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AHU MAGYAR AFRIKA-TUDÁS TÁR AHU HUNGARIAN AFRICA-KNOWLEDGE DATABASE ------SZILASI Ildikó From 'Sacred Ndop' to 'just a statue' Eredeti közlés /Original publication: 2013 (2011), From sacred ndop to just a statue. The case study of the change of a kings’statue production of the Kuba Kingdom in the DRC, Antroport.hu, 1-11. old. (Eredetileg: Előadás, SACR Conference 2011, The Material Culture (RE)turn in Anthropology: Promises and dead-ends, 8th SACR Conference – Romanian Society of Cultural Anthropology, Bucharest, 22– 25. September 2011) Eredeti Elektronikus újraközlés/Electronic republication: AHU MAGYAR AFRIKA-TUDÁS TÁR – 000.001.000 Dátum/Date: 2014. augusztus / August 31. Az elektronikus újraközlést előkészítette /The electronic republication prepared by: B. WALLNER, Erika és/and BIERNACZKY, Szilárd Hivatkozás erre a dokumentumra/Cite this document SZILASI Ildikó: From 'Sacred Ndop' to 'just a statue', AHU MATT, 2014, pp. 1–17. old., No. 000.001.000, http://afrikatudastar.hu Eredeti forrás megtalálható/The original source is available Antroport.hu, 2013 Megjegyzés / Note: ellenőrzött és szerkesztett szöveg / controlled and edited text

Kulcsszavak/Key words Magyar Afrika-kutatás, muridizmus Szenegálban, a muridizmus aktivistái, a Baye Fall-ok 2 Szilasi Ildikó

African studies in Hungary, Mouridism in Senegal, activists of Mouridism, the Baye Falls ------

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From 'Sacred Ndop' to 'just a statue' 3

FROM ’SACRED NDOP’ TO ’JUST A STATUE’ A case study on the change of kings’ statue production of the Kuba Kingdom in the DRC

Ildikó Hermina Szilasi, anthropologist, PhD Candidate, University of Pécs, Hungary

Foreword

In the book The Children of Woot author Jan Vansina stated that ndops, meaning royal statues of the Kuba Kingdom were considered to be the “doubles of the kings they represented and as such were considered if not actually regarded as sacred.” (Vansina; 1978:213) On the 11th of August 2009, on my field research in Mushenge, capital of the Kuba Kingdom in central Democratic Republic of Congo ndop-carver Mingashanga Mbantshi Jean du Moulin said in an interview that their ancestors stored and kept the statues because they did not know how to make money by selling them1. Let me present another example, a comparison of two ndops to better illustrate the aim of my paper. The first example (with description) comes from Binkley and Darish’s astonishing book published in 2009 about Kuba art. The second match could be currently found on the Internet2.

“Ndop Bushoong. Brooklyn Museum of Art, New York, inv. 61. 33. Wood. H: 49,5 cm. Ndop statues uniformly portray the monarch in the

1 Extract from interview, Mushenge, Mingashanga Mbantshi Jean du Moulin, ndop-carver, 11th August 2009. 2 http://www.ebay.com/itm/KUBA-nDOP-ROYAL-FIGURE-1690-African- Art-Gallery-/330597632958?pt=LH_DefaultDomain_0&hash=item4cf9278bbe 4 Szilasi Ildikó prime of life with no distinguishing physical characteristics. It represents the ruler Mishe miShyaang maMbul who reigned in the early 18th century. The monarch is represented seated cross-legged on an elevated platform. He wears a royal headdress and carries a short sword as symbols of office. This ndop was collected by the Belgian minister Jules Renkin in 1909, shortly after Torday's visit to the Kuba capital, and subsequently acquired by the Brooklyn Museum.” (Binkley and Darish; 2009:120)

’Wonderful’ ndop royal statue, a reduced –size replica. Price: 165 USD3

My main questions are the following: how did royal kings’ statues (ndops) of the Kuba Kingdom change over the past century in the Democratic Republic of Congo and what kind of social factors could be seen as driving forces for these changes? Finally, what can our respective field of study learn from the case study of the ndops?

