The Instrumental Effect of Cultural Conservation on Pro-Environmental Behavior in the Squam Lakes Watershed

The Instrumental Effect of Cultural Conservation on Pro-environmental Behavior in the Squam Lakes Watershed

By Kelly Buchanan University of Colorado at Boulder

A thesis submitted to the University of Colorado at Boulder in partial fulfillment of the requirements to receive Honors designation in Environmental Studies December 2016

Thesis Advisors:

Amanda Carrico, Environmental Studies, Committee Chair Paul Lander, Geography Dale Miller, Environmental Studies, Honors Council Represenative

Table of Contents Abstract ...... ii Preface ...... iii Introduction ...... 1 Background ...... 3 Geography ...... 3 Historical Context ...... 5 Literature Review ...... 12 Common Pool Resource Framework ...... 12 Behavioral and Social Norms ...... 17 Environmental Concern, Values, and Ethics ...... 20 Methods ...... 22 Results and Discussion ...... 27 Conservation Ethic or Ethos ...... 27 Social Values and Pressures, Community Development ...... 33 Wealth ...... 38 Family Influence ...... 43 Recommendations and Conclusion ...... 46 Bibliography ...... 51 Appendix A ...... 55 Appendix B ...... 56

Abstract

My senior thesis research project seeks to successfully identify the origins of a unique culture of conservation in the Squam Lakes Watershed community. This project involves identifying the effects of that culture and examining how those effects influences pro- environmental behavior, with special concern for conservation actions. The objective in identifying those variables is to better inform professionals, policy makers, and local governments on how best to address changing negative environmental behavior and culture in their own communities to better cope with sustainability, conservation, and climate change dilemmas. The results of this project were obtained through qualitative research based in ethnography. I conducted semi-structured interviews to better understand the community, their culture, and pro-environmental behaviors. The results suggest the creation of a community conservation ethic or ethos, social values and pressure, community development, existing wealth, and family relationships are key to creating a culture of conservation in a similarly sized community. Recommendations for professionals, policy makers, and local governments include the development of a conservation action plan, a holistic conservation organization, educational and recreation programs, as well as a social forum surrounding the conservation organization.

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Preface My personal interest in the community at Squam and their unique model of conservation began 4 summers ago on my first visit to the home of Tom and Barbara

Beal. Chase Pennoyer, my best friend, had described the area as pristine, upscale, and exclusive before I arrived at his grandparents’ home. I was expecting a giant mansion and fancy dinners. When we pulled up the driveway in 2013, I was happily surprised. The

Beal’s camp house was simple, fitting with the landscape, and centered around enjoying the lake and good company. Their gentile, welcoming, and eco-centric way of life enticed my curiosity. Those first two weeks at Squam made me ask, “Why do these people care so much about conservation?” Despite my upbringing in progressive Boulder, CO, I never experienced that sort of cultural appreciation and social experience around conservation. Over the next two summers, I continued to spend time at Squam and with the community. I gained a better understanding the history of Squam, its people, and traditions. When I had the chance to develop a topic for my senior thesis project, Squam was the obvious choice to develop my personal and professional interests in community development, conservation, and behavior.

I must acknowledge Tom and Barbara Beal and all their family (Penelope,

Sheldon, Chase, Pier, Jen, Julian, Katalina, Brian, and Alex) for their never-ending hospitality and love. Without you all this project would not have been possible. I thank you all for your encouragement and help over the years. Thank you Mom and Dad for putting up with my continued absence from summers in Colorado and your never-ending support. Thank you Grandmom and Grandad Beal and Sheldon and Penelope for opening your beautiful and happy homes to me this summer (and other summers!). Thank you to iv the Squam Lakes Association, Squam Conservation Society, and the Loon Preservation

Committee. Your professional guidance, help, encouragement, and references allowed this research to be possible and successful. Thank you to every person who agreed to be interviewed. Your patience and willingness to sacrifice your time to share your knowledge is invaluable to my experience on this project. Thank you to Amanda Carrico,

Paul Lander, and Dale Miller. Your academic guidance on this project, support, and incredible dedication of time made this project possible. Thank you Mom, Dad, and

Chase for listening to my never-ending frustrations and occasional successes.

Introduction The Squam Lakes Watershed in the Lakes Region of New Hampshire has captured the attention of travelers and locals alike since the 1800s. Squam Lake’s pristine and placid waters, abundant wildlife, and dense forests perpetuate its quiet and spiritual experience for thousands of residents. These residents are a special breed of conservation and lake enthusiasts. The residents at Squam Lake possess a unique desire to protect the

Squam Lakes Watershed, the surrounding land, and community for future generations in its current state or better. These people work diligently to create social and cultural norms to achieve their purpose through associations and interactions in their community. Their incredible passion for the conservation of Squam Lake and its surrounding lands forms the basis of my research questions: Why does the Squam community demonstrate an exceptional culture of conservation? How does this encourage pro-environmental behavior? Can this behavior be transferred to other locations? In order to answer the aforementioned questions, I will employ a qualitative approach using semi-structured interviews to explore the history of conservation at Squam Lake.

The objective of my research is to illustrate how the community at Squam Lake propagates its unique culture of conservation to make pro-environmental choices and how it influences social behavior. More directly, I plan to show how this cultural context affects the behavior of people who move to or spend time at Squam Lake. After examining how behaviors are created at Squam, I will synthesize my findings and translate them into an appropriate format for creating conservation concerned and pro- environmental communities in other communities. This method increases the 2 translatability of my data. This research’s relevance in addressing modern problems bolsters its importance. The task of changing a culture deeply rooted in negative environmental behavior daunts professionals, policy makers, and governments alike. By addressing the special circumstances at Squam, I hope to provide those aforementioned actors with the necessary information to change their communities’ cultures and behaviors to better cope with climate change, conservation, and sustainability initiatives.

Background It is necessary to consider the major conservation factors at play in the Squam

Lakes Watershed community to provide context to my research. The historical context, geography, and community development illustrate the origins of a unique culture of conservation.

Geography The Squam Lakes watershed is located in central New Hampshire in the Lakes

Region, also home to the much larger Lake Winnipesauke. This watershed borders 8 distinct towns and holds around 7,173 acres of surface area water. The watershed includes Squam Lake, Little Squam, and a small natural canal connecting the two larger bodies of water. Also included in the watershed are Barville Pong, Intervale Pond,

Jackson Pond, Kesumpe Pond, Owl Brook, Sky Pond, and White Oak Pond. The maximum length of the watershed is 7 miles and the maximum width is 4.6 miles. Squam

Lake reaches maximum depths of 98 feet (average depth of 36 feet) with 60.5 miles of shoreline at an elevation of 561 feet. The shoreline of the Squam Lakes watershed is primarily rocky and woody, while the bottom of is sandy, gravelly, and rocky. The watershed holds 30 named islands and various smaller, unnamed islets.

The surrounding area of the Squam Lakes Watershed is mountainous, with lower valleys. The major mountains include the Rattlesnakes, Cotton Mountain, Mt. Livermore,

Mt. Webster, Mt. Morgan, Mt. Percival, Mt. Squam, Doublehead Mountain, Peaked Hill,

Mt. Dinsmore, Mt. Israel, Black Mountain, Sachem Peak, Sandwich Dome, Eagle Cliff, and Red Hill. The surrounding land of the watershed is either privately owned, incorporated in the White Mountain National Forest or the Sandwich Range Wilderness, or deemed as conservation land (including private and public conservation easements). 4

Squam Lake provides an exceptional habitat for various species classified as threatened or endangered. Most notably, the watershed is home to species such as the

Common Loon, Bald Eagles, and Osprey. Although many other species fill the surrounding land and water, these particular species bolster the cultural experience around Squam. The status of the Common Loon is often discussed at social events, in passing, and featured as a lure to tourists and summer residents. Community volunteerism around Common Loon protection, fund raising, and political action is a unique facet of the Squam experience and history. The Loon Protection Committee organizes conservation across the Lakes Region and employs a unique program to protect Squam’s

Common Loons specifically. Their role in engaging the community, spreading conservation information, and organizing conservation events and interest contributes to the cultural experience at Squam. The Bald Eagles and Osprey also provide a point of interest, conversation, and tourism, especially within the guided tours of Squam conducted by the Squam Lakes Natural Science Center. The SLNSC plays a pivotal role in protecting wildlife and educating the public regarding those species. Their role in the community is necessary to mention when examining the culture of conservation at

Squam.

