Burma-U.S. Relations
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↓ Burma (Myanmar)
↓ Burma (Myanmar) Population: 51,000,000 Capital: Rangoon Political Rights: 7 Civil Liberties: 7 Status: Not Free Trend Arrow: Burma received a downward trend arrow due to the largest offensive against the ethnic Karen population in a decade and the displacement of thousands of Karen as a result of the attacks. Overview: Although the National Convention, tasked with drafting a new constitution as an ostensible first step toward democracy, was reconvened by the military regime in October 2006, it was boycotted by the main opposition parties and met amid a renewed crackdown on opposition groups. Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party, remained under house arrest in 2006, and the activities of the NLD were severely curtailed. Meanwhile, a wide range of human rights violations against political activists, journalists, civil society actors, and members of ethnic and religious minority groups continued unabated throughout the year. The military pressed ahead with its offensive against ethnic Karen rebels, displacing thousands of villagers and prompting numerous reports of human rights abuses. The campaign, the largest against the Karen since 1997, had been launched in November 2005. After occupation by the Japanese during World War II, Burma achieved independence from Great Britain in 1948. The military has ruled since 1962, when the army overthrew an elected government that had been buffeted by an economic crisis and a raft of ethnic insurgencies. During the next 26 years, General Ne Win’s military rule helped impoverish what had been one of Southeast Asia’s wealthiest countries. The present junta, led by General Than Shwe, dramatically asserted its power in 1988, when the army opened fire on peaceful, student-led, prodemocracy protesters, killing an estimated 3,000 people. -
Burma's Long Road to Democracy
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Priscilla Clapp A career officer in the U.S. Foreign Service, Priscilla Clapp served as U.S. chargé d’affaires and chief of mission in Burma (Myanmar) from June 1999 to August 2002. After retiring from the Foreign Service, she has continued to Burma’s Long Road follow events in Burma closely and wrote a paper for the United States Institute of Peace entitled “Building Democracy in Burma,” published on the Institute’s Web site in July 2007 as Working Paper 2. In this Special to Democracy Report, the author draws heavily on her Working Paper to establish the historical context for the Saffron Revolution, explain the persistence of military rule in Burma, Summary and speculate on the country’s prospects for political transition to democracy. For more detail, particularly on • In August and September 2007, nearly twenty years after the 1988 popular uprising the task of building the institutions for stable democracy in Burma, public anger at the government’s economic policies once again spilled in Burma, see Working Paper 2 at www.usip.org. This into the country’s city streets in the form of mass protests. When tens of thousands project was directed by Eugene Martin, and sponsored by of Buddhist monks joined the protests, the military regime reacted with brute force, the Institute’s Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention. beating, killing, and jailing thousands of people. Although the Saffron Revolution was put down, the regime still faces serious opposition and unrest. -
China, India, and Myanmar: Playing Rohingya Roulette?
CHAPTER 4 China, India, and Myanmar: Playing Rohingya Roulette? Hossain Ahmed Taufiq INTRODUCTION It is no secret that both China and India compete for superpower standing in the Asian continent and beyond. Both consider South Asia and Southeast Asia as their power-play pivots. Myanmar, which lies between these two Asian giants, displays the same strategic importance for China and India, geopolitically and geoeconomically. Interestingly, however, both countries can be found on the same page when it comes to the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar’s Rakhine state. As the Myanmar army (the Tatmadaw) crackdown pushed more than 600,000 Rohingya refugees into Bangladesh, Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi’s government was vociferously denounced by the Western and Islamic countries.1 By contrast, China and India strongly sup- ported her beleaguered military-backed government, even as Bangladesh, a country both invest in heavily, particularly on a competitive basis, has sought each to soften Myanmar’s Rohingya crackdown and ease a medi- ated refugee solution. H. A. Taufiq (*) Global Studies & Governance Program, Independent University of Bangladesh, Dhaka, Bangladesh e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2019 81 I. Hussain (ed.), South Asia in Global Power Rivalry, Global Political Transitions, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-7240-7_4 82 H. A. TAUFIQ China’s and India’s support for Myanmar is nothing new. Since the Myanmar military seized power in September 1988, both the Asian pow- ers endeavoured to expand their influence in the reconfigured Myanmar to protect their national interests, including heavy investments in Myanmar, particularly in the Rakhine state. -