Context of the research

These questions are also included in my PhD dissertation currently in progress at the University of Pécs, Department of Social Sciences, Interdisciplinary Postgraduate Program, Postgraduate School of Ethnography and Cultural Anthropology under the supervision of Prof. Gábor Vargyas PhD. Since 2004, a multi-sited ethnography research has been conducted in the DRC combined with historical and bibliographical data collection in light of two aims: first, to document, describe, standardize and discuss the trends of change of material culture in the

3 http://www.ebay.com/itm/KUBA-nDOP-ROYAL-FIGURE-1690-African- Art-Gallery-/330597632958?pt=LH_DefaultDomain_0&hash=item4cf9278bbe From 'Sacred Ndop' to 'just a statue' 5

DRC, and second, to detect and analyse correlations among the society and the change of material culture. Nevertheless, I find it particularly important to highlight the role of material culture researches in cultural anthropology. I cannot omit Ucko’s recognition of “the rightful place of studies of material culture within anthro- pology” (Ucko, 1969) and Biebuyck’s thought that “material culture obviously offers a broad range of topics of interest” and “failure to cover these topics through adequate field research has led to sketchy and erroneous interpretations of many aspects of culture.” (Biebuyck; 1982:59)

The ndop

Before discussing the ndops, some basic introduction should be made on the Kuba Kingdom and Kuba art. The Kuba Kingdom is geo- graphically located between the Sankuru, Kasai and Lulua Rivers in South-Central Democratic Republic of Congo, Kasai Occidental Province. The Bakuba ethnic group is composed of 18 distinct groups (teke, ngongo, shoowa, bushoong etc.) having independent histories of settlement but all migrated from the North. The Bushongo or Bushoong sub-group of the Bakuba are considered politically dominant as the capital of the kingdom, Mushenge or Nsheng is located in the territory of the Bushongo. Historically, the Kuba Kingdom is governed by the Kuba ruler, the king or nyim although the symbolical, spiritual and functional power has declined in the previous century. Actually, three political forces form the compelling complexity of political structures of the Kuba Kingdom. The state authorities (state administrators, officials, police and intelligent service); the king and his counsellors called kolms and the custom based chieftainship. Members of the royal family say that the reigning king, Nyimi Kwete Mbweky III or Kwete Mbokashanga has been undergoing health treatment in Brussels since the end of 2008. In his absence, his mother, Mbawot Mbweky ruled the kingdom until her recent death on the 3rd July 2011 at the age of 90. Since then, the ruling position has been ceded to Kuba prince and priest Joel Nyimilongo. 6 Szilasi Ildikó

In many scholarly works of art, Kuba art has been seen as one of the most aesthetic art in Africa with its richly ornamented objects in wood, metal and textiles. For Emil Torday

„…the Bushongo are probably the best artists of Africa. In vowing and wood carving they are superior to all other ethnic groups of the continent.” (Torday, 1911:179)

Kuba art is also known for its wonderfully decorated wooden helmet with geometrical surface designs in dazzling contrasts of colour, pattern, and texture. Kuba smiths worked with copper, iron, and brass, making weapons and tools to be admired and used. The Bakuba also gave expression to their great artistic sense in utensils: boxes, weapons, tobacco pipes, drums, drinking horns, bells and various types of textiles and cloths made of the dried fibre of the raffia palm-tree. The most studied pieces of Kuba art are considered to be the ndops. The Handbook to the Ethnographical Collection describes them as “portraits of the early kings” and as “the most striking products of indigenous African art.” (British Museum; 1910:222) Vansina (1972:44) suggests that a “ndop is a repository for the spirit of the Kuba King (nyim) whose supernatural power was thought comparable if not greater than that of nature spirits (ngesh)”, in which the Kuba people have a deep belief. It was also described by Vansina and Maesen that kings’ statues commemorate particular rulers. They considered ndops as

“…'spirit doubles', encapsulating the principles of kingship as devolved upon a particular ruler. Rubbing them with oil preserves the spirit of royalty at the heart of the kingdom when the king is physically absent from his capital: sleeping with them incubates an incoming ruler into the spiritual aspects of his new role.” (Maesen; 1967: 36)

For Binkley and Darish (2009:120) ndop statues are idealised representations of the nyim, the supreme titled position in the Kuba Kingdom. Mack (1991:72) sees the king figures as a kind of spiritual repository and concludes that their historicity clearly take the ndop beyond the domain of individual ownership to an extent common From 'Sacred Ndop' to 'just a statue' 7 property. Preston (1998:236) brings an example how a Kuba king saw the function of king statues:

“When they (referring to the Bakuba) look at this statue they will be able to remember me, and think that I watch over them, consoling them when they are sad, giving them inspiration and courage anew.”

