foreign Relations No. 2 January 2020 – first published in REPORT December 2018 Edited Volume Tunisia’s Fragile Democracy Decentralization, Institution-Building and the Development of Marginalized Regions – Policy Briefs from the Region and Europe Edited by Dina Fakoussa and Laura Lale Kabis-Kechrid 2 No. 2 | January 2020 – first published in December 2018 Tunisia’s Fragile Democracy REPORT The following papers were written by participants of the workshop “Promotion of Think Tank Work on the Development of Marginalized Regions and Institution-Building in Tunisia,” organized by the German Council on Foreign Relations’ Middle East and North Africa Program in the summer and fall of 2018 in cooperation with the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Tunis. The workshop is part of the program’s project on the promotion of think tank work in the Middle East and North Africa, which aims to strengthen the scientific and technical capacities of civil society actors in the region and the EU who are engaged in research and policy analysis and advice. It is realized with the support of the German Federal Foreign Office and the Institute for Foreign Cultural Relations (ifa e.V.). The content of the papers does not reflect the opinion of the DGAP. Responsibility for the information and views expressed herein lies entirely with the authors. The editorial closing date was October 28, 2018. Authors: Aniseh Bassiri Tabrizi, Mohamed Lamine Bel Haj Amor, Arwa Ben Ahmed, Elhem Ben Aicha, Ahmed Ben Nejma, Laroussi Bettaieb, Zied Boussen, Giulia Cimini, Rim Dhaouadi, Jihene Ferchichi, Darius Görgen, Oumaima Jegham, Tahar Kechrid, Maha Kouas, Anne Martin, and Ragnar Weilandt Edited by Dina Fakoussa and Laura Lale Kabis-Kechrid No. -
Returnees in the Maghreb: Comparing Policies on Returning Foreign Terrorist Fighters in Egypt, Morocco and Tunisia
ͳͲ RETURNEES IN THE MAGHREB: COMPARING POLICIES ON RETURNING FOREIGN TERRORIST FIGHTERS IN EGYPT, MOROCCO AND TUNISIA THOMAS RENARD (editor) Foreword by Gilles de Kerchove and Christiane Höhn ʹͲͳͻ ABOUT THE CONTRIBUTORS Emna Ben Mustapha Ben Arab has a PhD in Culture Studies (University of La Manouba, Tunis/ University of California at Riverside, USA/Reading University, UK). She is currently a Non-resident Fellow at the Tunisian Institute for Strategic Studies (ITES), a member of the Mediterranean Discourse on Regional Security (George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies), and professor at the University of Sfax, Tunisia. Kathya Kenza Berrada is a Research Associate at the Arab Centre for Scientific Research and Humane Studies, Rabat, Morocco. Kathya holds a master’s degree in business from Grenoble Graduate Business School. Gilles de Kerchove is the EU Counter-Terrorism Coordinator. Christiane Höhn is Principal Adviser to the EU Counter-Terrorism Coordinator. Allison McManus is the Research Director at the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy. She holds an MA in global and international studies from University of California, Santa Barbara and a BA in international relations and French from Tufts University. Thomas Renard is Senior Research Fellow at the Egmont Institute, and Adjunct Professor at the Vesalius College. Sabina Wölkner is Head of the Team Agenda 2030 at the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) Berlin. Prior to this, Sabina was in charge of the Multinational Development Policy Dialogue of KAS Brussels until March 2019. From 2009-2014, she worked in Bosnia and Herzegovina and headed the foundation's country programme. Sabina joined KAS in 2006. -
Post-Revolutionary Discontent and F(R)
Post-revolutionary Discontent and F(r)action- alisation in the Maghreb Managing the Tunisia-Libya Border Dynamics Clingendael Report Grégory Chauzal Sofia Zavagli Post-revolutionary Discontent and F(r)actionalisation in the Maghreb Managing the Tunisia-Libya Border Dynamics Grégory Chauzal Sofia Zavagli Clingendael Report August 2016 August 2016 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Unauthorized use of any materials violates copyright, trademark and / or other laws. Should a user download material from the website or any other source related to the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, or the Clingendael Institute, for personal or non-commercial use, the user must retain all copyright, trademark or other similar notices contained in the original material or on any copies of this material. Material on the website of the Clingendael Institute may be reproduced or publicly displayed, distributed or used for any public and non-commercial purposes, but only by mentioning the Clingendael Institute as its source. Permission is required to use the logo of the Clingendael Institute. This can be obtained by contacting the Communication desk of the Clingendael Institute ([email protected]). The following web link activities are prohibited by the Clingendael Institute and may present trademark and copyright infringement issues: links that involve unauthorized use of our logo, framing, inline links, or metatags, as well as hyperlinks or a form of link disguising the URL. Cover photo: © Flickr, A young Libyan boy raises the Tunisian and Free Libya flags in Tataouine. About the authors Grégory Chauzal is a Senior Research Fellow at the Clingendael Institute, where he specializes on security and terrorism issues, with a special emphasis on Sub-Saharan Africa, the Maghreb and the Middle East. -