Myanmar Coup and Internet Shutdowns
Briefing Note 1 February - 31 March 2021 Myanmar Coup and Internet Shutdowns Overview On 1 February 2021, the Myanmar military junta, alleging widespread voter fraud Asia Centre’s Briefing Note, Myanmar staged a coup and took political control of the country. They did so after months- Coup and Internet Shutdowns, tracks the period 1 February to 31 March long refusal to accept the National League for Democracy’s (NLD) victory in the 2021. The Note provides a timeline of 2020 general election (Reuters, 2021). A one-year public emergency was the shutdowns, reactions from declared under section 417 of the 2008 Constitution. Since 1 February, the protestors, technology companies and the international community, legal military junta has shut down the internet, blocked access to online sites, disabled analysis of key laws and Myanmar’s mobile internet access, closed down media companies and arrested online international obligations. Over the dissenters and journalists as the protests continue into April 2021. There has course of the coup, it records a shift in been an intensification of internet and media control with the aim of crippling the tactics by the military junta from internet content censorship to internet protests and halting the spread of pictures and videos of security personnel using infrastructure control. Asia Centre will disproportionate force against protestors. What we see in Myanmar is a shift in continue to track developments related tactics by the military junta from internet content censorship to infrastructure to internet -
Regional Reverberations from Regime Shake-Up in Rangoon.Qxd
Asia-PacificAsia-Pacific SecuritySecurity SStudiestudies RegionalRegional ReverberationsReverberations fromfrom RegimeRegime Shake-upShake-up inin RangoonRangoon Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies Volume 4 - Number 1, January 2005 Key Findings The reverberations from the recent regime shake-up in Rangoon continue to be felt in regional capitals. Since prime minister Khin Nyunt was the chief architect of closer China-Burma strategic ties, his sudden removal has been interpret- ed as a major setback for China's strategic goals in Burma. Dr. Mohan Malik is a Professor with the Asia-Pacific Center for However, an objective assessment of China's strategic and eco- Security Studies. nomic needs and Burma's predicament shows that Beijing is His work focuses main- unlikely to easily give up what it has already gained in and ly on Asian Geopolitics through Burma. From China's perspective, Burma should be and Proliferation in Asia-Pacific region. His satisfied to gain a powerful friend, a permanent member of the most recent APCSS UN Security Council, and an economic superpower that comes publication is “India-China Relations: bearing gifts of much needed military hardware, economic aid, Giants Stir, Cooperate infrastructure projects and diplomatic support. and Compete ” The fact remains that ASEAN, India and Japan cannot compete with China either in providing military assistance, diplomatic support or in offering trade and investment benefits. With the UN-brokered talks on political reconciliation having reached a dead end, it might be worthwhile to start afresh with a dia- logue framework of ASEAN+3 (ASEAN plus China, India and Japan) on Burma. This would also put to test China's oft-stated commitment to multi- lateralism and Beijing's penchant for "Asian solutions to Asian problems". -
Myanmar's Security Outlook and the Myanmar Defence Services
CHAPTER 7 Myanmar’s Security Outlook and the Myanmar Defence Services Tin Maung Maung Than Introduction: Elected civilian government and the military in politics There were expressions of disappointment and even outright condemnation by the West and opposition groups that viewed the 7 November 2010 elections, held under the auspices of the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), as neither free nor fair as well as lacking inclusiveness. Allegations of votes being manipulated in favour of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP that was transformed from the military-sponsored Union Solidarity and Development Organization, led by former prime minister and retired general U Thein Sein), the boycott of National League for Democracy (NLD, which convincingly won the 1990 election and whose leader Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was still under house arrest had refused to re-register for competing in the polls) and complaints of unfair election laws tarnished the victory of the USDP which won overwhelmingly. By winning over 79 percent of the contested seats in the Pyithu Hluttaw (People’s Assembly or lower house of parliament) and nearly 77 percent in the Amyotha Hluttaw (National Assembly or upper house of parliament) at the national level and substantially (majority party in all seven states and seven regions) at the provincial level, the USDP was in a position to form the Union Government as well as the respective Region/State Governments. Though the Chairman of the SPDC Senior General Than Shwe and the Vice Chairman -