As western scholars were deeply interested in the art of kings’ statues that have been widely researched since the beginning of the 20th century, there is enough data available to retrace the history of this particular form of visual art. Therefore, the detection of the history of ndops in light of socio-cultural changes could be realized and serve as an interesting example.

Kuba art production in the 21st century

It is known that early ndops from the late 19th and early 20th centuries were elaborately documented. We particularly know a lot about the first eight pieces collected by Europeans. Although various works were written on Kuba art, the “study of Kuba art has in fact barely begun.” (Vansina; 1978:211) Vansina also claims that

“…thousands of Kuba art objects have found their way into museums or private collections since the early years of the 20th century”.

The three great collections are those of William Sheppard collected in 1892, Leo Frobenius in 1905 and Hungarian origin Emil Torday in 1908. Vansina (1978:211) also notes that the

“…catalogues of the three major collections have not been published, nor has a systematic examinations of the printed or photographic record been made, nor have archival materials, which would allow us to more accurately locate the origin of the objects in time and space, been investigated”.

He advocates for the research of effects of recent influences arising from all sorts of situations on Kuba artistic production. Binkley and 8 Szilasi Ildikó

Darish touch but not research the issue of recent changes of Kuba art although they say that

“…in the 21st century the creation of new artistic forms in a variety of media for both internal and external consumption has become a compelling means for many Kuba to confront and survive the ever- changing economic and political realities.” (Binkley and Darish; 2009:53)

These “new artistic forms in a variety of media” becoming a “compelling means for many Kuba to confront and survive” form a substantial part of my field research and observations. This decade, the most significant income generating activity became craft production for the Bakuba. Most of them remained agriculturalist doing their daily field-duties producing corn, manioc, nuts and beans to ensure basic food necessities for self-sustenance. The raffia palm- tree serve as a universal component for construction (huts, walls, roofs), clothing, household utensil fabrication (mats), palm wine and various craft production.

“For a Mukuba4 raffia is the alpha and omega of life. Wherever there is a raffia palm tree, a Mukuba can survive5.”

Therefore, besides basic food production and using surrounding natural materials for fulfilling necessities, Bakuba people turn to their artistic traditions with profit making and income generating purposes. Before, artistic production was an integral, custom-based, natural and important part of the daily life of the Bakuba. They produced ndops and other objects for their symbolic or ritual function, self-consumption or simply for admiring their aesthetic beauty. Kuba people in general were highly keen on beautifully decorating their objects, even for a daily use, driven by an internal desire and a common sense of aesthetic moral.

4 Kuba person, singular form. 5 Extract from interview, Minga Mikobi Théophile, raffia weaver, Mushenge, 8th August, 2009. From 'Sacred Ndop' to 'just a statue' 9

“Every inch of the available surface of wooden cups and on the lids and sides of the boxes were carved.” (Vansina, 1978: 222)

During my field research in August, 2099 I could hardly find any object for daily use among cups, pots, kitchen stools, pipes etc. that have been decorated. Objects became simple and standardized in parallel with the increased selling of Kuba objects. Augmented desire for consumption, changed economical needs made the Bakuba to sell some of their last pieces and cut the custom of re-producing objects for their own use.

“We see our objects as a means of getting money. Why would I spend time and energy to create something for myself if I can have a chance to sell it? I take time to work and carve for the market, and I use simple objects for myself.6”

Changed consumption could be explained by several reasons. One is increased need for consumer goods coming from outside the Kingdom such as salt, sugar, candle, milk-powder, printed textile, clothes, kitchen utensils, beer, soft drink products, electric tools including satellite televisions, mobile phones, SIM cards and rechargeable telephone cards among others. Objects in a living-room of an art-trader in Misumba, in the Eastern side of the Kuba Kingdom were observed in August, 2009 consisting of a ndop figure at the entrance on the left7, tiger-patterned sofa with arm chairs; artificial flowers in different colours; framed pictures on the wall; music-tower; television; dvd player etc.