Download Download
AARMS Vol. 14, No. 1 (2015) 5–21. Tunisia’s Security Concerns BESENYŐ János,1 PRANTNER Zoltán2 Ansar al-Sharia, established in April 2011, is the most prominent Salafist jihadist organization in Tunisia. At the beginning the movement, which sympathizes with the ideology of al-Qaeda, focused its attention on humanitarian and missionary works. Later it did not balk at using violence to enforce religious norms. The con- flict between the Ennahda Government and the organization culminated between May and July, 2013. At the end of August the Government finally designated An- sar al-Sharia a terrorist-organization. According official reports, the organization is responsible for planning several unsuccessful attacks during the intervening months. Additionally, Okba bin Nafaa, the military wing of Ansar al-Sharia, has been fighting an open war with the Tunisian Army in the Algerian border region since December 2012. Keywords: Ansar al-Sharia, Tunesia, salafist, Jihad, Ennahda, Okba bin Nafaa Brigada, Arab Spring, Ben Ali, dawa, Al-Qaeda, Islamist Introduction The Salafist jihadist movements have been strengthened significantly in Tunisia after the 2011 Arab Spring. The Ansar al-Sharia (AST), the most prominent local organization, came into existence after three months of the collapse of Ben Ali’s regime. The movement, which has unreservedly sympathized with the ideology of the international al-Qaeda terror-orga- nization, emphasized works of mercy and dawa (missionary activity) since the beginning. It has taken full advantage of the critical economic conditions of the country and the social tensions that originated from the previous situation. It has not flinched away from using the hisba, the enforcement of Islamic doctrines with violence, to achieve its purpose. -
One Big #Lie from the Arab Spring to the Islamic State
One big #lie From the Arab Spring to the Islamic State. Post Arab Spring institutional failures causes frustration, leading up to expressions of aggression, wherefore the Islamic State provides space to utter it. Master thesis by Beitske Meinema (s1910337) [email protected] MA International Relations: Global Conflict in the Modern Era Leiden University Supervisor: Dr. S. Bellucci 2018 ABSTRACT The year 2010 marks the beginning of a series of protests and uprisings in North Africa, which sparked a revolution that Western media would soon refer to as “The Arab Spring Uprisings”. The protests are mostly conducted by the youth of the MENA region who are discontent with the government. This generation realizes that due to unemployment, high inflation, poverty, human rights abuses and corruption they are caught in a vacuum, with no bright future with progress and evolution of their country and blame this on the Arab dictators. Tunisia and Morocco both experienced the Arab Spring differently in terms of violence by the state, but in both countries the protests are effective and big changes are promised. In Tunisia the Ben Ali Presidency is overthrown, while in Morocco King Mohammed VI remains king. Also, in both countries the desired democracy is established and democratic elections take place. However, the circumstances do not really change the civil lives. Unemployment remains a problem, police violence still occurs, the freedom and human rights are still violated and the rule of law does not change the situation in favour of the community. The frustrated youth seeks new ways to clear the void in their lives. -
ISIS Tunisia
ISIS Tunisia The ISIS insurgency in Tunisia refers to the ongoing militant and terror activity of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant branch in Tunisia. The activity of ISIL in Tunisia began in summer 2015, with the Sousse attacks, though an earlier terror incident in Bardo Museum in March 2015 was claimed the Islamic State, while the Tunisian government blamed Okba Ibn Nafaa Brigade. Following massive border clashes near Ben Guerdance in March 2016, the activity of the ISIS group was described as armed insurgency, switching from previous tactics of sporadic suicide attacks to attempts to gain territorial control. 18 March 2015 - Bardo National Museum attack, Three militants attacked the Bardo National Museum in the Tunisian capital city of Tunis, and took hostages. Twenty-one people, mostly European tourists, were killed at the scene, while an additional victim died ten days later. Around fifty others were injured. Two of the gunmen, Tunisian citizens Yassine Labidi and Saber Khachnaoui, were killed by police, while the third attacker is currently at large. Police treated the event as a terrorist attack. The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) claimed responsibility for the attack, and threatened to commit further attacks. However, the Tunisian government blamed a local splinter group of al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, called the Okba Ibn Nafaa Brigade, for the attack. A police raid killed nine members on 28 March. Campaign of violence: 2015: 26 June - 2015 Sousse attacks, An Islamist mass shooting attack occurred at the tourist resort at Port El Kantaoui, about 10 kilometres north of the city of Sousse, Tunisia. -
Islamist and Middle Eastern Terrorism: a Threat to Europe?