The Brookings Institution
MYANMAR-2021/07/22 1 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION WEBINAR THE QUAGMIRE IN MYANMAR: HOW SHOULD THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY RESPOND? Washington, D.C. Thursday, July 22, 2021 PARTICIPANTS: JONATHAN STROMSETH Senior Fellow Lee Kuan Yew Chair in Southeast Asian Studies, Foreign Policy The Brookings Institution AYE MIN THANT Features Editor Frontier Myanmar Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Formerly at Reuters MARY CALLAHAN Associate Professor Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies University of Washington DEREK MITCHELL President National Democratic Institute for International Affairs Former U.S. Ambassador to Myanmar (Burma) KAVI CHONGKITTAVORN Senior Fellow Institute of Security and International Studies Chulalongkorn University’ Columnist Bangkok Post * * * * * ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 1800 Diagonal Road, Suite 600 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 MYANMAR-2021/07/22 2 P R O C E E D I N G S MR. STROMSETH: Greetings. I’m Jonathan Stromseth, the Lee Kuan Yew Chair in Southeast Asian Studies at Brookings and I’m pleased to welcome everyone to this timely event, the quagmire in Myanmar: How should the international community respond? Early this year, the Burmese military also known as the Tatmadaw detained State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and other civilian leaders in a coup d’état ending a decade of quasi- democracy in the country. The junta has since killed hundreds of protestors and detained thousands of activists and politicians, but mass protests and mass civil disobedience activities continue unabated. In addition, a devasting humanitarian crisis has engulfed the country as people go hungry, the healthcare system has collapsed and COVID-19 has exploded adding a new sense of urgency as well as desperate calls for emergency assistance. -
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2005 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 8, 2006
Burma Page 1 of 24 2005 Human Rights Report Released | Daily Press Briefing | Other News... Burma Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2005 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 8, 2006 Since 1962, Burma, with an estimated population of more than 52 million, has been ruled by a succession of highly authoritarian military regimes dominated by the majority Burman ethnic group. The current controlling military regime, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), led by Senior General Than Shwe, is the country's de facto government, with subordinate Peace and Development Councils ruling by decree at the division, state, city, township, ward, and village levels. In 1990 prodemocracy parties won more than 80 percent of the seats in a generally free and fair parliamentary election, but the junta refused to recognize the results. Twice during the year, the SPDC convened the National Convention (NC) as part of its purported "Seven-Step Road Map to Democracy." The NC, designed to produce a new constitution, excluded the largest opposition parties and did not allow free debate. The military government totally controlled the country's armed forces, excluding a few active insurgent groups. The government's human rights record worsened during the year, and the government continued to commit numerous serious abuses. The following human rights abuses were reported: abridgement of the right to change the government extrajudicial killings, including custodial deaths disappearances rape, torture, and beatings of -
Political Monitor No.6
Euro-Burma Office 1 to 11 February 2011 Political Monitor POLITICAL MONITOR NO. 6 THAN SHWE TO HEAD EXTRA-CONSTITUTIONAL “STATE SUPREME COUNCIL” Although the SPDC regime had indicated that it would hand over state power to President Thein Sein and his government, junta chief Senior-General Than Shwe has now revealed that he will personally lead a newly created council called the “State Supreme Council”, which, as its name implies, will be the most powerful body in the country, according to sources in Nay Pyi Taw. Two bodies have now emerged in the new government's administrative structure that observers say will have powers that reach—either directly or indirectly—above and beyond the powers of the new civilian executive and legislative branches. The first is the 8 member State Supreme Council, not mentioned in the 2008 Constitution. The second is the 11 member National Defence and Security Council (NDSC), which is in the 2008 Constitution and will be led by Thein Sein. “The State Supreme Council will become the highest body of the state. While it will assume an advisory role to guide the future governments, the body will be very influential,” says a source close to the military. The members of the State Supreme Council will include: 1 Sr-Gen Than Shwe former SPDC Chair (78) 2 V-Sr-Gen Maung Aye former SPDC Vice-Chair (74) Speaker, Pyithu 3 Thura Shwe Mann former SPDC member, General (64) Hluttaw 4 Thein Sein former SPDC Lt-Gen (66) President 5 Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo former General (61) Vice-President 6 Tin Aye former SPDC Member, Lt-Gen Ordinance A yet unidentified senior military 7 general A yet unidentified senior military 8 general As required by the 2008 Constitution, the NDSC will be made up of: 1. -