The eight towns bordering the watershed include Ashland (1868), Center Harbor

(1797), Holderness (1761), Sandwich (1763), Moultonborough (1777), Meredith (1768),

Campton (1761), and New Hampton (1777). The associated counties include Belknap,

Carroll, and Grafton. Meredith has the largest population of 6,241, while Center Harbor is the smallest at 1,096, closely followed by Sandwich with 1,326. Ashland, Holderness,

Moultonborough, Meredith, and New Hampton all hold around 2,000 in population, 5 while Campton holds around 3,000. During the summer, residency and population increase drastically. Many travel from the lower east coast to spend the summer months at the Squam Lakes Watershed. A map of this geographic area may be found in appendix

Historical Context The beginning of the Squam Lakes Watershed community dates back to 1800s.

New Hampshire, during that time, served as a rural outpost and escape. The trip to the area was expensive from the major cities of the East Coast. According to Mitman (2007) in Breathing Space, “Beginning in the 1870s thousands of wealthy hay fever sufferers fled the heat, flight, and dust of the cities in mid-August each year to lounge at luxurious hay fever resorts in the cultivated wilderness of the White Mountains in New

Hampshire…” (6). This piece of historical context illuminates the development of the

White Mountains and Lakes Region in New Hampshire, especially in regards to Squam

Lake. The purpose of these geographic regions was to provide refuge and relief during the summer months. Because tourists and residents required a natural space free of regular development to protect their health, the Squam Lakes Watershed developed in a unique model of conservation. The use of the White Mountains as a summer retreat perpetuates today and is a valued asset to the state of New Hampshire.

Due to the costly and lengthy travel to the Lakes Region for leisure, the wealthy primarily made the trip to Squam Lake in the 1870s. The influx of the wealth created a base for conservation funding, publicity, and awareness. Because the Lakes Region and

White Mountains in New Hampshire found a niche within the tourism industry so early in their history, the promotion of conservation remains strong today. Mitman goes on to say,

“Seasonal residence made hay fever sufferers, like tourists in general, outsiders to the 6 local community. But their wealthy, patronage, and illness combined to make them a powerful force in town development and land use” (39). Although Mitman alludes to the diminished power of the local community, their regions found stability and development goals from the wealthy to preserve the character of their environment. Today, the local community engages side by side the wealthy summer residents to achieve common goals in conservation.

Specific to the Squam Lakes watershed within the White Mountains, it is necessary to consider the influence of conservation groups over more recent history. The most notable of those is the Squam Lakes Association. The SLA was founded in 1904,

“…to protect the Squam Lakes watershed through conservation, education, and outreach programs” (squamlakes.org). Their strategy to incorporate a healthy lake, healthy land, and healthy community encourages a unique set of conservation goals. The SLA’s mission statement includes provisions for natural beauty, peaceful character, and watershed resources. By considering the watershed holistically and as a system, the end result of conservation prevails. The success of the SLA over more than 100 years is found in their funding resources, cooperation with local and state entities, community education

(in ethics, recreation, conservation), volunteerism, sponsored seminars, research, and holistic approach to preserve the health tourism model developed in the 1800s.

Other notable conservation groups in the area include: Audubon Society of New

Hampshire, Lakes Region Conservation Trust, Loon Preservation Committee, New

England Forestry Foundation, New Hampshire Lakes Association, New Hampshire

Preservation Alliance, Society for the Protection of New Hampshire Forests, Squam 7

Lakes Conservation Society, Squam Lakes Natural Science Center, and White Oak Pond

Watershed Association.

The SLA’s involvement in watershed planning, reporting, and monitoring point to their continued promotion of the 1800s health tourism model with a modern consideration for ecological health. In 1991, the SLA in conjunction with others entities developed a plan for sustainable long-term use of the watershed and surrounding land

(1991 Watershed Plan). Their considerations included limiting resource use, regulating land use, water quality maintenance, actions to counteract pollution, protection of wildlife and their habitats, recreation principles, land protection techniques, regional coordination, cooperative actions between watershed towns, and education.

In response to the 1984 request by Governor Sununu of NH, the NH Council on

Resources and Economic Development (CORD) created a report on the status of the

Lakes Region, its future development, eco-tourism, and ecological health. In 1985, the boards of selectmen in the five towns surrounding Squam and Little Squam wrote to the

Governor to ask for help preparing a lake management plan in response to the CORD report. The request made by the selectmen created a pilot program to develop a lake management plan, develop a state model for watershed management, and explore new management approaches. The Governor then incorporated the Office of State Planning to follow the watershed management plan closely at Squam and use it as a future prototype for other communities. The motivation to approach the Governor after being aware of a

CORD report and create a new pilot program to guide the rest of New Hampshire highlights a unique conservation culture and consideration for ecological health. 8

The 1991 Watershed Plan incorporated several notable recommendations that influence environmental protection, building code, land use, and recreation today. Figure

1 below illustrates various building practices still respected by the Squam community today. Their implementation requires sacrifices from building owners, but preserves the natural aesthetic of the lake by reducing the intrusion of development and human footprint.

Water monitoring and pollution management is also important to mention from this 1991 Plan. The water quality of the Squam Lake has been monitored by the

University of New Hampshire’s Lay Monitoring Program and by SLA volunteers. Their water samples track chlorophyll, water transparency, and phosphorus to determine the level of productivity in the water. The 1991 Plan states the water quality, “…can be classified as oligotrophic… of low productivity”. Despite this, subtle changes in quality 9 could be perceived over time, which pointed to increased levels of pollution. Suggestions for managing this threat included storm water management, improved septic disposal practices, inventories of watershed threats, control of erosion, water quality inclusion to municipal master plans, and increasing lake monitoring. Wildlife suggestions included building sites evaluate the presence of habitat and make open space considerations for habitat.

The recreation recommendations from 1991 play a large part in protection environmental resources, while preserving the history of tourism at Squam. The

Watershed Plan evaluated “the question of access”. Their proposal included the public should have access to the watershed as public waters, surface water use was to be managed at an appropriate level and capacity to maintain public safety and environmental health, and public and private sectors must coordinate public use of the lake. The

Watershed Plan highlighted activities such as swimming, picnicking, and camping to take just as much importance as boating. This alludes to the historic value of peaceful recreating and health tourism. Boating access and public access had recommendations to be increased. Considerations for “quiet zones” 250 feet from shore, wildlife protection zones 500 feet from their origin, and methods to decrease the prevalence of boats banned

(house boats), as well as points of rule keeping to monitor boats for invasive species

(milfoil), maintain impacts (trash, sanitation), and maintain counts on boat/visitor traffic.

Most notably, the 1991 Watershed Plan boldly stated, “The State of New Hampshire, and towns within the watershed, should be prepared to reduce the size and power of boats, and to restrict boating speeds further” (23). This facet of the 1991 Plan has continued a tradition of lower impact recreation in the watershed. 10

Other notable facets of the 1991 Watershed Plan include land conservation, municipal cooperation, and education. The 1991 Plan identifies priority land protection areas. These areas are generally of high ecological, natural resource, or recreation value.

Undeveloped islands, extensive undeveloped shoreline, habitat for rare or endangered flora and fauna, hiking trails, wildlife corridors, and wetlands were given the highest consideration. The techniques employed by the 1991 Plan suggest conservation easements as a reliable source of protection. The Plan recommends private and non- governmental groups put these types areas on high priority for acquisition. Municipal cooperation acts as one of the most interesting, holistic recommendations of the 1991

Plan. The authors emphasize municipal communication between the 5 towns bordering the watershed could improve consistent zoning ordinances and appropriate resource management protection.

As a final consideration, the 1991 Watershed Plan addressed how the separate municipalities could afford these adaptations. The authors suggested lake-use related activities have charges such as boat launch fees, bob-house fees, a portion of boat licensing fees, dock fees, and most notably fines against new development in the watershed. It is notable to mention the SLA is currently developing a 2016 Watershed

Plan and involving the community in discussion regarding future conservation.

The history behind the development of the Squam Lakes Watershed, the long implementation of organizations like the Squam Lakes Association, and community development efforts around the 1991 Watershed Plan help create a unique conservation model. Their role in determining the current health and vitality of the watershed raise 11 sociological and environmental themes that require further probing to better explain the associated impacts and origins.

Literature Review Examining the research questions associated with this project requires a better understanding of the literature regarding common pool resources (CPR) and the resulting pro-environmental behavior, cultural conservation, and social norms within communities.

Probing relevant literature will help answer: Why does the Squam community demonstrate an exceptional culture of conservation? How does this encourage pro- environmental behavior? Can this behavior be transferred to other locations? In this review, I will specifically address the links between cultural conservation, pro- environmental behavior, and their connection to the Squam Lakes watershed in order to create a translatable and generalizable set of recommendations for local sustainability and conservation resiliency.