© Rubbettino Centro Militare di Studi Strategici - Roma © Rubbettino Islamist and Middle Eastern Terrorism: A threat to Europe? Maria do Céu Pinto (University of Minho Portugal) Rubbettino © Rubbettino Copyright © by CeMiSS Centro Militare di Studi Strategici Piazza della Rovere, 83 - 00165 Roma (RM) e-mail: [email protected] © 2004 - Rubbettino Editore 88049 Soveria Mannelli - Viale Rosario Rubbettino, 10 -Tel. (0968) 662034 www.rubbettino.it © Rubbettino Index Abstract: 7 Introduction 9 I Islamist and Middle Eastern Terrorism in Europe: The Background 11 I.1. Palestinian Terrorism 11 I.2. Iranian Terrorism 17 II New Patterns of Islamist Terrorism in the 1990s 21 II.1. A New Age of Terrorism 21 II.2. Religious Terrorism 22 III The Web of Terror in Europe 31 III.1. Interlocking Terror Plots 31 III.2. Al-Qaeda: an Umbrella Network 32 III.3. Mosques: Recruitment and Indoctrination 36 IV Groups and Activities of Islamic Terrorists in Europe 41 IV.1. England 41 IV.2. France And Belgium 49 IV.3. Italy 53 IV.4. Germany 62 IV.5. Spain 65 IV.6. The Netherlands 71 V Evaluating the Terrorist Threat to Europe’s Security 75 V.1. Al-Qaeda’s European Infrastructure after 11th September 75 V.2. Islamic Communities in Europe: A Breeding Ground of Terrorists? 76 Conclusion 77 Bibliography 79 © Rubbettino 5 © Rubbettino Abstract During three decades Middle Eastern terrorism in Europe was largely a spillover from problems in the Middle East. Europe was a preferential oper- ational area for Arab, Palestinian and Iranian terrorists fighting each other. In the 1990s, a new Islamic threat emerged as a result of the activities of “ad hoc” terrorist groups, which lack a well-established organisational identity and tend to decentralise and compartmentalise their activities. -
Extremism & Counter-Extremism Overview Radicalization And
Tunisia: Extremism & Counter-Extremism On March 6, 2020, two suicide bombers attacked a security post near the U.S. embassy in Tunis. The explosion killed one policeman and injured six others. No Americans were killed in the attack. According to police, the assailants used homemade explosives. No group has claimed responsibility, but the country has struggled since the Arab Spring to prevent nationals from joining ISIS and al-Qaeda. (Sources: CNN [1], New York Times [2], Al Jazeera [3]) Overview After the 2011 Tunisian Revolution, the country experienced a surge in extremist violence at the hands of al-Qaeda and ISIS-affiliated groups. With the help of international and regional partners, Tunisia has taken strides to re-structure its security apparatus and has launched a number of programs designed to prevent violent extremism. Despite these measures, Islamist groups continue to operate and to threaten Tunisia’s stability as it transitions to democracy. (Sources: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace [4], U.S. Department of State [5]) Increased civil liberties have enabled Islamist groups within the country to recruit more freely and poor socio-economic conditions have left many Tunisians receptive to radical ideas. Thousands of Tunisians have filled the ranks of terrorist groups across the Middle East and North Africa. On July 10, 2015, U.N. experts estimated that approximately 5,500 Tunisians had traveled to Syria to fight, primarily alongside ISIS, in that country’s civil war. By December 2015, this figure is estimated to have climbed to 6,000. The Tunisian government recently indicated that there are as many as 1,500 Tunisian fighters in Libya. -
Two Years After Morsi, Egypt Stuck in Turmoil
INTERNATIONAL SATURDAY, JULY 4, 2015 Top Tunisian jihadist killed in US strike WASHINGTON: A top Tunisian jihadist and associate of late Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden was killed by a US airstrike in Libya last month, The New York Times reported yesterday. Seifallah Ben Hassine, listed as a “global terrorist” by the US, was killed in mid-June in an airstrike that targeted a top Al-Qaeda-linked Islamist, the paper said. Ben Hassine is believed to have coordinated a string of assassinations, including the killing of famed Afghan anti-Taliban fighter Ahmad Shah Masood in 2001. Tunisian officials also accused the leader of the banned Ansar Al-Sharia group of directing the killings of two secular Tunisian politicians in 2013, the paper reported. He was fur- ther suspected of leading an attack on the US embassy in Tunis in September 2012, days after an attack on the American consulate in Benghazi, Libya that killed Ambassador Christopher Stevens, the paper said. He had been based in Libya since 2013. Tunisian station Radio Mosaique first reported Ben Hassine’s death, which The New York Times said it had confirmed with an official in Washington. However, the interior ministry in Tunis, contact- ed by AFP, said it had “no information on his death”. The US official said Ben Hassine died in a strike that target- ed Mokhtar Belmokhtar, a top Al-Qaeda-linked militant believed to have masterminded a deadly attack on an Algerian gas plant in 2013. Libya’s government reported at the time that Belmokhtar was killed in the attack but Al-Qaeda’s North Africa branch denied it.