The Impact of Censorship on the Development of the Private Press Industry in Myanmar/Burma
Reuters Institute Fellowship Paper University of Oxford The Impact of Censorship on the Development of the Private Press Industry in Myanmar/Burma by Kyaw Thu Michaelmas 2011 & Hilary 2012 Sponsor: Thomson Reuters Foundation 1 Acknowledgements This study would not have been possible without the support of several people who have generously assisted me throughout my study. First and foremost, I would like to thank the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism (RISJ) and the Thomson Reuters Foundation for giving me the valuable opportunity to study at the University of Oxford. I would like to thank James Painter and Dr. Peter Bajomi-Lazar for their good guidance and encouragement. I also thank RISJ director David Levy and staff at the RISJ - Sara Kalim, Alex Reid, Rebecca Edwards and Kate Hanneford-Smith - for their support during my fellowship period. In addition, I would to thank Professor Robert H. Taylor and Dr. Peter Pritchard for their useful advice. Last but not least, I would like to thank my fellow journalists from Myanmar for participating in my survey and the publishers who gave me interviews for this research paper. Information on the use of country name The use of the country name of Myanmar has been controversial among the international community since the military government changed the names of the country and cities in 1988. From that point on, Burma officially became Myanmar and Rangoon became Yangon. In this paper, I will use Burma when I refer to the period before the junta changed the name and use Myanmar for the later period. -
Myanmar Woodfuels Sector Assessment
Public Disclosure Authorized MYANMAR WOODFUELS SECTOR Public Disclosure Authorized ASSESSMENT JUNE 2020 Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Report No: AUS0001529 . Myanmar Country Forest Note WOODFUELS SECTOR ASSESSMENT . June 2020 . Environment, Natural Resources and The Blue Economy Global Practice . © 2020 The World Bank 1818 H Street NW, Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000; Internet: www.worldbank.org Some rights reserved This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of the Executive Directors of The World Bank or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permissions The material in this work is subject to copyright. Because The World Bank encourages dissemination of its knowledge, this work may be reproduced, in whole or in part, for noncommercial purposes as long as full attribution to this work is given. Attribution—Please cite the work as follows: “World Bank. 2020. Myanmar Woodfuels Sector Assessment. © World Bank.” All queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should be addressed to World Bank Publications, The World Bank Group, 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA; fax: 202-522-2625; e-mail: [email protected]. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments ................................................................................................................................................. -
Acts Adopted Under Title V of the Treaty on European Union)
L 108/88EN Official Journal of the European Union 29.4.2005 (Acts adopted under Title V of the Treaty on European Union) COUNCIL COMMON POSITION 2005/340/CFSP of 25 April 2005 extending restrictive measures against Burma/Myanmar and amending Common Position 2004/423/CFSP THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, (8) In the event of a substantial improvement in the overall political situation in Burma/Myanmar, the suspension of Having regard to the Treaty on European Union, and in these restrictive measures and a gradual resumption of particular Article 15 thereof, cooperation with Burma/Myanmar will be considered, after the Council has assessed developments. Whereas: (9) Action by the Community is needed in order to (1) On 26 April 2004, the Council adopted Common implement some of these measures, Position 2004/423/CFSP renewing restrictive measures 1 against Burma/Myanmar ( ). HAS ADOPTED THIS COMMON POSITION: (2) On 25 October 2004, the Council adopted Common Position 2004/730/CFSP on additional restrictive Article 1 measures against Burma/Myanmar and amending Annexes I and II to Common Position 2004/423/CFSP shall be Common Position 2004/423/CFSP (2). replaced by Annexes I and II to this Common Position. (3) On 21 February 2005, the Council adopted Common Position 2005/149/CFSP amending Annex II to Article 2 Common Position 2004/423/CFSP (3). Common Position 2004/423/CFSP is hereby renewed for a period of 12 months. (4) The Council would recall its position on the political situation in Burma/Myanmar and considers that recent developments do not justify suspension of the restrictive Article 3 measures.