The research conducted in this area has been primarily oriented towards describing common pool resources, cultural norms and pro-environmental behavior, rather than creating a template for how to promote cultural conservation norms and pro- environmental behaviors in other places. I seek to address this research deficit with the ultimate goal of better informing professionals, policy makers, and governments about their options for coping with climate change, sustainability and conservation problems.

Common Pool Resource Framework To frame the conservation model at Squam, it is necessary to describe common pool resource theory. Ostrom et al (1994) provides significant theoretical framework for common pool resources, as well as their rules, outcomes, and problems. Common pool resources (CPRs) face two primary problems including appropriation and provision problems. 13

Appropriation problems assume yield and input levels from the environment and its resources are a fixed given value, the problem lies within excluding potential beneficiaries and allocating subtractable flow (Ostrom, 1994). Appropriation problems are time independent, face externalities related to inefficient or efficient levels of resource use, face assignment problems to valuable or “good” spots, and experience externalities related to technological development. Some of these considerations may apply to the CPR found in the Squam Lakes Watershed. Squam certainly faces externalities related to inefficient or efficient use of its resources. Although the Squam community does not extract many resources from the environment, they do extract a benefit from eco-tourism, recreation, and economic development surrounding the lake.

Assignment of valuable or “good” spots, as described by Ostrom, is managed by simple economics. The most valuable land requires family inheritance, donation, or an expensive purchase on the free market. Lake front properties have a relatively low turn over rate, are taxed highly, and often sell for millions. Although donation certainly assigns land a certain use and value, it does sometimes allow public use and enjoyment.

Provision problems describe creating a community resource, maintaining or improving the production capabilities of a resource, or avoiding the destruction of the resource (Ostrom, 1994). In this case, the resources facility of a CPR is problematic.

Provision problems certainly apply to the Squam Lakes Watershed CPR. It is evident through NGO activity, watershed planning, and community participation that this CPR faces problems maintaining and improving the ecological health, tourism, and economic development around the lake. Organizations such as the Squam Lakes Association, 14

Squam Lakes Natural Science Center, Loon Preservation Committee, and others remain active in the community and conservation efforts through public funding and interest.

Appropriation and provision problems in CPRs require the community to consider allocating the optimal size and productive nature of a resource facility, while considering the cost and beneficiaries included. These problems lead to certain behavioral incentives to produce certain outcomes. Behavior incentives can include changing appropriation in a

CPR to alter the production or maintenance of a resource in response to demand side provisions, or the pressure from visitors and residents to develop or conserve the resource. Behavior incentives may also contribute resources to the protection or maintenance of a CPR, which describes supply side provisions. Either of these situations may suffer from free rider problems within the community and CPR.

Originally, Hardin theorized common pool resource dilemmas and “The Tragedy of the Commons” create tragic situations (where individual rationality does not equate to community rationality) suboptimal outcomes, and some institutional alternatives.

Oppositely, Ostrom seeks to define a different term: CPR situations. CPR situations, as per Ostrom, incorporate action arena structures and can create optimal outcomes in common pool resource communities. Action arenas surrounding CPR situations include participants, positions, actions, potential outcomes, transformation functions, information, and payoffs. The influences surrounding these variables include rules, attributes of the physical world, and the nature of the community. In this research, I focus primarily upon the nature of the community as a guiding influence in positive CPR outcomes. Rules, attributes of the physical world, and the nature of the community in the

Squam Lakes Watershed must be defined to better this study. 15

Ostrom defines rules as prescriptions that define what actions are required, prohibited, or permitted (plus sanctions). These rules may be formal resulting from government policy, or informal resulting from community involvement. Rules contribute to better outcomes. Ostrom points out simple rules create easy to follow expectations, reduced complexity, and likely joint outcomes. In understanding such rules, the community develops social capital, which can take long periods of time to create and short periods of time to destroy. It is necessary to consider the implications of such rules in the Squam community, especially pertaining to social capital.

In CPR situations, the physical world may include the physical possibility of actions, the producibility of outcomes, the linkages of actions to outcomes, and the knowledge of actors (Ostrom). Ostrom defines the community as a unit that affects the structure of an action arena, accepted norms of behavior, the level of common understanding about action arenas, the extent to which the preferences are homogeneous, and the distribution of resources among members. This term is often referred to as

“culture” and applies to my definition of a “culture of conservation” in the Squam community. Ostrom goes on to explain the nature of the community may play special influence if the community is relatively homogeneous where individuals repeatedly interact with one another across various venues. Ostrom also states norms of behavior become a form of social capital that can be drawn on repeatedly as the foundation for cooperation solutions to CPR dilemmas/situations (Ostrom, 1994). I hypothesize the nature of the community, or culture, in the Squam Lakes Watershed community plays a pivotal role in determining conservation outcomes, pro-environmental behavior, and social norms. 16

When explaining CPR situations, Ostrom offers several explanations regarding communication within communities over CPRs. “Studies of repetitive CPR situations in field settings show that appropriators in many, but by no means all, settings adopt cooperative strategies that enhance their joint payoffs without the presence of external enforcers” (Ostrom, 1994). This statement explains communication is a necessary, but not a sufficient condition to create optimal CPR outcomes. Furthermore, Ostrom finds enforcers may or may not be necessary, nor sufficient, to create optimal outcomes. Many

CPR situations create monitoring or enforcement strategies that are taken on my participants themselves, without external support. In a CPR situation, communication creates optimal outcomes inline with social desires. Communication offers promises, changes behavior expectations, changes payoff structures, re-enforces normative structure, and develops a group identity (culture). Communication may also improve the efficiency of a community, especially with repeat interactions that promise cooperation or chastise a lack of conformance. When examining the Squam Lakes Watershed in research, considering communication tactics helps explain its common pool resource framework.

Acknowledging the CPR problems in appropriation and provision in the Squam

Lakes Watershed is necessary to better understand social motivation, cultural norms, and pro-environmental behaviors in the community. Using the CPR theoretical model as a guide, I will examine the resulting behaviors and outcomes within the Squam Lakes

Watershed. The following theories provide a framework in which to analyze behaviors and outcomes efficiently. 17

Behavioral and Social Norms Various theoretical frameworks examine the importance of social and cultural expectations in creating pro-environmental behaviors related to CPR situations. Nye and

Hargreaves (2010) state, “Negotiation and enactment of pro-environmental behavior is intrinsically related to social contexts of interaction” (139). These authors go on to state that pro-environmental behavior is constructed and defined in interaction and then translated into action. Nye and Hargreaves examine the social dynamics of pro- environmental behavior change by using symbolic interactionism, in which they point to the role of social rules in shaping the mechanisms for pro environmental actions. This theoretical tradition helps me construct meaningful research questions that probe the importance of culture and social collectivism in developing conservation ethics and pro- environmental behavior. Their theory also touches on the importance of informal social rules and the benefits of working as a collective, both of which I believe to be present at

Squam. These pivotal variables will help enlighten deeper research into pro- environmental behavior within communities.

Gintus et al (2003) examine the importance of altruistic behavior in humans.

Creating altruism within a community as a solution for climate change, conservation, and sustainability related problems would significantly reduce cost to non-governmental organizations and governments. Because altruistic behavior occurs without need for incentive (tax breaks, discounts) creating that behavior in a community would reduce the need for various government or privately funded programs to encourage pro- environmental behavior with incentives. Altruism can be defined as selfless interest and choices made for the well being of others or the environment. These interests or choices may be made at no cost or high cost to the actor. My experiences at Squam suggest that 18 altruism may play a large role in determining pro-environmental behavior and the origins of their conservation ethics. This suggestion is based upon my previous interactions and observation within the community. This community often volunteers their time, money, and resources to the conservation effort with no regard to cost or personal benefit. Often, donations are made to benefit the environment or the whole well being of the community.

For example, prominent families may donate extremely valuable land and low or no-cost to conservation organizations to benefit the community. Gintus et al suggests altruism is a strategy that has evolved as a means of protecting public goods. The authors suggest moral sentiments (such as a culture of conservation) and the process of evolution drive people beyond their needs for inclusive fitness and reciprocal altruism, or the ability of a community member to act selflessly for the benefit of the whole while expecting that action to be returned at some point and time. They argue that strong reciprocity, or “a predisposition to cooperate with others and to punish those who violate the norms of cooperation, at personal cost, even when it is implausible to expect that these costs will be repaid either by others or at a later date” (154). This theoretical tradition helps provide a lens in which to examine the community at Squam. Their ability to successfully deal with free riders, or those who do not value conservation may enlighten other communities about how to deal with them. Following this explanation, I expect to observe a community that self-regulates, communicates efficiently, and acts for the benefit of the whole with little to no consideration for personal cost to promote conservation.