6 Extract from interview, wood-carver, Mushenge, 10th August, 2009. 7 Here I would like to argue with Cornet (1982:49): “These objects are important for the Bakuba but not as important as we would think. It seems like the royal costumes are more valuable for the people than the less-known ndops.” I found that people are well-aware of ndops, especially in Mushenge. Informant Roger Isha Malangenge confirmed that “Bakuba people in general know what ndops are. They know their meaning and previous function. Only the very young ones do not know what a ndop is.”) Extract from a Skype-interview; Roger Isha Malangenge, 17th September, 2011) The ndop in the living room of a trader almost 300 kilometres from Mushenge also show the recognition and respect for this object. 10 Szilasi Ildikó

The introduction of the formal education system, the social pressure to ensure quality education for children and to pay the tuition fees also made a mark on the increased production of Kuba artefacts.

“One of my child studies in Kinshasa, another one in Lubumbashi. We need to pay for their tuition fees, their living costs. I give them some statues and carvings that they sell in the cities to ensure their costs. Our ancestors did not need to pay tuition fees. They kept their objects because they did not know how to make money by selling them8.”

Trade patterns and systems of production of Kuba art show great complexity. In the 21st century, the following groups reproducing wide-range of Kuba art including ndops could be distinguished:

o internal art producers o inland migrant art producers o ‘non-Bakuba’ Kuba art producers o international art producers.

I consider internal art producers those who are settled down and work within the territory of the Kuba Kingdom. Before, men occupied wood carving and the preparation of the raw cloth for raffia embroidery. After the preparation of the undecorated, natural colour raffia cloth women used to die and decorate them elaborately. The change of division of labour among sexes is observed as these-days men and young boys also take part in the embroidery of raffia cloth because for income generating purposes. Wood carvers have remained exclusively men. Women only help to smoothen the crafts or to put oil on the surface of these pieces to keep them clean and polish them. Internal Kuba art producers are producing both individually or in informal cooperatives. Individual producers sit down in the afternoon shade in front of their huts or small V shape roofs built by raffia palm leaves. Cooperatives mean 3–6 men or women sitting together, talking and having social life while producing. In Misumba, I have been taken for a walk by a village chief who proudly showed the new-style

8 Extract from interview, Mushenge, Mingashanga Mbantshi Jean du Moulin, ndop-carver, 11th August 2009. From 'Sacred Ndop' to 'just a statue' 11 houses having modern roofs “all of them made from art money”. Internal art producers organize commercial “caravans” to Kinshasa, Mwueka or Kananga but return to their home and invest at least a part of their money in their place of original settlement9. Inland migrant art producers migrate to bigger cities (Lubumbashi, Kinshasa) and establish sometimes individual but regularly cooperative ateliers (studios). I have observed two different production sites in Kinshasa: a household atelier of an individual wooden-box carver in Ngiri-Ngiri district and a collective atelier in the district of Kalamu, close to the historical and vibrant local central square called Victoire. Here, Kuba art producers plan their productions based on the demand of the consumers with high priority. This principle caused the invention of new objects, styles or the use of traditional motifs on new surfaces for external use. The top-selling products in Mingashanga Mbantshi Jean du Moulin’s atelier in Mushenge are: ndop replicas; crucifixes and miniaturized Buddha- statues made of ivory based on consumer demands as a basic principal10. In ateliers of migrant Bakuba’s in Kinshasa in Kalamu district, I observed the mass production of Christmas tree ornaments decorated with traditional Kuba geometrical patterns. Informants said that they have been demanded by a church and as it was an object they did not know before, it took time for them to understand what its shape and function really was. Now, they produce them in different colours with a hook on it so it could be hanged more easily on the Christmas tree. They are open to produce all sorts of objects to please the desire of their consumers.

9 These caravans could be organized 3 or 4 times a year. To Kinshasa and towards the west itineraries could be on foot or by motor bicycle to Ilebo via Mwueka, by boat on the Sankuru river or by flight from Ilebo to Kinshasa. Kananga or Lubumbashi to the South it could be approached by foot or by motor-bicycle. 10 It is highly interesting to observe Buddha statues at a geographical area where there is no historical nor actual practice of this religion. The length of this paper does not give space to analyse the very interesting example of the appearance of Buddha statues in the Central-Congo nor the ethics of carving ivory for the international market. 12 Szilasi Ildikó

Non-Bakuba Kuba art producers are sculptors of Non-Bakuba origin copying Kuba art pieces including ndops. Some of them study art from Kuba carvers in the Mushenge Art School that has been established by the Catholic Church in 1950. Since the foundation of this institution, Kuba art history and styles, symbolism of traditional motifs, carving of kuba boxes, drinking cups and ndops are taught officially. In the atelier of the Mushenge Art School, drawings of the early, emblematic ndops are drawn on the black board with chalk showing Kuba man producing the precise details on the measures of Christmas-tree ornament, the king statues and body details Kinshasa, 2009 enlarged. This is how newcomers learn the production of ndop replicas in a higher education institute recognized by the State.