Steel (1996) illustrates the connection between thinking globally and acting on a local level, which correlates directly to the conservation culture at the Squam Lakes watershed and this research project. He explains environmental attitudes, behavior, and 19 activism all play a pivotal role in determining local conservation outcomes. Steel states that public concern for the environment has become a growing cultural norm and constant. However, he remains critical of the impact of that cultural norm on behavior.

Steel states, “The assumption underlying much of this research is that attitudes predispose individuals to behave in a certain manner. There has been much controversy however, about the ability of attitudes to predict specific behaviors” (28). He goes on to illustrate that measuring attitudes is an abstract practice, and often not fully formed, which allows a less predictive explanation of subsequent behaviors. Steel finds the best predictor of behavior to be ease and use of whatever pro-environmental behavior is presented, while the worst predictor is attitude. This challenges the research questions posed for this project and the hypothesis of cultural conservation at the Squam Lakes watershed. This community might be the exception to the attitude predictor, however it is possible there are other factors at play. Some of those factors may include gender, generation, and socio-economic status. Steel identifies that women are more likely to participate in pro-environmental behavior because of their “ethic of care”, while men aspire to “the rule of justice”. Generational differences may also be at play in the Squam

Lakes watershed. Steel accounts for older generations holding steadfast to the previous cultural norms, while the younger generations creating new rules and greater cultural sensitivity to environmental issues. Socio-economic class could be the best predictor of behavior at Squam if the hypothesis explanation of culture is found to be uncorrelated to pro-environmental behavior. Steel states high-income individuals have better education and jobs, while low income have lower levels of education and meager jobs. Because the

Squam Lakes watershed depends so deeply on the influx of wealthy summer residents to 20 keep the culture of conservation afloat financially, their presence, income, and education about such topics may determine their pro-environmental behaviors. The lower income individuals in this community may be completely uninvolved and potentially disconnected from the culture of conservation.

Environmental Concern, Values, and Ethics Bamberg (2003) successfully provides a theoretical framework that addresses the influences of environmental concern. He states that age, income, education, risks associated with environmental problems, and developmental phenomena (e.g. culture, social structure, education) influence environmental concern. These concerns, according to the author, only explain about 10% of pro-environmental behaviors. Behavioral attitudes, normative or social pressures and control (ease/difficulty of performing an action), he argues, explain the other 90% of behaviors. Bamberg’s evaluations of perceived likelihood of behavioral beliefs in normative beliefs, control beliefs, attitudes towards behaviors, subjective norms, perceived behavioral control, intention, actual behavior, and environmental concern helped justify my interview questions found in appendix B.

As another relevant piece of literature regarding this topic, Ives and Kendall

(2014) illustrate the relationship between social values and the management of ecological systems. Their work identified the management of ecological systems as a practice to minimize negative human impacts on ecosystems. The authors seek to demonstrate a translatable plan for managing ecosystems. They state that if managing entities ignore values, then conflict and poor ecological outcomes occur. Values provide the framework for socially supported decisions. If a community perceives a value as important and that 21 value is not incorporated into resource management, then social support will be minimal and conflict more likely.

This practice of considering values is evident at Squam. The community efforts to attend stakeholder meetings, create community watershed plans, and gather socially around conservation topics takes into consideration their values as a group. These underlying values shape judgments and influence decisions of both individuals and social groups (68). Ives and Kendall find values are not equal to attitudes, beliefs, or cultural norms, each of which takes on their own definitions. The authors explain attitudes as positive or negative connotations, beliefs as statements of understanding the world, and norms as a common understanding of acceptable behavior in context. Ives and Kendall identify values under three categories. Those categories include: biospheric, social altruist, and egoistic. These values appear to predict pro-environmental behaviors. This research predicts social altruist values exist in the Squam Lakes Watershed and explain pro-environmental behaviors and outcomes. This values based explanation can predicts people’s judgment of management decisions made at community, organizational, or governmental levels.

This literature review leads me to more deeply probe social norms, pro- environmental behaviors, concern, ethics, and values and how they guide pro- environmental behavior in the Squam Lake community. I will analyze how the unique cultural norms at Squam developed and how they may be transferred into a useful format for other communities to implement. Gaining a greater understanding of behaviors that guide pro-environmental choices will add to the current discussion in this field. 22

Methods My research questions require a qualitative approach because they seek to explain a set of variables unjustified by quantitative data approaches. These variables at play in the community require in depth explanation, discussion and definition, rather than statistical significance to answer my research questions. I plan to conduct semi-structured interviews to develop the narrative of cultural conservation and pro-environmental behavior within the context of Squam Lake. I believe this qualitative approach, which relies on in-depth interviews with Squam residents, is the only achievable way to capture the rich and unique context, history, and cultural climate at Squam, while encouraging the community to tell their story. Qualitative research is the only reasonable approach to answering my research questions because it affords a more in-depth, explanatory, and expressed reality of the community and its common pool resource, where quantitative data may do little to explain valuable trends.

Qualitative methodology is often critiqued for, “Failing to rigorously operationalize concepts and thereby to document measurable differences” and, “Not ruling out rival explanations through physical or statistical control” and, “Failing to produce generalizable findings” (Mills, Birks 2014). Despite these concerns, this set of research methods seeks to decrease the occurrence of any of any negative critiques.

Operationalizing concepts and documentation of measurable differences will be achieved through seeking out common phrases, themes, and words within interview responses.

Ruling out rival explanations will be achieved through the interview questions themselves. Although these research methods do not physically or statistically control variables, the interview questions will help identify such variables and they will be controlled for when analyzing the data. These research methods will produce 23 generalizable findings by analyzing the unique culture of conservation in the Squam

Lakes Watershed and designing a framework for a similar culture of pro-environmental behavior in other cities/towns/communities.

My specific methodology draws from critical ethnography within qualitative research. Mills and Birks state, “Ethnography, through its emphasis on long-term contact and participation, was considered an appropriate methodology through which the reality of different cultures and communities could be elaborated”. As the researcher, data collection and generation will be achieved through deep immersion in the particular culture of conservation at Squam, particularly from the time spent interviewing community members. The development of my core research questions, analysis of paradigms framing those questions, and non-linear process (Mills, Birks) help illuminate the most effective method of research in the Squam Lakes Watershed.

To better understand the culture, pro-environmental behavior, and conservation action in this community, ethnographic research best provides the tools to do so. Mills and Birks go on to describe ethnographic research as rooted in snowball sampling and theoretical sampling, which allows my sample size to remain flexible. Mills and Birks also state, “Specific methods employed to gather data may include formal and informal interviews, conversations, observations, surveys, focus groups, performances, and collection of archival data”. Research methods for this project are rooted in informal interviews, as well as, observations and conversations.

Data analysis in ethnographic research, “…is to seek patterns as well as irregularities, examining data for explanations of the phenomenon being studied” (Mills,

Birks). I have conducted interviews and sought out trends, common phrases, and themes 24 into meaningful categories to determine results. Although this research examines the specific community around the Squam Lakes watershed, it holds generalizable potential to describe cultural phenomenon around natural resources and the most sustainable ways to envision them. Tsing (2005) states, “To study a particular instance offers a window into the universal. The local enfolds into the global and the universal; our devotion must simultaneously know the local and its transcendence” (97).

Over three summers of living at Squam Lake, I have developed the necessary prior experience as an ethnographic researcher within the community to conduct this research. I have sought interview subjects from social networks that I already have in place at Squam and by canvasing relevant neighborhoods in each of the 5 towns bordering the lake. I have approached people who I know from existing social networks, and employed snowball sampling by asking interviewees to recommend friends or family members that I may contact next. I continued to seek out subjects until I found a perceived level of saturation to my data. At the time when I found similar themes in each discussion, I reevaluated my interview questions and probed deeper into subject matter that may have further explained my research questions. The maximum number of interviews I expected to conduct was 30.

Following interview protocol is necessary for success in this project. I recorded each interview, with the permission of my subject. In addition to my recordings, I took detailed notes to develop common themes and probe deeper into my research questions.

If respondents showed discomfort by being audio recorded, I respected their concerns and took only handwritten notes of the interview. 25

My interviews began with an evaluation of observed demographics in order to maintain trust and appear less intrusive with those interviewed. Although some of those demographics may be slightly under- or over-estimated, I believe it is crucial to refrain from asking people explicitly about their age, income, education, ect. Squam is a closed, exclusive community that may find my position as a newcomer less trustworthy. The people I have met and befriend in this area rely strongly on social politeness and manners, so asking demographics may have appeared rude.

In order to further develop trust with my subjects, I opened my interviews with a complete discussion of what my project is, my position as a student conducting research, and how their information will be used in my final project. I stressed each interview will be kept anonymous. After this step, I moved the conversation onto something relatable to them (social gatherings that week, weather on the lake, ect.) and asked if I may begin my questions.

My interview questions were specifically developed with close attention to the current research on the subject matter and the deficits discussed in those publications.

The interview questions crafted for this research draw from background historical context and current literature on pro-environmental behavior. I purposefully discussed with my subjects their understanding of key terms first (conservation, culture, ect.) and moved onto questions about their perception of Squam. It is important to note my interview questions address the definition of conservation, the definition of participating in conservation, the history of such behavior (perceived change over time), and the level of widespread cultural or social norms in conservation. I also addressed generational and gendered differences in responses. Question 7 in the interview offers an open-ended 26 introduction to specific pro-environmental behaviors. This question allows the respondent to identify behaviors they find most salient in their lives and the community. These behaviors include recommendations from the 1991 Watershed Plan as suggestions to discuss. Public perceptions and actions about these recommendations are paramount to investigate in this research. All interview questions may be found in appendix B.

After conducting these interviews, I sent a brief written “thank you” to further establish trust with my respondents and to “keep the door open” if my research required further questioning. The collected notes and interview data obtained were analyzed for common themes until a point of saturation occured. When saturation occurred, I reevaluated my questions for deficits in information and saw none existed. I moved forward with analyzing my findings and presenting the information in an understandable and accessible manner for the community.

In order to fulfill one of the cornerstones of this project (to better inform professionals, policy makers, and governments on how best to address changing negative environmental behavior and culture in their own communities to better cope with sustainability, conservation, and climate change dilemmas), I will approach the local conservation trusts and lakes associations to gain a short publication of my findings in their flyers and websites. If such methods fail at a later date, I will at least provide my subjects with my results and encourage them to distribute that information to their friends and family. I also plan to distribute a copy of my complete work to the towns bordering

Squam Lake. I sincerely hope my research will be relevant to their stakeholders and better inform conservation and sustainability policies and programs.

Results and Discussion After conducting 15 interviews, attending several public discussion forums and private gatherings, I compiled my notes and data. Demographics were observed and recorded, however their influence played little to no impact on results. Careful consideration went towards understanding pivotal driving factors of conservation and culture within the Squam Lakes Watershed community. Addressing these factors in separate sections within this document lends each an opportunity to be better dissected.

The following concepts appeared as integral themes in Squam Lake’s culture of conservation: a conservation ethic or ethos, community values and social pressure, community development, wealth, and family. In the following sections, I will define these themes, provide documentation for their support, and briefly address their influence on culture and conservation.

Conservation Ethic or Ethos This section will address the definition of the conservation ethic or ethos in the

Squam Lakes Watershed community. I have consciously chosen to describe ethic and ethos as the same term because respondents often used the terms interchangeably in conversation. I do not believe, in terms of cultural definition or awareness, the community senses any difference between the two words, ethic or ethos.

Subjects often guided interview discussions towards describing the conservation ethic or ethos at Squam. Their respect for the term, its importance in the community, and its guiding ability for pro-environmental behavior highlights a pivotal theme in these results.

During a public discussion forum on land preservation, conservation easements, and family management, I noted several explanations for community interest in 28 conservation. Panelists in this discussion each described their family’s desire to protect their property from future development. Some notable phrases included: “conservation angle” as “always a consideration”, “historic district” creating a “solid rational” for protection, “Squam is special”, “desire to preserve the character”, “ keep it old”, “people the in community do the heavy lifting”, “it is up to each of us to aid this area as beautifully as it has been”, “love of property”, “love of area”, “love of every effort to improve the area”, “intangible”, “non-polluting ecologically”, “conservation oriented”,

“natural beauty”, “strength”, “happy summers at Squam”, “dreams”, “cultivate, maintain forest and wildlife”, “enjoy forest, wildlife, and recreation”, “preserve character and mood of Squam”. The panelists participating in this discussion were involved in the conservation community through volunteerism. Their information given in this discussion was meant to engage the community in a discourse regarding the future of Squam, its families and their homes, and its natural resources.

I had the opportunity to include a social gathering regarding conservation of a particular island on Squam as part of my data. I engaged with a community spending an evening together to hear from a director of a conservation agency. This gathering allowed individuals to speak anecdotally regarding the history of Squam, the importance of conserving the area, and the conservation ethic or ethos. Stories, presentations, and scientific information were all used as forms of communication. The host’s historic home was highlighted as well preserved, and in keeping with pro-environmental choices by re- using the original, historic structure that maintained a more natural aesthetic.

Interviews with subjects illuminated this theme especially well, as it gathered the most data. Subjects most frequently reverted to the topic of conservation ethics or ethos 29 when describing the culture of conservation within the Squam community. Poignant phrases included: “a large portion of people on the lake have a high regard for keeping the lake natural and preserving the wildlife and beauty”, “appreciate the solitude”, “you have to have a conservation mindset”, “engaging in conservation means a lack of doing anything”, “its not a utopia, but its put on a pedestal of what nature should or should note be”, “quiet recreation is more in tune with nature”, “Squam is not substantially conserving”, “worthless pieces of land conserved”, “education, affluence, and socioeconomic status create the culture of conservation”, “as long as I can’t see the neighbors”, “no loud noises, old fashioned good time”, “no music because its unnatural, it distracts from the essence of the lake”, “loud music and boats can go to

Winnepesauke”, “fireworks distract from ideal nature”, “Squam is synonymous with conservation”, “low impact conservation minded ethos”, “conservation is from big land donations or protection”, “visitors get the sense of wildness, deliberate part of culture”,

“treasure natural resources”, “yield to responsible development”, “the scale of Squam works”, “common orientation around conservation”, “not just ethos, it’s a way of life, not ostentatious”, “treasure the quiet”, “find quiet”, “many expressions of conservation”,

“balance people, natural processes prevail”, “aesthetic of Squam add to the experience”,

“need to be stewards”, “cannot only be for people or recreation”, “our connection with the land is at the heart of future outcomes”, “treasure quiet and quiet places”, “part of us doesn’t need info, we need a deep connection”, “the will and ethic existed, conservation organizations channeled it”, “advantage of being off the beaten path”, “not a short term thing, not a regulatory process”, “foster the culture of conservation”, “strong ethic for conservation” “we don’t see houses, we have setback further than required, we shoot out 30 lights left out on docks”, “access to this special place”, “conservation bolsters property value”, “recreation really important to culture”, “aesthetic quality people value”, “general conservation ethic leads to culture”, “not in my backyard as a motivator”, “regulation important where no ethic exists”, “ecological wholeness of the system”, “durability in the face of change”, “maintain ecological integrity”, “a cultural piece to conservation that is highly effective, bolsters the work”, “work on the quiet nature of the lake folded into conservation”, “culture is intrinsic to conservation”, “if we’re only concerned with ecology, then we’ll use a different approach”, “those [fishing tournaments] disturb my experience of Squam”, “Squam is similar to a national park, there is a sense you’re visiting pristine peace”, “a blend of the best pieces of conservation”, “this lake takes experience seriously”, “On Winnepesauke, there’s wealthy people doing whatever the hell they want to get what they want. When I look at Squam, I don’t see that. I see people attempting to be soft in their footprint and so to me that is not an elitist behavior”,

“people that live in the area that are extremely interest in making Squam as healthy of a system you could get, but you also have a lot of people who are coming here because its healthy”, “it’s a quieter lake”, “we go to bat for being quiet”, “its like a park or preserve, that experience”, “quiet reflective experience”, “fall in love with the place or leave”,

“ethic that has come with community values system”, “the target is conservation, but made up of human values”, “a core attachment to Squam”, “conservation is a part of who

I am”, “ethic built here and carried me into a career”, “the unifying force is the lake”, “its generally vacationland, a place of refuge”, “beauty and solitude everyone wants to keep”,

“ I want to protect my space”, “not just my piece of land to save, but the broader landscape is personally valuable”, “emotional connection to the landscape”, “need peace 31 and quiet, with more value attached, which extends to a care for the environment”,

“conservation is a lifeblood here”, “ you cannot be apart of Squam without belief in conservation”, “you can’t talk about conservation and do nothing”, “you have to be apart of conservation to live at Squam”, “people equal impact”, “moderate outlook because people with the ethic are leaving”, “quieter recreation occurs due to difficult navigation on the water”, “access is limited, which helps conservation”, “some people care, some don’t”, “you can love something to death”, “participation is found in hard science, active monitoring, and education and outreach”, “Squam is something we need to treat with respect”, “convey the wonder and importance of preserving”, “a spiritual connection to the place”, “views and quiet values of Squam”, “people value ecological payoff and sense of place”, “lakes shouldn’t be viewed as waterparks, they are living”, “Squam loon signs say ‘Please stay away, while loon signs on Winnepesauke say ‘stay out’”, “conservation oriented”, “gentile”, “refined socially”, “value of low impact use”, “enlightened self interest is a way to help preserve”, and “maintain the simple and gentile”.