“There are Luba students coming from Katanga and we are pleased to teach them Kuba culture. We are happy with the diffusion of Kuba art. Students used to say after graduating that they are living very well from our art.11”

The category of international art producers relate to Kuba artefacts including ndops extensively exported to art markets in Mali, Angola, Namibia or South-Africa among others. In some cases, not only objects are transported to these destinations, but Kuba international migrants settle down in those foreign capitals for the purpose of producing and selling. Therefore, not only objects but craft-makers circulate around the globe.

11 Extract from interview, Valentin Bope Shamantshie, head-master, Mushenge Art School, 8th August 2009. From 'Sacred Ndop' to 'just a statue' 13

Class room. Mushenge Art School, Mushenge, Kuba Kingdom, 2009

It is important to mention that Kuba objects are not only transformed in shape, function, size12, motifs, place and method of production and market exchange, but mass production also hampered the neglecting of some aspects of customary law. There are a distinct group of objects considered as royal regalia. All of them are elaborately decorated with cowrie shells and beads such as the basket of wisdom13, the ndop, some costumes and masks, drums, stools and some daily utensils. Due to the oral law of the Bushongo, objects decorated with shells and beads could be only prepared by specific artists from the royal court and for the unique use of the king or members of the royal family. It was a prohibition ordered by the king and disregarding this law was sanctioned in the past.

12 It is general that tourist art objects become reduced in size and lighter in weight to meet weight constrains of airlines more easily. 13 A regalia of the king that contains tradition knowledge inherited from Woot, the creator of humankind in Kuba mythology. 14 Szilasi Ildikó

Fake copies carving in Kinshasa, 2009

“Artists should demand authorisation from the royal court to fabric replicas of objects considered ‘royal’. The Mushenge Art School and some other artists have a direct authorisation from the king. But those, who are kept on illegal crafting in their huts or hidden places could be taken to the customary juridical court and be sanctioned.14”

Conclusions

To facilitate the analysis of the historical evolution of ndops and to get to our final conclusion on how social driving forces effected the changing production and commerce of kings’ statues, I will present two tables. Table no. 1 summarizes historical data in relation with

14 Extract from Skype-interview, Roger Isha Malangenge, 17th September, 2011. It is contradictory to see that one of the biggest Kuba craft stock in Kinshasa managed by art trader Ngoloshanga Marcel is full with royal regalia finely decorated with beads and shells therefore considered as prohibited objects. From 'Sacred Ndop' to 'just a statue' 15 ndop making15. Table no. 2 is a modelled version of table No. 1. introducing a schema on social indicators effecting the change of ndops during the past 100 years. Table No. 2. clearly presents how the ever-changing political and economical realities; globalisation; modernization; consumption; education and migration significantly and directly affected ndop carving, produce and exchange in the Kuba Kingdom. Vansina also favoured the existence of a

“meaningful relationship between these arts and society: the increased artistic sophistication, as well as the respect for rules and the creativity within the framework, coincided with the virtues expected from an analysis of the political and economic sectors.” (Vansina; 1978: 224)

The case study on ndops showed the evolution of a genre of art from all of its stages of transformation from the late 19th century. We saw that the study of material culture could be highly relevant with a holistic anthropological research looking at the whole cultural context of the studied object or material culture and considering the very complex and strong relationship between the change of material culture and society.

15 Additional information by the author are marked with grey in table No. 1. 16 Szilasi Ildikó

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From 'Sacred Ndop' to 'just a statue' 17

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Weblinks: http://royaumekuba.com/ http://www.ebay.com/itm/KUBA-nDOP-ROYAL-FIGURE-1690-African- Art-Gallery- /330597632958?pt=LH_DefaultDomain_0&hash=item4cf9278bbe