These statements illustrate the common origin and support for a conservation ethic or ethos. Subjects identified similar terms such as quiet, natural, low impact, solitude, and experience. Although specific behaviors were not often mentioned directly, the perceived level of understanding regarding normal choices on Squam must be addressed. Quiet, natural, low impact, and other similar phrases point to behavioral choices, although non-directly.

To better understand the results presented above, looking for key concepts in each category illuminates the driving factors. Below, each table represents a category described in the results and 3 key concepts found in each. These key concepts were 32 chosen based on the frequency of their mention in interviews and their relevance to the theme within each category.

20 Conservation 15 Quiet 10 Land or Landscape

0 Conservation Ethic/Ethos

The conservation ethic/ethos category highlights the understanding of the term

“conservation” in the community at Squam. Subjects mentioned this key word most in their interviews and did so with understanding of its implications. Although the definition of conservation may vary from subject to subject, the general theme of the term remained consistent. The theme presented by subjects describes a culture that finds conservation to be a part of their way of life and expectations in the Squam Lakes Watershed

Community. Conservation at Squam found meaning in financial support, physical support

(monitoring, recreational behavior, choices in the home), and spiritual support. The subjects often mentioned conservation tied in with the “sense of place” and “spirituality” at Squam. That “sense of place” and “spirituality” leads into the second category. Quiet appeared as a key word within the results and requires further attention in this discussion.

Quiet, to the community at Squam, encompasses proper behavior on the lake. Quiet behaviors included kayaking, canoeing, swimming, while loud behaviors pointed to big boats and music. Quiet appearing in the conservation ethic/ethos category of these results 33 points to a more stable environment for wildlife with fewer disturbances to the lake environment. The final key word apparent in this category signified a greater appreciation for the surrounding land or landscape in the Squam Lakes Watershed community.

Although it did not occur with similar frequency to the other key words, its inclusion is important to understanding the conservation ethic or ethos category. The understanding that not only the lake and water are important common pool resources, but the surrounding land and landscapes are as well highlights the holistic vision of conservation at Squam. Making considerations for these surrounding lands points to better ecological outcomes for the watershed.

Social Values and Pressures, Community Development Social values and social pressure exert a significant force on the culture of conservation in the Squam Lakes Watershed. The social values and pressures around this watershed community were difficult for subjects to describe fully. I theorize that this is an abstract topic for those not often involved in the study of environmental sociology or psychology. Their connection with the lake, the people surrounding it, and the social opportunities illustrate their common pool resource problems, communication, and outcomes.

To illustrate this theme subjects stated: “ I care about the culture, but I have no deep connection with the people”, “it is not easy to participate in conservation in this community”, “ conservation organizations network with the community”, “the culture speaks to the community, conservation non-profits were a result, not a driver”, “people interact socially around conservation non-profits”, “full time residents are more involved”, “true altruism for greater community is the true hallmark of Squam”, “there is no one thing, just many people”, “the government cannot fill the role of human 34 interaction, it doesn’t work”, “the culture prevails”, “there is no substitute for neighbors talking to neighbors”, “people will be ostracized or not a part of the community if they go against [informal] rules”, “it’s a very human thing”, “need to consider impact on humans”, “separate cultural watershed”, “I had no idea other parts of the world don’t use social policing until I left here”, “newcomers are very noticed”, “SLA can’t do much about the social policing”, “as pressures increase, its extremely important to use the culture”, “NH overarching regulations deter people, regulations do no good for Squam”,

“I sure hope the social pressure is true”, “by gosh we don’t have legal pressure, but we sure have peer pressure”, “its exerted at a social level”, “social and peer pressure definitely exist”, “people will probably be punished or excluded in certain areas for non- compliance”, “we need to keep the social pressure and knowledge base”, “its reflective of the community”, “participation and dedication unsurpassed”, “no ‘must act’ this way”,

“rules are learned”, “be aware of your actions impact on others”, “rules are limited to government”, “we should involve the government”, “new people should get the picture, but its built over time”, “no consequences for bad behavior”, “there are no consequences for bad behavior”, “a lack of formal enforcers who have visibility”, “people feel they can get away with it”, “be respectful of neighbors”, “most often, no consequences occur because there isn’t enough documentation or enforcement”, “you’re not likely to be caught”, “social pressure is there”, “neighbors can be described as ‘good people’ who support the cause”, “there is an expectation of good Squam residents to be supportive of conservation and the natural character of the lake”, and “approach to say that’s wrong”.

Subjects illustrated the social values and pressure, as well as community development play a role in positive ecological outcomes for the Squam Lakes Watershed. 35

Subjects commonly referred to conservation as a social activity and a source of communication within the community. Although these comments do not suggest certain pro-environmental behaviors as a result of social value building, social pressure, or community development, certain pro-environmental choices were spoken of. Most subjects made some mention to the quiet nature of the lake, the lack of loud music and lack of loud boats. One subject said if a visitor wanted to be loud, “they can go down the road 2 miles and enjoy Lake Winnepesauke”. The Squam community appears to exert a set of social values as commonplace expectation. These values include respecting neighbors, following informal rules (no loud music, no loud boats or other watercraft, no outside lights left on, respect for the lake and its quiet nature), an ability to socialize with neighbors regarding the lake, and an ability to speak up to a peer when their behavior is no longer in line with the commonplace expectations. These social expectations for behavior are equal to certain pro-environmental behaviors such as a preference for lower impact recreation (swimming/canoeing/kayaking as opposed to water skiing/wake boarding/jet skiing), less noise disturbance for wildlife, and less disturbance to the natural aesthetic (a social problem identified with painting homes white/excessive development of landscaping).

It is important to document the disparity in opinion concerning government intervention. Some subjects made favorable comments for government regulation in the future, while others commented government regulations do not fit in with the Squam model of behavior and informal social rules.

In these results, one subject referred directly to social altruism. Despite this, I suggest the response of the other subjects point to a social altruism, even though the term 36 was not referenced specifically. The term “altruism” may not be a well-known piece of vocabulary or common word used in discussion in this community. Social pressure and social policing are also notable findings in the Squam community. Although subjects often mentioned wrongdoers face no consequences or enforcement, they suggested these wrongdoers would ultimately be rejected from the community.

To further expand on the topic of social values and pressure and community development, it is necessary to discuss the key terms discovered within this category. The three terms below illuminate the driving factors behind the social values and pressure at play in the development of the Squam community.

6 Pressure 4 Culture

2 Rules

0 Community Values & Social Pressure

The occurrence of “pressure”, “culture”, and “rules” within this category of results notably defines pro-environmental behaviors in the development of the Squam community. Subjects mentioned pressure most frequently, followed by culture and rules.

I believe the community in the Squam Lakes Watershed is of the proper scale to remain close knit, which allows the pervasive use and belief in pressure as a tool to achieve certain outcomes. From observation, friends and family members in the community often exert pressure in a casual manner. These individuals rely upon strong outward social cues to encourage certain behaviors and outcomes in their community. For example, subjects referred to new buildings/landscapes, wildlife protection, land conservation, and 37 everyday actions regarding recreation in regards to pressured decision-making. Pressure by community leaders in conservation organizations around the lake community are also necessary to mention here. Although their role as effective leaders and conservation role models trumps their use of pressure, its presence in their organizations is useful to pro- environmental outcomes. By employing pressure at this level of community leadership, every member of the community recognizes its presence and responds accordingly. This pressure to make certain choices regarding environmental concerns appears to result in favorable education, behaviors, and outcomes in the long run. However, this pressure may also induce a feeling of exclusion from the community for non-compliance. If this sentiment of exclusion among newcomers or those who do not comply grows, the model of community leadership and pressure from that level will quickly disintegrate. It is necessary to consider the implications of new ideas, new community values, and new backgrounds becoming more present in the Squam Lakes Watershed. Addressing these concepts with leadership and non-exclusionary pressure will allow a more stable environmental outcome situation in the Squam Lakes Watershed common pool resource.

Culture, as another key sub-term, works in many facets for the subjects in this research. The references made to culture highlight a deeper appreciation of the people and natural resources surrounding this community. From observation, I conclude this form of behavior and reverence for one’s culture in a small community is highly unordinary. The development of this culture and the references made to it are often tied deeply to the history surrounding Squam Lake. This watershed community has had the opportunity to develop its culture and leadership through at least one long-standing organization (Squam Lakes Association) for over 100 years. 38

Wealth

This section will address wealth in terms of donation, volunteerism, material wealth in land ownership and home ownership, as well a cultural approach to understanding wealth in a community.

In the Squam Lake Community, wealth is a delicate subject. Across my interviews, the subject of wealth was covered each time. It is notable to mention the wealth in this community is immense. The influence, leadership in the community, and source of donation for the local conservation agencies are an important contribution to the culture of conservation. Large gifts allow conservation organizations to continue their work and staff capabilities. The choice of individuals to donate their time, land, and funds to conservation in particular points out an important indicator in wealth beyond the norm.

The individuals in this community flock to an area where the largest priority is the natural environment. During an interview, one subject stated Squam residents, “…have willingly paid the premium to enjoy such a beautiful and natural lake and be apart of this great community”. Their similarity in wealth and interest aligns with a sense of a culture based on conservation. Subjects referred to wealth in the following manners: “conservation is important, but we also have the money to do it”, “conservation is a convenient path forward”, “money matters”, “we have a culture of philanthropy”, “wealth is a challenge and an opportunity”, “no land conservation without the wealthy, everyone benefits, but a small group of the wealthy land owners were the genesis of conservation work and culture”, “conservation is born on the back of the wealthy”, “wealth allows you to protect what you have”, “elitism and access problems happen in any community with the 39 financial ware with all to do so”, “wealthy areas are more biodiverse”, “wealth played as a big part in conservation”, “wealth contributed highly to the nature of the lakes”, “vote with your wallet”.

The less wealthy, local surrounding population also receives a benefit in conservation when considering wealth in the Squam Lakes Watershed. In a particular interview, the subject explained some conservation agencies seek out donations at a flat starting rate and do not advertise categorical donation levels. This tactic increases community participation, acceptance, and respect. Each individual donor receives equal credit for his or her potentially unequal part in donation. One subject stated, “its not just big money” at play in the community. This respect for awareness of conservation and willingness to participate in conservation, regardless of donation amount signifies an important cultural facet of the Squam Lake Watershed. The presence of wealth within this community is often downplayed or muted, but its presence is essential to the environmental outcomes in the watershed.

Property values were a common theme regarding wealth in interviews. Although tax rates in the area are relatively low, the value of shorefront property allows the surrounding towns to turn over high returns. This high return tax base goes towards community services and improvements in the area, which positively benefit both the summer residents (primarily shorefront) and full-time residents (primarily inland). The value of property in relation to tax rates also attracts a certain type of buyer to Squam

Lakes Watershed property. Subjects related to property values by stating: “property values are high for a reason”, “everyone has a second house”, “they pay for the experience and expect it served on a silver platter”, “buying a house and having a piece 40 of Squam is an illusion”, “participation in the community is limited to those with 100 of millions of dollar to buy land”, “all 25% of conserved land is private and 90% of that is from donated easements”, “property rights are valued”, “property values are astronomical”, “sold properties attract a certain buyer”, “easements are helpful, but require wealth”. These statements also point to an important factor surrounding a new and popular method of preserving land. Wealthy families have the funds, legal help, and desire to take a loss on selling property in order to put that land in some sort of protection. Some families utilize the Squam Lakes Conservation Society to set up conservation easements where land is either sold to the agency or retained by the owner under protection. This method of protection was criticized by one subject who explained conservation easements only work for the wealthy when attempting to create the pro- environmental choice of protecting land for an ideal ecological outcome.

Despite the large influx of wealth into the area, I found that this wealth is often played down, ignored, or put aside in social gatherings. Most importantly, homes are often looked down upon for being a “McMansion” style in extravagance. (I do concede the definition of “McMansion” is slang and may be interpreted differently. In the Squam

Lakes Watershed it refers to a large home that disrupts the natural landscape and is unfitting with tradition). Many families with great funds pride themselves upon their

“campy” escapes. Homes are often built in accordance with a community perception that homes should blend into their surroundings, have a low environmental impact, and preserve the cultural integrity of a “campy” style. Other important phrases of description within my data include: “woody”, “camp-ish”, “keep it in the family”, “keep it the way it is”, “enjoy the current character”, “have a big place, but don’t make it show”, “have a 41 boat, but have an old wooden boat or a paddle”, “72 camps predate 1920 and have primitive fixtures valued at 2 or 3 million dollars”, and “McMansions are creeping in”.

These statements point to a certain decision making process regarding wealth and environmental impact living on the lake and the surrounding land. Older homes are often preserved in original or near-original state to further propagate the cultural acceptance of a “campy” style. Notably, a participant in a public discussion forum explained the role of wealth in their family trust over an island. This individual stated the island’s mission statement, which included “no enhancement of personal finance”. This statement is a pivotal description of the culture around conserving family land and wealth at Squam.

Despite the strong cultural presence of minimalism in wealth, interview discussions pointed out that the prevalence of wealth on Squam is changing. Most subjects made mention of the changing atmosphere regarding wealth around the Squam

Lakes Watershed community. Subjects noted the influx of more “McMansion” style homes, larger and more expensive motorboats, and less regard for the “spiritual” nature of the lake. Subjects also noted that families are less frequently adhering to the Squam tradition of spending an entire summer on the lake. Families are now coming for shorter visits. This significantly changes the appreciation and connection with the natural environment. Residents and visitors appear less likely, from comments made within interviews, to adhere to social norms of conservation if their window for chastisement is narrow. Their lack of deep connection due to a short residency time may be connected to depreciating wealth, modern expectations, or an influx of vacationers instead of summer residents. Phrases to qualify these findings include: “the affluence of our time is a challenge”, “how will future generations decide how to use the cash value of their 42 properties?”, “there is a divide between full and half time”, “renters and the public act in self interest”, “I’m worried for the future”, “I’m concerned Squam is moving in that direction, bot necessarily by the people who live there, but by the rental community and public boat launch”, “Since 2008, I’m seeing a shift into the Winnepesauke mode”.

3.5 3 2.5 "Campy" 2 1.5 Rent, Renters 1 Property 0.5 0 Wealth

The graph presented above further analyzes the common terms within the wealth category of results. Common terms in this category included “campy”, “rent/renters”, and

“property”. Although “campy” may appear to be a jargon term used in conversation, its importance to the community, pro-environmental choices, and ideal environmental outcomes is paramount. A campy style at Squam was qualified as simple, natural looking, and often small. These terms of ideal aesthetics encourage smaller environmental impacts when building or restoring homes in the area. By utilizing less space in the building footprint and less unnatural landscaping, goals for building from the 1991 Watershed

Plan can effectively remain in style for the community. “Rent/renters” appeared as frequently as “campy”. Conversely, this term had a negative connotation in interview responses. Most respondents expressed concern regarding the influx of renters and the renting trend among owners. This trend, as pointed out by subjects, has arisen due to the increasing cost of living (taxes) on shorefront properties within the Squam Lakes

Watershed. Because families are reducing in number and wealth, taxes are more difficult 43 to pay for. The solution to avoiding the sale of family properties then rests in the extra income gained from renting. Respondents suggested that renters do not sufficiently enter the community as newcomers to learn the social values and to be effectively pressured into acceptable environmental behaviors. “Property” holds an important place in this category. The Squam Lakes Watershed relies on responsible property owners to maintain ideal ecological outcomes through pro-environmental choices and behaviors. Their influence as property owners, and therefore stewards, is necessary to promoting “campy” building choices, low impact recreation, and a love of and sense of the place.

Family Influence

This section will address the influence of family and childhood upon the culture of conservation in the Squam Lake Watershed.

Subjects often referred to the importance of the term “family” in regards to conservation problems and outcomes. Their reference to “family” is two-fold. “Family” can be defined as families living in the area over multiple generations, since the genesis of Squam or as families who have a relatively shorter history on the lake. Renters of properties on the watershed or short-term visitors appeared to be excluded from these definitions.

Familial influence on the creation of a culture of conservation and pro- environmental outcomes is a remarkable facet of the Squam community. Subjects often referred to families as creating the base for conservation in the next generation of residents. Subjects specifically stated: “I was raised in a family that does participate in conservation and I help my family carry out the conservation plan”, “families do understand this wonderful place existed before development”, “my grandparents are the 44 golden generation”, “my parents forced me”, “the younger generation are not here all summer with families, so they’re less connected to the lake”, “introducing kids to outdoor environment is important, so many organizations here do that and their registrations are full”, “it takes tradition”, “there is a history of protecting for future generations”, “same or better for future generations”, “look back to roots and history”, “if you want to understand even 1/3 of what is driving the ethic and where it started [referring to family]”, “there aren’t enough young kids to experience Squam for long enough for it to be part of their souls”, “they have the ethic built in, they love Squam, they’ve come here since they were kids, but now they can’t spend the time”, “childhood experience in their memory banks”, “take core, families, core ethic, and what the lake means”, “families are leaving, and the new ones are without a sense of place”, “land has been in families for a long time”, “generations on the lake”, “people have been born and died here”, “families coming to lake when ostentatious wealth wasn’t displayed”, “Squam generations come for what Squam is and what is has to offer, not to show off”, “observed bad behaviors are not the old families”, “others visitors think Squam is any other lake, where anything goes, and they can’t be told what to do”, “change over with pioneering families had a large impact [in regards to conservation]”, “they recreate, live and pass on to their kids”, and

“longtime families would disapprove of big boats and noise”.

7 6 Family 5 4 History, 3 Generations 2 Kids 1 0 Family Inluence

Family influence presents the greatest challenge in these results. Analyzing family influence in each respondent could have presented an entirely different subject for this study. My brief explanation of this term may not sufficiently explain its influences, outcomes, or sources. However, its presence in the results presents a necessary component of understanding this watershed community. The graph presented above show three key terms within the family influence category. Those key terms include: family, history/generations, and kids. Family often centered around subject’s experiences in living life on the lake. Family had various definitions for each subject, but often helped explained why subjects made pro-environmental choices. Family pointed to their built up perception of what life in the Squam Lakes Watershed should look like.

History/generations was the most often mentioned key term. The subjects referred to history in conjunction with generations in terms of the past and future. Past references gave mention to the conservation efforts made by the largest and wealthiest families on

Squam. References to the future illuminated the desire of subjects to protect the aesthetic, environmental quality, and way of life on Squam for their families’ continuing histories and their future generations.

Recommendations and Conclusion The results and discussion from this research point to a unique form of cultural conservation within the Squam Lakes Watershed community. The conservation ethic or ethos, social pressure and values, community development, wealth, and family influence at play in the community offer insight into the ecological outcomes in and around Squam

Lake. The key to understanding the results presented in this research lies within their applicability towards furthering pro-environmental behavior and positive ecological outcomes at Squam and their applicability in developing pro-environmental behavior and creating positive ecological outcomes in other communities utilizing common pool resources on a similar scale.

The implications surrounding the results presented in this research illuminate the need for similar cultural influences. These influences will better inform professionals, policy makers, and governments on how best to address changing negative environmental behavior and culture in their own communities to better cope with sustainability, conservation, and climate change dilemmas.

Leadership Educational and Recreational Programs Deine goals, make a plan Social Arenas Create dependence • Utilize municipal resources and care for resource • Make taxes affordable for Create a place and families • ETHIC events for community • Tools for understanding Create a holistic and using resource within members, families to conservation goals and plan rally around organization • Expose wrongdoers to community pressure continually

As a key category in these results, wealth is not something that other communities have control over. Due to this constraint, communities considering a similar model to the

Squam Lakes Watershed should apply a study of wealth demographics to determine the feasibility. However, it is possible to consider an alternative to the wealth constraint.

Communities interested in this model could drive conservation on the backs of the middle class, instead of the wealthy model at Squam. It is certainly possible for communities to appeal to residents and visitors to have equal power in donations and volunteer time to promote conservation programs and education.

Developing a conservation ethic or ethos is key to using the model of conservation in the Squam Lakes Watershed. Creating an ethic, as seen in these results, begins with leadership and conservation organizations, then to education of adults and children alike. Communities in search of developing a culture of conservation should attempt to create a conservation agency that covers their entire common pool resource.

This agency should employ adept professionals, science education programs, low impact recreational programs, social events, community discussions and participation in conservation actions necessary in the area, and common meeting places for visitors and residents. Creating an organization to develop a leader in conservation for the area will promote a love of the common pool resource, the relationships around it, and a deeper sense of place and connection to that place. This start to a conservation ethic or ethos will further develop as generations filter through the organization and its influence. After time, these generations will need less influence from the organization to keep the ethic intact as certain thoughts and behaviors (keeping quiet and respectful of the natural 48 resource, appreciating the resource in its current state or better, participating in suggested pro-environmental behaviors).

Social values, pressure and community development help create a stable conservation ethic and protection of the common pool resource. Creating social values should begin with engaging the community in a common space over decisions and programs for conservation. This can be achieved through a conservation organization or other community resources. Holistically including the human population in conservation decisions and actions is necessary for success in this model of culture and conservation.

Community members should have access to the necessary education and involvement resources in order to allow them the ability to apply social pressure when neighbors are making unfavorable environmental decisions. A venue in which to approach neighbors is necessary to this model. Community members who can apply pressure must have access to those who do not follow rules to provide consistent pressure and discussion.

Creating family influence begins with the development of a community conservation ethic. Again, a conservation agency or similar program should employ a children’s education program to begin a love of and sense of place, encourage low impact recreation, and provide knowledge about the value of a common pool resource. Children can bring these experiences home and then into their adulthood and continue them with their future children. A generational model, although time consuming, creates a stable appreciation and protection of a common pool resource. Family influence over decision- making (activities, building choices, protection of the environment) is important to note and take advantage of in creating pro-environmental outcomes. Families should also be encouraged to spend more time within the common pool resource and discourage the use 49 of renters as extra income. Short-term renters, unless bound by a strict contract to behave in accordance, will not have the proper amount of time to develop that community’s values, rules, and expectations around environmental behavior.

Each community considering this model of conservation must clearly define their environmental goals around their common pool resources. The Squam community was able to do this within the 1991 Watershed Plan in a community and municipal development format. A similar document should be created in a similar fashion to define goals, values, and desires for the future.

This study raises various questions not yet answered by the specific research conducted here. I did not anticipate the need for extensive time spent with the community and regret the absence of more specific results around pro-environmental behaviors.

Simply explaining the culture took over the allocated time and resources for my research.

I assumed subjects would fully qualify the behavior topic and did not have success. I believe a quantitative survey portion to this study would better address pro-environmental behaviors specifically.. The scope of this research did not allow for a more detailed understanding of what pro-environmental behaviors occur specifically and continuously in the community. An addition of a quantitative study of such behaviors would add to this research and bolster its importance to the conservation science community.

Overall, this research suggests that ideal outcomes for common pool resources are found in communities that have wealth, utilize family influence, adhere to social values and pressure, employ community development, and develop a conservation ethic or ethos overtime. Although the Squam Lakes Watershed is a specific, small community these methods of conservation and culture could certainly take root with help in other 50 communities or common pool resources. Leadership and community involvement are key to these outcomes. The Squam community demonstrates an exceptional culture of conservation due to the presence of a conservation ethic or ethos, social values and pressure, community development, wealth, and family influence. The presence of these encourages pro-environmental behavior (low impact housing, low impact recreation, volunteerism for monitoring) through decision-making and leadership constraints on community members. All of which can be transferred to other communities.

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Appendix A

Appendix B

1. How do you participate in conservation, if at all? What does it mean to engage in

conservation to you?

2. Please describe your view of the culture at Squam around natural spaces and life on the

lake.

3. How did your interests, if any, in conservation begin? Recreation? Property value?

Because you care about the people who live at Squam?

4. Do you believe conservation is an essential part of your cultural norm at Squam?

5. Is it easy for you to participate in or support conservation at Squam? If so, why?

6. Do you feel social pressure to participate in or support conservation efforts at Squam?

7. What would you say are the rules of conduct regarding conservation at Squam? Are

they influential?

a. Question regarding opinions and certain behaviors such as: the application of

fertilizer/pesticides on lawn, landscaping, vegetative buffers, structure setback,

lack of paved driveways, restriction of permanent (dug-in) docks, other topics

as presented by interviewee

8. Would you be more likely to support or participate in conservation if it meant working

collectively with your old friends or to make new friends?

9. Do you usually want to cooperate with others to future conservation at Squam? Would

you want to punish or exclude those who do not?

10. Do you believe people have a special concern for the environment, their social

responsibility, or their own needs/desires when participating in or supporting

conservation efforts at Squam?